فهرست مطالب

پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران - سال نهم شماره 21 (تابستان 1398)
  • سال نهم شماره 21 (تابستان 1398)
  • تاریخ انتشار: 1398/06/01
  • تعداد عناوین: 12
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  • مرضیه زارع خلیلی، حامد وحدتی نسب*، علیرضا هژبری نوبری، باربارا هلوینگ صفحات 7-22

    در دوره ی نوسنگی، در منطقه ی خاورنزدیک ساخت پیکرک های گلی به شکل انسان و حیوان رایج شد که رواج آن، ابتدا در هلال حاصلخیزی و سپس با فاصله ی کوتاهی در نقاط مختلف خاورنزدیک رخ داد. فراوانی پیکرک ها در محوطه های نوسنگی، نشانه ی اهمیت این آثار در نزد این جوامع است. در سبک ساخت و حالت پیکرک ها، در نواحی جغرافیایی یاد شده، اشتراکاتی دیده می شود. یکی از فرم های مشترک، فرم پیکرک های انسانی به صورت نشسته است که از دوره ی نوسنگی، آغاز و در محوطه های متعدد خاورنزدیک یافت شده است. سبک پیکرک های انسانی به شکل نشسته در دوره ی پارینه سنگی جدید رواج نداشته و از دوره ی نوسنگی است که مورد توجه قرار گرفته است. این نوشتار در پی آن است که در نگاهی کلی به ترسیم نقشه ی پراکنش جغرافیایی پیکرک های انسانی به حالت نشسته در دوره ی نوسنگی خاورنزدیک با افزودن داده های به دست آمده از ایران بپردازد. گستره ی زمانی مطالعه از اوایل دوره ی نوسنگی تا دوره ی گذار مس و سنگ را دربر می گیرد. هدف اصلی این پژوهش دستیابی به چگونگی ارتباط شکلی و نوع نمایش در پیکرک های محوطه های خاورنزدیک در دوره ی نوسنگی است. پرسش محوری این پژوهش این است که پیکرک سازی دوره ی نوسنگی در هر محوطه تنها در پی تجربیات فردی و محلی بوده و یا در کنار تبادلات فرهنگی، فرم پیکرک ها نیز انتشار یافته و تبادل شده است؟ داده های این پژوهش براساس مطالعات موزه ایی و منابع کتابخانه ایی جمع آوری و مورد قیاس تطبیقی قرار گرفته است. شیوه ی تجزیه و تحلیل اطلاعات از گونه ی کیفی بوده است. از نظر ماهیت، پژوهش در دسته ی پژوهش های تاریخی-فرهنگی قرار می گیرد. نتیجه ی حاصل شده نشان می دهد، سبک پیکرک های انسانی به حالت نشسته از دوره ی نوسنگی (حدود هزاره ی نهم قبل ازمیلاد) تا اوایل مس و سنگ جغرافیایی بزرگی از لوانت تا قفقاز از یک سو و تا شمال شرق مرکز فلات ایران از سوی دیگر، را دربر گرفته است. برمبنای همزمانی تقریبی انتشار محصولات اهلی شده و رواج پیکرک های انسانی و حیوانی از گل و تکرار برخی فرم های مشترک از جمله پیکرک های انسانی به حالت نشسته با پاهای دراز شده، به نظر می رسد علاوه بر انتشار ایده ی پیکرک سازی، برخی فرم ها نیز انتشار یافته و تبادل شده است.

    کلیدواژگان: پیکرک، پیکرک های نشسته، پیکرک های خاورنزدیک، پیکرک های نوسنگی، پیکرک های انسانی
  • مرتضی حصاری* صفحات 23-40

    رود ارس و انشعابات آن با گذشتن از سرتاسر دشت مغان، شرایط زیست محیطی مناسبی برای تشکیل استقرارگاه های انسانی فراهم نموده است. شرایط مختلف طبیعی، خاک مناسب و مراتع غنی، استقرارگاه های انسانی در دوره های مختلف فرهنگی-تاریخی را پذیرا بوده است. در این محدوده به دلیل ساخت وساز و تسطیح بسیار گسترده ی اراضی دشت مغان توسط ادارات مختلف، سازمان ها، نهادها و کشاورزان، این محوطه ها بخشی از بین رفته و بخشی که باقی مانده، در معرض نابودی قراردارند؛ ازجمله محوطه های در معرض نابودی، تپه ایدیر است که در سال 1383 ش. در فصل دوم بررسی باستان شناسی دشت مغان شناسایی شد. از اهداف مهم این پژوهش، معرفی و تحلیل یافته های این محوطه است. تپه ایدیر از لحاظ قدمت به عنوان اولین محوطه ی دوره ی مس وسنگ در این ناحیه بود، چنان که پیش از شناسایی این تپه، تنها چند محوطه ی عصرآهن و دوره ی تاریخی در این ناحیه معرفی شده بود؛ با این وصف، مطالعه ی محوطه ی مذکور امری ضروری به نظر می رسد؛ چراکه از یک سوی اطلاعات پیش ازتاریخی از این محوطه کسب می گردد و سوی دیگر وضعیت گاهنگاری حوزه ی مورد مطالعه بازنگری می شود. روش پژوهش جستار پیش رو بر مبنای یافته های بررسی نظام مند و کاوش لایه نگاری استوار بوده و سعی شده است که به برخی از پرسش های مطرح شده در کنار گونه شناسی سفال ها، پاسخ مناسب داده شود. پرسش های این پژوهش شامل: چگونگی تغییرات فناوری و تزئینی سفال های مس وسنگ ایدیر و همچنین چگونگی وضعیت نفوذ فرهنگ عبید در این محوطه است؟ با وجود سفال های فرهنگ دالما در مجموعه یافته های ایدیر، جایگاه این فرهنگ در این محوطه چگونه است؟ فرهنگ بومی چه تاثیراتی بر تولیدات سفالی دارد؟ و در انتها، پژوهش حاضر با فرض این موضوع که سفال های مس وسنگ ایدیر الگوی بومی دارند و همراه با تعاملاتی که داشته، در یک برهم کنش فرهنگی، دارای سنت سفالگری یکسان با مناطق نواحی همجوار خود است؛ موضوعی که نتایج بررسی سفال مس وسنگ ایدیر آن را تایید می نماید.

