مجله جامعه شناسی سیاسی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 14 (بهار و تابستان 1398)

One of the most prominent source of radicalism is the feeling of dissatisfaction and failure which can bring about tendency to antagonism and establishing Us and Others based on similarities and differences. Definition of these two fronts are dynamic and can be varied based on the level of radicalism; the more radical stance is taken, the narrower Us and the broader Others are made. Main goal of this paper is to study the effect of radical right attitude toward Arabs on the rise of Jewish Neo-Nazi groups in Israel. This study is conducted using ex post facto method. In this article, Russian cost as one of the most dissatisfied groups in Israel is studies. Therefore, rise of Yisrael Beiteinu lead by Avigdor Liberman is analyzed, followed by examining different aspects of Russian dissatisfaction. It should be said that Russians show high tendency toward Yisrael Beiteinu which is originally Russian. The above political party, similar to its leader, is a pioneer in making Arabs Others and unifying Us. It should be said that advocating such antagonism is like two-bladed sword; on one hand, it makes mobilization in short term while on the other hand and in long term, it has nothing but stereotype otherness inside Zionist society. This paper shows that the above-mentioned othering will be at its maximum level in developing situation before burst of war flames in order to gain support and make mobilization followed by its corresponding side-effects which is racial attacks against Israelis by Jewish Neo-Nazi groups.

In recent years, violence against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar has attracted Public opinion attention. So the question always has been considered, what is the cause of divulge, catastrophic violence against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar? The hypothesis of the article, which has been examined by descriptive-analytic method, is that the identity conflict between Rohingya Muslims and Burmese nationalists associated with political concerns also plays an important role in the incidence of genocide in Myanmar. Although it is important to study this issue because of the sensitivity of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Muslims around the world, but in terms of research, this issue has been less addressed in Iran. For this reason, writing this article can be considered important. The findings of this paper show that whenever social gaps, assume color and smell of politics the chances of activating these gaps in the form of the occurrence of bloody conflicts increases. The actual translation of this proposition is that the mentality of Myanmar's nationalists, Based on the Muslims attempts in this country to create an Islamic state based on the Arakan kingdom, Caused their violent reaction to the Rohingya Muslims.

The Arab uprisings that swept across all Arab countries in MENA, except for Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, in early 2011 have a great impression on their international Agencies. According to the reactions and results of uprisings, states could be divided into four parts. First, the Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Morocco could ride the uprising wave in their homes and to somewhat utilized these events in favor of their national interests. Second, Tunisia and Egypt experienced a superficial revolution which is called Refolution (reformist revolution); in this case, remnants of the last system in the shape of a deep state challenge revolutionary flows and then by a coup d'etat or a fraud in election system returned to power. Third, Bahrain and Syria are alike from governing minority on the majority and foreign inventions on democratic and legal crowd demand perspective. Finally, the Yemen and Libya Uprisings have some commonalities like breaking out civil war, leading public demands to the violation, radical Islamic groups’ actions and so on that brought about a general situation in which these states collapsed. I believe that both of Yemen and Libya suffered from lack of society-state complex before erupting revolts. I will try to study some common elements in starting and conducting 2011 uprisings within Yemen and Libya behind Historical Sociology lenses.

A comparison of the role of ideology in the process of the revolutionary movement in Iran and Nicaragua is the central issue. In this regard, he argues that these two revolutions introduced a new type of revolution that led to a revision of the views of the revolution. To the extent that the role of ideology in these revolutions has attracted the attention of the thinkers of this field to cultural elements in explaining the revolution. The comparative-comparative study method is presented and its information is provided from available analytical-theoretical data. The result of this article is that the revolutions in Iran and Nicaragua, like other other revolutions, have many aspects of sharing and differentiating.As a result of the research, it argued that despite the differences in the ground and even the differences in the content of ideology in the two revolutions, the role of ideology in mass mobilization in the two countries is very similar.

After the coup d'état of 1332, and the closure of the political space and the limitation of the activities of the student movement in Iran, relative freedom of the early 1340s provided an opportunity to rebuild and re-engage in the student movement in Iran. At this time, the student movement was moving toward radicalization due to the political repression of the 1330s, the frustration of the methods of reforming and ruling the guerrilla struggles in some Third World countries. Some political parties and political groups such as the National Front, the Tudeh Party, traditional clerics and religious intellectuals have tried to define legitimate, planned and resistance identities and encourage students to accept the effectiveness of reform efforts. The issue that the students in response to legitimate, planned and resistance identities of the National Front, the Tudeh Party, traditional clerics and religious intellectuals reacted to in the 1940s is what the paper is seeking to investigate. The authors of this article, using the Castells' theoretical framework, found that the non-conformance of legitimate, planned, and resilient identities with the expectations of students caused rejection or presentation of different interpretations by them. The method used in the comparative text is.

In the current world, the media have been able to combine the boundaries of entertainment, information and politics with the use of representations. Hollywood cinema is one of the media that, using the representation, eliminated the boundary between simulation and reality, and the result of this interconnectedness, as the hyperreality, has come to fruition. With this in mind, it can be argued that Hollywood cinema and the domination of its codes can be the main source of creation of the hyperreality. As Hollywood, as an effective actor in US foreign policy, sought to redefine the concept of a new enemy after the collapse of communism Hollywood's attempt to make anti-Iranian and anti-Islamic films, Production of such movies have raised many questions for the scholars, such as how Hollywood’s actions reflects and emphasizes the image of Iran and Islam throughout the world, and how this reflection impacts the mind of the viewers. The basis of this article is the 22-episode series Madam Secretary. The identification of symbols is conducted in this paper using John Fiske three-layer analysis. The result of the analysis of this film is about two representations; In the beginning, we can see American efforts to encode and represent the political representation of Middle Eastern countries and in the next stage, peace talks with Iran have been drawn up to prevent war and help peace and global security in the series, which is, in the end, the reality of the "fact" made according to the codes for the audience

Sahwa (Awakening) or Salafi Movement discourse, with special attention to politics and social problems, was born as the result of reflection on SalafiWahabist discourse and relationship with Muslim Brotherhood discourse in the Saudi Arabia social context and it spread in other Arab societies. Emphasizing the revitalization of the role of religion in society and politics, this discourse tries to compete with Shiite Islamic discourse. Its master signifier is "consolidation of Sharia" and its other signifiers are "obvious denial of the forbidden", "real fiqeh" and "anti-secularism". Its aim has been to break the monopoly of formal Wahabi discourse and dealing with politics and Islamization of society. This discourse managed to challenge the master-signifier of SalafiiWahabi discourse which is manifested in "obedience" for rulers and entered strong strikes on signification structure of formal discourse.Although Sahwa could not become hegemonic at the political stage and the rival discourses deconstruct its signifiers and prevented from articulating its signifiers by soft and hard measures but it got validity and accessibility in the socio-cultural life-world of Sunni Muslims and caused the emergence of Jihadi, Scientific and JamiehSalafi discourses. The aim of this article is to examine the formation and emergence of Sahwa discourse, its conflict with formal WahabiSalafi discourse and the reason for its failure in gaining hegemony, in spite of its high potential. The research method is Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis.

A large part of the chronic shortages that Afghanistan is suffering from is a reference to the weakness of the government. Historical evidence has shown that the government in Afghanistan has consistently been unable to exercise empirical sovereignty. In this country, the government has come into conflict with foreign actors rather than seeking to locate threats outside of the country. Governments that have been created since September 11th have not been included in this, and the United Nations support policies have failed to break the violent breakdown of government in that country. This paper seeks to answer the question of which areas, conditions and factors contributing to the failure of the government in post-communist Afghanistan have been effective? The hypothesis of the article, which has been examined by descriptive-analytic method, is that the reduction of political power, the high level of political violence, the low level of socio-political cohesion, the existence of systematic chaos, which was one of the most prominent features of Afghanistan throughout history, is one of the factors that the government The post-Taliban have put the failed state of the past in a state of choice