    کلیدواژگان: مس وسنگ، دالما، دشت مغان، تپه ایدیر
  • اکبر عابدی*، رعنا بهره مندی پورفرد، افراسیاب گراوند، فاطمه ملک پور، مهدی رازانی صفحات 41-60

    با توجه به اهمیت ابزارهای سنگی و به خصوص ابزارهای ابسیدینی به جای مانده از دوران پیش ازتاریخ و کمبود مطالعه برروی منابع ابزارهای ابسیدینی در شمال غرب ایران، این پژوهش درنظر دارد تا به منشایابی ابزارهای ابسیدینی 9 محوطهی پیش ازتاریخ دشت خوی بپردازد. با توجه به ساختار شیمیایی ابسیدین قابل منشایابی بوده و از طریق آن می توان تجارت های دوربرد و چگونگی مبادلات اقوام پیش از تاریخ را در بخش های مختلف غرب آسیا که مورد نظر این تحقیق است، بازسازی نمود. از آنجایی که تنها معادن ابسیدین شناسایی شده در غرب آسیا، در نواحی آناتولی و قفقاز مستقر است و برخی نمونه های به دست آمده از نواحی دیگر، به خصوص ایران به دلیل عدم مطالعات منشایابی و شناسایی منابع اصلی و دیگر معادن بومی موجود تاکنون به صورت مجهول باقی مانده اند، در این پژوهش سعی بر آن است تا با آنالیز نمونه های به دست آمده از محوطه های پیش ازتاریخ دشت خوی، به قسمتی از ابهامات موجود در زمینه ی منشایابی ابسیدین در شمال غرب ایران از جمله پرسش هایی نظیر این که، منشا اصلی ابزارهای ابسیدینی محوطه های پیش ازتاریخی دشت خوی از کدام منابع تامین می شده است؟ و آیا معدن سیونیک و میدان داغ منبع اصلی تامین ابسیدین منطقه بوده است یا خیر؟ و چرایی استفاده از این منابع اصلی پاسخ داده شود. مطالعات انجام شده در این پژوهش به روش تجربی-آزمایشگاهی است که به صورت انجام آنالیزهای علمی (با روش XRF) برروی نمونه های برداشت شده حاصل از بررسی های میدانی انجام شده است. به دلیل سرعت بالای آنالیز عنصری، روش آنالیز فلورسانس اشعه ی ایکس XRF برروی 38 نمونه ی ابسیدین محوطه های دشت خوی انجام پذیرفت و روشن ساخت که از کدام منابع به صورت غالب در هر محوطه استفاده شده و منبع عرضه کننده ی ابسیدین در هر یک از محوطه ها و در هر دوره کدام منابع هستند. همچنین این پژوهش نشان داد که نمونه های ابسیدین مورد آنالیز، از 9 معدن متفاوت به دست آمده اند که عبارتنداز: میدان داغی، سیونیک، ساخونیات، سوپحان داغ، قوتانسر، آرتنی، تندورکداغ و نمرودداغ و تنها یکی از معادن ناشناخته است. براساس نتایج حاصله از داده های تحقیق می توان گفت؛ معدن میدان داغی با 15 نمونه و سپس معدن سیونیک با 8 نمونه، منابع اصلی تامین ابسیدین محوطه های پیش ازتاریخ دشت خوی بوده اند. نتایج حاصل از منشایابی نهایی ابسیدین های دشت خوی نشان دهنده ی شبکه ای گسترده از تجارت فرامنطقه ای در دوران مس وسنگ و مفرغ شمال غرب ایران با شرق آناتولی و منطقه ی قفقاز است.

    کلیدواژگان: دشت خوی، ابسیدین، منشایابی، XRF، میدان داغ، سیونیک، تجارت فرامنطقه ای
  • نصیر اسکندری* صفحات 61-78

    در پی دوازده فصل کاوش باستان شناسی در محوطه ی شهداد توسط علی حاکمی و میرعابدین کابلی، مشخص گردید که محوطه ی شهداد یک مرکز بزرگ و مهم شهری از عصر مفرغ در فلات ایران بوده است. پس از گذشت نیم قرن از آغاز کاوش های شهداد، زمان آن رسیده است تا با شناخت امروزی از باستان شناسی جنوب شرق ایران، نگاهی نو به محوطه ی شهداد و اشیاء به دست آمده از آن بیاندازیم. در اینجا به ارزیابی نتایج کاوش های محوطه ی شهداد و به طور ویژه به گورها، سفال و اشیاء سنگی آن پرداخته شده است. یکی از اهداف اصلی این پژوهش این بود تا موقعیت تمامی گورها به طور دقیق مشخص گردد؛ همچنین گاهنگاری درون استقراری شهداد مشخص شود تا ارتباط گاهنگاری بخش های مختلف کاوش شده معین شود. در این راستا، در این پژوهش دو پرسش اساسی مطرح گردید؛ نخست این که، براساس گاهنگاری مقایسه ای، به طور کلی محوطه ی شهداد به چه دوره تعلق دارد و هر بخش از شهر عصر مفرغی نیز مربوط به چه دوره ای است؟ پرسش دوم این که، براساس نمونه های سفالی و سنگی برهمکنش های فرهنگی منطقه ای و فرامنطقه ای شهر عصر مفرغی شهداد به چه صورت بوده است؟ براساس مطالعه ی داده های به دست آمده از کاوش ها، شهر شهداد در نیمه ی دوم هزاره ی سوم قبل ازمیلاد و به ویژه اواخر این هزاره، دارای نزدیکی فرهنگی با دیگر محوطه های جنوب شرق ایران از دشت سیستان گرفته تا حوزه ی فرهنگی هلیل رود و حوضه ی رود بمپور بوده است. این پژوهش نیز نشان داد که شهداد با مناطق مختلف خاور نزدیک و میانه از بین النهرین و جنوب غرب ایران تا آسیای مرکزی و دره ی سند و جنوب خلیج فارس نشان در ارتباط بوده است. درنهایت جایگاه و اهمیت باستان شناسی محوطه ی شهداد به عنوان یکی از مراکز شهری اولیه در فلات ایران در چرخه ی برهمکنش هزاره ی سوم قبل ازمیلاد جنوب غرب آسیا مورد بررسی قرار گرفت.

    کلیدواژگان: جنوب شرق ایران، محوطه ی شهداد، گورستان، سفال، اشیاء سنگی
  • حسن باصفا*، محمد صادق داوری صفحات 79-96

    روابط بین فرهنگی دوره ی مفرغ، موضوعی است که با آنالیز و مطالعه ی دست ساخته ها در رویکردی تطبیقی قابل درک است. حوزه ی فرهنگی خراسان به واسطه ی قرارگیری در مسیر ارتباطی شرق به غرب، اهمیت ویژه ای را داراست؛ هر چند که به دلیل عدم مطالعات «منطقه ی سفید باستان شناسی» نام گرفته است. در سال های اخیر به واسطه پژوهش های جدید ابعاد کوچکی از اهمیت این حوزه آشکار شده به درک چرایی فرهنگ همجوار کمک قابل توجهی نموده است. بین بوم های فرهنگی خراسان، نیشابور اهمیت ویژه ای دارد؛ چرا که موقعیت مکانی آن نیز سبب گسترش ویژه ی جوامع انسانی در دوره ی مفرغ گشته است. در این راستا بنیان پژوهشی این نوشتار بر نماد شناسی، تفسیر و مطالعه ی تطبیقی دست ساخته ی نقره ای است که از محوطه ی شهرک فیروز ه ی دشت نیشابور در سال 1387 ش. به دست آمده است. بررسی منشا فرهنگی و شمایل نگاری نقوش موجود بر اثر مذکور، درک فرآیند تجمیع نقوش مربوط به نظام های فرهنگی متعدد در یک منطقه و برروی یک اثر و ارزیابی جایگاه این نقوش از مهم ترین پرسش های پژوهش حاضر است. در پاسخی کلی به  پرسش ها می توان گفت ک  این اثر کالایی شان زا است که شمایل نگاری آن نشان از برهم کنش خراسان با مهم ترین کانون های فرهنگی مجاور خود در دوره ی مفرغ آسیای جنوب غربی ازجمله فرهنگ کرمان در جنوب شرق و بلخ-مرو در آسیای میانه دارد. در این پژوهش نیز تلاش می شود با رویکرد شمایل نگاری نقوش اثر مورد مطالعه، جایگاه هنری و اساطیری این نقوش ابتدا بیان و سپس منشا این نقوش در فرهنگ های همجوار خراسان و دلیل تجمیع این نقوش به صورت یک اثر ترکیبی برروی ظرف نقره ای محوطه ی شهرک فیروزه مورد ارزیابی قرار گیرد. به نظر می رسد برخی از نقوش مورد مطالعه ، نماد مشترک فرهنگ های مذکور محسوب شده و به احتمال، طی یک فرآیند ایدئولوژیک فراگیر، در شمایل نگاری اثر شهرک فیروزه ی نیشابور نقش شده است.