This essay is discussing the intelligence power of Sayed Hasan Nasrallah the general-secretary of Hezbollah in confronting his opponents, and it answers the following question “What is the intelligence power that Sayed Hasan Nasrallah use in confronting the opponents?” To answer this question, the Qualitative research “analyzing documents” and collecting data by “taking notes” has been used. The result of this research, indicated that Sayed Hasan Nasrallah integrates two types of power in his confrontation “the hard power and the soft power” with one extra method of these two ways “transactional leadership and Inspiration” which Commensurate with the opponents’ conditions “in and out opponents” “The Hard power” is used by recruiting his political and arrangement skills in his speeches in “Resistance Day” occasion since 2000-2018, in confrontation his opponents. However, the soft power was used by brightening three abilities “Emotional Integellience”, the ability of “communicating” and estimating the situation “, and by using the environmental intelligence (the intelligence that fits the audience environment) in confronting his opponents. In confrontation opponents field, he used “the hard power and the transactional leadership” more than the other skills. However, in the soft power field, he used the “Against inspiration” way to confront his opponents.

From the second half of the twenty centuries ,the Islam world consists of Arab countries,has witnessed the emergence of Islamist movement and trends that dominate most Muslim countries. One of the challenging topics related to Arab revolutions that notice the scholars are “the role of religion and religion trends on the revolutions. The main question of this research is to find “How was the role of the religion in formation trends of 2011 Arab revolutions and what’s its role in Arab world changes in comparison of other religion trends. Therefore,in this research, in order to investigate the role of religion in Arab revolutions(Case study: Egypt and Libya)and its place as a conceptual danwei consists investigating of idealogy,leadership and organizations .the research method is qualitative (descriptive-comparative)type. According to the finding of study we concluded that due to the special so socio-cultural context of the Arabic society,the presence of religion and Islamification with democratic. Occurring the Arab revolution can not be denied. Definitely,it can be said that the religion as a secondary factor,has an important role along side other non-religious trends. In fact, these signs have a "post-Islamist" policy. A policy that seeks to combine freedom with religion and endeavors to integrate a democratic state with a religious community and eliminate the basics of extremism, which is rooted in the evolution of democracy and the modern changes of Arab societies.

Current paper aims at finding significant relationship between efficiency of an actor and its deterrence capacity against external competitors and opponents. The hypothesis is that efficiency leads to increased social legitimacy and ultimately strengthens the strategic culture. Such culture also would influence the actor’s strategic behaviours including deterrence that any disturbance in the relationship between the actor and his supporters, which reduces his social legitimacy, is effective in deterrence against the external enemy. With focus on relationship between Hezbollah – Lebanese people and status of this relationship in strategic assessment of Israel about Hezbollah, this paper attempts to establish a significant relationship between efficiency of this movement and its deterrence capability emphasizing the consequences of the Syrian crisis on Lebanon. The decline in Hezbollah's efficiency is one of the strategies of the United States and Israel to distort Lebanon's relations with Hezbollah. The imposition of financial and banking sanctions against Hezbollah, which also affects the Lebanese people, is defined below this strategy. Analytical – descriptive research method was used and data were collected using library sources.

Minimal political liberalization or democracy is not the same as maximalist and institutionalized democracy and does not lead to the necessity, consolidation and institutionalization of democracy. Achieving this goal requires favorable conditions and opportunities in the structure of power and sovereignty and political and civil actors. This research is based on an analytical-explanatory research method and a socio-political approach in the framework of structure-agent structural theory and with the aim of analyzing the roots and challenges of political liberalization in Jordan. The process which began with the economic crisis and social movements of the middle classes and the masses in Jordan since 1989, and was stirred by the Arab Spring. While it is unrealistic to overlook some of Jordan's early progress on democracy, it still faces major challenges and shortcomings. The most important research question is, "What have been the major political and social obstacles or challenges facing the political liberalization process in Jordan in the last three decades?" The research hypothesis is that the process of political liberalization in Jordan has led to some changes in the structure of power, political leadership, social movements, and democratic civil and political actors that distinguish the political system from the Persian Gulf monarchies. However, they also face significant structural, and non-structural challenges, shortcomings, and obstacles: weak political will in the rule, elite domination and dominance of traditional-tribal government and actors in the structure of political power, institutionalization of the culture of allegiance among masses , and political and ideological gaps among protesters and social forces and actors.