    کلیدواژگان: جاده ی خراسان بزرگ، محوطه ی شهرک فیروزه، دوره ی مفرغ، شمایل نگاری، نمادهای بین فرهنگی
  • مصطفی رستمی*، سید رسول موسوی حاجی، حنان افشار صفحات 97-114
    پیکره های ترکیبی، موجوداتی اساطیری هستند که در اسطوره های هر تمدن کهن، نمونه ای از آن ها دیده می شود. آن ها ترکیبی از دو یا چند موجود واقعی در طبیعت هستند. نمونه هایی از این پیکره ها، به عنوان آرایه های بخش قدامی ریتون هایی از جنس عاج که در شهر باستانی نسا، نخستین پایتخت اشکانیان کاوش گردیدند، به کار رفته اند. سه گونه پیکره ی ترکیبی در بخش قدامی تعداد قابل توجهی از ریتون ها به چشم می خورد. نخستین دسته گریفون های شیرسان، موجوداتی ترکیبی از شیر و عقاب هستند که در هنر هخامنشی نمونه های بسیاری از آن ها دیده می شود. دسته ی دوم پیکره های ورزا-مرد، موجودات نیمه انسان و نیمه گاو کوهان دار، و دسته ی سوم سنتورها هستند، مخلوقات نیمه انسان-نیمه اسب و نام آشنای اسطوره های یونانی. هر سه دسته با ویژگی های نوظهور پیکرنگارانه در میان نقش مایه های ایران باستان، ساغر ریتون های نسا را نگاه داشته اند. پژوهش حاضر به روش تاریخی-توصیفی و با رویکرد اسطوره شناسی تطبیقی انجام شده و در گردآوری داده ها از شیوه ی کتابخانه ای بهره برده است. این نوشتار می کوشد با مقایسه ی تطبیقی اسطوره های ایرانی و یونانی مرتبط با پیکرک های ریتون های نسا و با بررسی مفاهیم و نمادهای مشترک میان آن ها، به این پرسش ها پاسخ دهد که کدام اسطوره ها در شکل دهی به این پیکرک ها تاثیرگذار بوده اند؟ و آن ها چه مفاهیم مشترکی را بازنمود می کنند؟ نتایج پژوهش حاکی از آن است که نقش مایه ی سنتور برگرفته از اسطوره های یونان، ورزا-مرد، تحت تاثیر اسطوره های هر دو سرزمین و گریفون شیرسان متاثر از نمونه های هخامنشی می باشد. مفاهیم مرتبط با این نقش مایه ها، باروری، جاودانگی، پهلوانی و تمدن آفرینی هستند که همگی در عین حال با انگیزه کاربرد ریتون ها نیز پیوند دارند. با درنظر گرفتن این پیکرک ها به عنوان پدیده های فرهنگی دوران اشکانی و مطالعه ی آن ها، می توان به یک پس زمینه ی نزدیک به واقعیت از باورهای ایدئولوژیکی اشکانیان دست یافت که در نتیجه ی التقاط فرهنگی از یک سو، و بازگشت به سنت های ایرانی از سوی دیگر، وارد مرحله ی جدیدی می شدند.
    کلیدواژگان: پیکره ی ترکیبی، ریتون، سنتور، گریفون شیرسان، ورزا-مرد
  • محمدرضا نعمتی*، فریبا شریفیان، علی صدرایی صفحات 115-129
    سکه ها اسناد و مدارک ارزشمندی از تاریخ و فرهنگ و هنر و مذهب ایران در دوره های قبل و بعد از اسلام هستند که در کاوش ها و مطالعات باستان شناسی جهت تاریخ گذاری دارای اهمیت زیادی هستند. استفاده از این اسناد بخش مهمی از مطالعات تاریخی ایران در دوره های اشکانی و ساسانی را تشکیل می دهند و همانند کتیبه ها و نقش برجسته ها بسیاری از مسائل تاریخی را متبادر می کند. در کاوش های باستان شناسی محوطه ی باستانی ولیران آثاری از دوره های اشکانی و ساسانی کشف گردید. از مهم ترین یافته های کاوش در این محوطه تعداد هفت سکه از گورستان مربوط به دوره ی اشکانی و هشت سکه از داخل معماری متعلق به دوره ی ساسانی بود. از آنجایی که سکه های دوره های اشکانی و ساسانی دارای کتیبه و نقش های مختلفی هستند، مطالعه و خواندن آن ها می تواند اطلاعات ارزنده ای درخصوص نام شاهان و شکل ظاهری آن ها، محل ضرب سکه ها، القاب و عناوین، مذهب و به طورکل تاریخ گذاری دقیق تری از محوطه ارائه دهد. پژوهش حاضر برمبنای مطالعه و خواندن سکه های مکشوف از کاوش های محوطه ی تاریخی ولیران گذارده شده تا از این طریق بتوان خلاء های علمی را درخصوص دوره های اشکانی و ساسانی که به واسطه ی عدم کاوش باستان شناختی در منطقه ی شمال فلات مرکزی و به ویژه منطقه ی دماوند به وجود آمده را تا حدودی جبران کرد. این پژوهش به روش توصیفی و با تکیه بر کاوش های میدانی، مطالعات کتابخانه ای و با کمک از دانش زبان های باستانی جهت پاسخ به پرسش هایی همچون، گورستان اشکانی و قلعه ی ساسانی محوطه ولیران در زمان کدام یک از شاهان دوره های اشکانی و ساسانی و به مدت چند سال مورد استفاده قرار گرفته است؟ سکه های مکشوف دارای چه ویژگی هایی و سبک شناسی آن ها چیست؟ به انجام رسیده است. نتایج حاصل از مطالعه ی سکه ها نشان می دهد که اشکانیان از دوره ی مهرداد دوم تا ارد اول در حدود 100 سال اشکانیان از گورستان ولیران جهت دفن اموات خود استفاده کرده اند و تقریبا پس از 500 سال وقفه ، ساسانیان در زمان خسرو اول با ساخت قلعه ای در این محل مستقر شده اند.
    کلیدواژگان: سکه، اشکانی، ساسانی، ولیران، دماوند
  • یونس یوسف وند*، فرشاد میری صفحات 131-150

    بخش جنوب غربی استان لرستان که با نام طرحان (طرهان) شناخته می شود، در دوره ی ساسانی و سده های آغازین اسلامی بخشی از ایالت مهرجان قذق به شمار می رفته است. این ناحیه یکی از مناطق مهم در مطالعات باستان شناسی اواخر دوره ی ساسانی و سده های آغازین اسلامی است. حدود تقریبی این ولایت حدفاصل دو رودخانه ی سیمره و کشکان را دربر می گیرد. چهارتاقی موسوم به «کلک تمرخو» در این منطقه و در بخش «کوهنانی» شهرستان کوهدشت در فاصله ی 20 کیلومتری محوطه های شاخص دوره ی ساسانی در حوضه ی سد «سیمره» قرار دارد. این چهارتاقی در واقع بخشی از محوطه ی بزرگ تری به نام «چیا کلک تمرخو» است که با استفاده از مصالح لاشه سنگ و ملات گچ نیم کوب ساخته شده است. مطالعه انجام شده در این بنا نشان می دهد که این چهارتاقی، هسته ی اصلی باقی مانده از آتشکده ای با نقشه ی چلیپایی و چهار جرز سنگی، راهروهای پیرامون، پیشخوان، بقایای سکوی آتشدان و فضای میانسرا است که بر سطح هموار یک تپه ی طبیعی ساخته شده است؛ ضمن آن که تعدادی اتاق در پایین دست آن وجود دارد که به احتمال زیاد مرتبط با این چهارتاقی هستند. در مقاله ی پیش رو تلاش بر آن است تا برمبنای یافته های باستان شناختی، ضمن معرفی عناصر و فضاهای معماری مکشوف ی چهارتاقی تمرخو، به تحلیل و مقایسه ی این یافته ها با دیگر نمونه های مشابه به منظور پاسخ به پرسش هایی مطرح در مورد تاریخ برپایی آن، جایگاه و مرتبه ی آتش مورد پرستش در آن و همچنین شباهت های آن با دیگر بناهای همزمان پرداخته شود. نتایج تحقیق نشان می دهد آتشکده ی تمرخو در دوره ی ساسانی ساخته شده و در آن آتش آدران (یا آتش محلی) پرستش می شده است. این آتشکده از لحاظ پلان و فضاهای معماری، بیشترین شباهت را با آتشکده ی قلعه کهزاد رومشگان دارد؛ با این وجود، دارای شباهت هایی با برخی از آتشکده های غرب ایران، مانند آتشکده های: شیان، میل میله گه، چن ژیه نیز هست.

    کلیدواژگان: دوره ی ساسانی، آتشکده، طرحان، چیا کلک تمرخو
  • خلیل الله بیک محمدی* صفحات 151-172
    یکی از آثار شاخص به جامانده در مجموعه ی آثار تاریخی بیستون، بنایی ست موسوم به «کاروانسرای ایلخانی» که برروی دیوارهای کاخ نیمه تمام ساسانی ساخته شده است؛ این بنا در دوره ی ایلخانی به کاروانسرا تبدیل و بعد از مدتی کوتاه به یک باره تخریب و متروک می گردد که از مسئله های بحث برانگیز حیات تاریخی آن است. در ادوار واپسین دوران اسلامی -بالاخص در دوره ی قاجار و پهلوی- ، ساخت وسازهایی برروی مخروبه های این کاروانسرا صورت گرفته که از این رهگذر به شالوده ی اصلی آن آسیب های فراوانی وارد شده و به نوعی عوامل شناسایی تخریب را دشوار کرده است. در چنین رهیافتی، ضرورت مطالعه بر روی عوامل و دلایل تخریب این بنای تاریخی، امری ضروری به نظر می رسد؛ بنابراین، هدف اصلی جستار حاضر، واکاوی چگونگی تخریب بنای مذکور است. این پژوهش سعی دارد با استفاده از روش تحقیق تاریخی-تحلیلی برپایه ی شواهد و متون تاریخی، به واسطه ی توصیفات ارائه شده توسط مورخان از زلزله های تاریخی، ضمن مطالعه ی دقیق ساختار معماری بنای ایلخانی بیستون که در پس چندین فصل کاوش باستان شناختی آلمانی و ایرانی انجام شده، حیات تاریخی آن را مورد بحث و تحلیل قرار دهد؛ حال این پرسش مطرح است: چه عاملی مسبب تخریب و متروک شدن کاروانسرای ایلخانی بیستون بوده است؟ براساس شواهد باستان شناختی در نوع ریزش سقف و اجساد مدفون شده در زیر آوار ، فرض بر این است که کاروانسرای ایلخانی بیستون با وقوع زلزله تخریب و متروک شده است. این فرضیه براساس قرارگیری بیستون در جوار مجموعه گسل های پرخطر زاگرس مرکزی و زلزله خیز بودن بخش های بزرگی از آن، که در طول تاریخ باعث خرابی بسیاری از بناها شده، قابل اثبات است؛ همچنین برخی متون تاریخی نیز، به این موضوع اشاراتی داشته اند. برآیند پژوهش، حاکی از آن ست که در طول تاریخ به واسطه ی زلزله های متعدد، نواحی مختلفی از کرمانشاه و بناهای متعددی -مانند: معبد آناهیتای کنگاور، و ازجمله کاروانسرای ایلخانی بیستون- تخریب و الگوی معماری آن ها تغییر شکل داده؛ به گونه ای که در این میان، حتی گاهی جمعیت آن نیز نوسان داشته است.
    کلیدواژگان: بیستون، کاروانسرا، ایلخانی، زلزله، تخریب
  • میترا شاطری*، هایده لاله، حمیده چوبک صفحات 173-188

    کمتر محوطه ی تاریخی را در جهان اسلام می توان یافت که قطعات سفال گونه ی نقش کنده در گلابه (اسگرافیاتو) از آن به دست نیامده باشد. این گونه ی سفال به دلیل تنوع طرح، نقش، رنگ و سهولت نسبی در ساخت، از مهم ترین گونه های سفال جهان اسلام است که حداقل در سده های 4 تا 7 ه.ق. در بیشتر مراکز تولیدی مهم صنعت سفالگری جهان اسلام ساخته می شده و به همین دلیل پژوهشگران، آن را «سفال سنتی جهان اسلام» می خوانند. به اذعان محققین، پراکنش سفال های نقش کنده در گلابه در محوطه های ایران از نظر تنوع در فن تزئینی، طرح و کمیت در سراسر جهان اسلام بی نظیر است، با این وجود طبقه بندی های مورد استفاده درخصوص این سفال در ایران، ناکارآمد بوده و برپایه ی استنادات علمی قرار نگرفته اند. از این رو پژوهش حاضر تلاش می کند تا با درنظر گرفتن شیوه ی ساخت و تزئین این سفال از یک سو، و یافته های حاصل از کاوش در محوطه ها و مراکز مهم تولید سفال در  ایران از سویی دیگر؛ درخصوص طبقه بندی و تاریخ گذاری این گونه ی تزئینی بازنگری نماید، به گونه ای که قابلیت تعمیم به تمامی قطعات سفال های به دست آمده از این گونه در محوطه های مختلف را داشته باشد. پرسش های پژوهش حاضر عبارتنداز: چگونه می توان سفال نوع نقش کنده در گلابه ایران را به وجهی طبقه بندی نمود که تمامی نمونه های به دست آمده از این سفال در سراسر ایران را پوشش دهد؟ و یا ساخت این گونه ی سفال در چه سده هایی رواج بیشتری داشته و تا چه زمانی در ایران تولید می شده است؟ انجام پژوهش حاضر از طریق گردآوری اطلاعات به صورت کتابخانه ای و تطبیق میدانی یافته های مربوط به این حوزه صورت گرفته است. نتایج این پژوهش حاکی از آن ست که طبقه بندی با درنظر گرفتن ویژگی های فنی و تزئینی در کنار هم، می تواند جامع ترین طبقه بندی ممکن باشد و در این راستا سه سبک تزئینی کلی نقش کنده ی خطی در گلابه با چند زیر سبک، گلابه تراشی، و سبک ترکیبی معرفی شدند. همچنین برخلاف نظر  اغلب پژوهشگران که زمان ساخت این سفال را منحصر به سده ی 7 ه.ق. دانسته اند، این گونه از سفال حداقل تا دوره ی صفویه در ایران تولید می شده است.

    کلیدواژگان: سفال اسلامی، گونه ی نقش کنده در گلابه، اسگرافیاتو، گلابه تراشی، شانلوه
  • علی شجاعی اصفهانی* صفحات 189-208
    با بررسی منابع مکتوب دوران اسلامی در رابطه با دو منطقه ی شهربابک و رفسنجان (رودان) تناقض هایی دیده می شود، به صورتی که در برخی از انتساب «رستاق شهربابک» و یا «ناحیه ی رودان» (رفسنجان) به ایالت کرمان و در برخی دیگر به ایالت فارس سخن گفته شده است. علاوه بر این، فهم موقعیت و وسعت واحدهای اداری مذکور در منابع مکتوب مبهم بوده و شهرهای متعدد نام برده شده در هر دو محدوده گرچه در شمار شهرهای مطرح دوران خود قلمداد می شده و توصیفات قابل توجه دارند، اما در حال حاضر بایستی عنوان شهرهای گمشده را برای آن ها به کار برد که محل آن ها تنها مبتی بر حدس و گمان و در مواردی با اختلاف زیاد میان محققین مشخص شده است. مقاله ی اخیر از یک طرف با بررسی و تحلیل انواع مختلف منابع مکتوب اعم از متون و اسناد تاریخی و جغرافیایی ادوار مختلف دوران اسلامی، و از طرف دیگر بررسی نقشه های امروزی در مقیاس های مختلف و فهم ریخت شناسی زمین در محدوده ی مورد مطالعه، تلاش کرده تا دلیل تناقض منابع مکتوب در رابطه با اداره ی شهربابک و رودان توسط هر یک از ایالات فارس و کرمان را بررسی کند و تا حد امکان موقعیت شهرهای گمشده ی این محدوده را با دقت بیشتری از آنچه تاکنون گفته شده آشکار کند. به این ترتیب مشخص گردید، گرچه ارتفاعات این محدوده به عنوان مانعی طبیعی مرز دو ایالت را در قبل از اسلام مشخص می کرده است، اما در دوران اسلامی و قبل از روی کار آمدن حکومت یکپارچه ی صفویه، محدوده ی مورد مطالعه به عنوان منطقه ی مرزی میان دو ایالت فارس و کرمان صحنه ی منازعه و کشمکش طرف های قدرت بوده و با قدرت یافتن هر طرف تغییر در مرزبندی ممکن می شده است. علاوه بر این عبور یکی از مسیرهای سه گانه میان فارس و کرمان از این محدوده، اهمیت استراتژیک منطقه را دوچندان کرد و باعث گردید در منابع مکتوب تمامی دوران اسلامی اطلاعات قابل قبولی از مناطق مسکونی این مسیر در دست باشد.
    کلیدواژگان: شهربابک، رودان (رفسنجان)، کرمان، فارس، مرزبندی ایالات، راه های ارتباطی
  • محمد ابراهیم زارعی، مریم دهقان* صفحات 209-225
    شهر کرمانشاه یکی از مراکز جمعیتی غرب ایران است، این شهر در حاشیه ی مرزهای طبیعی فلات ایران و بر روی یکی از بزرگ ترین دشت های زاگرس مرکزی شکل گرفته و از دوره ی پارینه سنگی تا به امروز مورد توجه جوامع انسانی بوده است. موقعیت جغرافیایی و قرارگیری در مرزهای طبیعی و سیاسی سبب اهمیت نظامی منطقه شده است. این موضوع از عصر صفوی و در پی چالش های ایران و عثمانی، افزایش و با تثبیت مرزهای غربی، تا امروز ادامه یافته است. مدارک تاریخی نشان می دهد که در عصر افشاریه قلعه ی وسیعی در این منطقه تاسیس و کرمانشاه به یکی از مراکز نظامی نادرشاه تبدیل شد. این قلعه که پس از شکل گیری شهر جدید در اواخر زندیه و توسعه ی آن در عصر قاجار، با نام «قلعه کهنه» از آن یاد می شود، در دشت ساخته شده و از نقشه ی موسوم به «ستاره ای» در طراحی و ساخت آن استفاده شده است؛ این نقشه با نمونه های اروپایی قابل مقایسه است. قلعه کهنه در زمان تشکیل حکومت زندیه تخریب شده و پس از آن، درپی تغییرات بستر رودخانه ی قره سو و گسترش فضای شهری کاملا از بین رفته است. مساله ی اصلی این نوشتار بررسی این اثر با تکیه بر مدارک و شواهد موجود است. این بررسی برای دستیابی به ویژگی های معماری نظامی در دوره ی افشاریه انجام شده و ضرورت آن با توجه به اطلاعات محدودی که از این دوره دراختیار داریم، مشخص می شود. بر این اساس پرسش هایی پیرامون علل ساخت قلعه از سوی نادرشاه؛ ساختار معماری به ویژه نقشه ی آن و کارکرد تسلیحاتی و مسکونی قلعه مطرح می شود و فرضیاتی مبتنی بر کارکرد تسلیحاتی قلعه و تداوم ظهور عناصر معماری غربی از عصر صفوی به بعد ارائه می گردد. این پژوهش به روش توصیفی-تاریخی تحلیلی انجام شده است و ضمن مطالعه ی متون و مدارک عصر افشاریه و زندیه، تصاویر هوایی و داده های حاصل از کشفیات اتفاقی را مورد بررسی قرار می دهد.
    کلیدواژگان: قلعه کهنه، کرمانشاه، افشاریه، قلعه ی ستاره ای
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  • Marziyeh Zarekhalili, Hamed Vahdati Nasab *, Alireza Hejebri Nobari, Barbara Helwing Pages 7-22

    In the Neolithic period, the production of clay figurines in animal and human shapes became common in Fertile Crescent and soon became prevalent in most sites of the Near East. The abundance of the figurines in many Neolithic sites shows its importance by the mentioned societies. Although there is a considerable variety in the forms of the Neolithic human figurines, some striking similarities are distinguishable. One of the common form is the form of seated figurines which has been common in many Neolithic sites. It was only from the early Neolithic period when this style got common while in prior period, Upper Paleolithic, this style was not considered. The result shows that the seated figurines from Neolithic to early Chalcolithic period covers a vast geographical area from West Levant to North East part of Iran’s central plateau. In this paper, by adding some data from Iran, it is attempted to draw geographical distribution of seated human figurines in Near East. The main aim of this research is to see how the figurines were related together based on the form and style. While the figurines of some sites of Iran were in hand in this study, the rest information was gathered based on the publications. The method of this study is comparative study of the figurines forms to see their relation together. With the cultural historic point of view, this research is attempted to provide an overview to the geographical and timetable dispersion of the human seated figurines of Neolithic to Chalcolithic period. Based on the coincidence of the domestication distribution and the clay figurines manufactory in many sites of Near East on one hand and the repetition of some forms like seated figurines on the other hand, it seems that some forms of figurines were affected by the cultural interactions.
     

    Introduction

    In the long process of Neolithisation, strike changes happened in the social and economic structures of Near East societies which caused in increasing diversity of symbolic behaviors which were performance in different ways. On the other hand, in this period, population growth and need for food increased the economical exchanges, especially in the area of equal latitudes in the way that the agriculture life style of south West of Asia reached to Europe, Egypt and Indian valley with the average speed of 1.1 kilometer in year (Diamond 1999: 178). In the result of economic and social interaction, the culture exchange too (Voigt 2002: 289). Among the cultural idea which got involved in cultural exchanges was the idea of manufacturing clay human, animal figurines and also geometric forms. According to the evidence, the tradition of clay human and animal figurines in Near East started at the early pre pottery Neolithic period (PPNA) in some parts of fertile crescent and soon after it was prevalent in most of the Near East sites. Most of these figurines are out of clay, in small size and most of them have been dried under the sun or heated with low temperature. Many of these figurines have been found in the household dump and trash bins. Based on what is mentioned, this article with an art historical point of view, aims to clarify the connection and exchange of the figurines form and style in different Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites of Near East. In the other word, it is attempted to response this question that did the tradition of figurine production in each sites was only based on the personal and local forms? Where the manufactures of each sites made the figurines only based on what they have seen in their society? Or this tradition was effected by the cultural interaction and therefore the idea, form and the kind of performances were exchanged too?

    Seated Figurines

    In contrast to Upper Paleolithic figurines which were always performed in standing position, in Neolithic period the form of seated figurines appears and stand for a several millennia. The oldest seated figurines has been obtain from PPNA site of Murybet III in Syria (Bar Yosef et al., 1991). During the PPNB the number of figurine and seated figurines increased. In Syria the seated figurines have been found in some sites include Seker al Aheimar (Nishiaki 2007), Netiv Haghdud (Bar Yosef et al., 1991). In Turkey, from Mezraa Teleilat (Hansen 2006), Çayönü (Broman-Morles 1990, plat: 23) and also in Çatal Höyük. In Catal Höyük, the form of seated figurine have been use to performance some very abbreviation forms which might be a combination of seated human form and horned animal too (Nakumara & Meskel 2008. Fig: 146). The geography of Turkey like a bridge connected the Mesopotamia to South East Europe so it is not strange if the figurines of Turkey and South East Europe to have some interaction (Hansen 2006).  In Iran the seated figurines have been obtain from Sheikh-e Abad (Mohamadifar et al., 2010 fig), Chogha Golan (Zeidi et al., 2012, fig 8.3). Chogha Banut (Alizadeh 2003, Plat 18), Ali kosh (Hole et al., 1969: 225) Sarab (Brman Morales 1990), Singe Chaxmaq and the early Calclothic site of Zaghe. The position of seated figurines have been interpreted as the moment of giving birth (Noy 1985: 64) but not all seated figurines shows the female gender, in some few cases like Halaf, the same position has been used to show the male figurine. On the other hand, the form of the figurines brings to mind if this position helps the figurines to be seated at some place but some seated figurines like Zaghe figurines are not stable and shows that the seated position in these small clay object had no practical functions.

    Conclusion

    In the Neolithic period, with settling the first farming villages, the manufactory of clay figurines in human and animal shape became common. The prevalence of the clay figurines in Near East was almost coincide with the domestication distribution. With increasing the farming sites, the number of the figurines increased too. The coincidence of farming life style and figurines prevalence on one hand and the repetition of some forms like seated figurines on the other hand could shows that some forms of the figurines have been distributed. According to this study, the form of the seated figurines covers a vast geography from West of Levant to North East part of the Iran’s plateau. In Iran, based on the archaeological documents, the figurine production appears first in Western areas, where the domestication were started. Afterward, with reaching the domestication to North East part of Iran’s plateau, from Zagros area, the producing figurines appears in some sites like Sang-e Chaxmaq. In general, based on the repetition of seated figurine form in many Neolithic sites, it seems that the cultural interaction affected the distribution of mentioned style. Beside the style, some similarities like size, organs omission or performance in figurines could support this claim.

    Keywords: Figurine, Seated Figurines, Near East Figurines, Neolithic Figurines, Human Figurines
  • Morteza Hessari * Pages 23-40

    The Idier was first found at the secon survey campaign in 1383/2004. Idier was excavated 2004 too. Idier is located 16 km south of Aslandouz, in Moghan plain. Aras River and its branches, passing through the Moghan plain, have provided the appropriate environmental conditions for the establishment of human settlements. Suitable soil for sowing, proper humidity, rainfall of approximately 300 mm per year, relatively warm temperatures and low Mogan area, all indicate the great potential of this plain for the cultivation of high quality products, as well as the rich meadows of this plain, conditions for livestock breeders in order to preserve Livestock, in autumn, winter and spring. With these conditions, it seems that the area should have a large number of ancient sites that have been formed in this climate, but because of the extensive construction and leveling of the vast lands of the Moghan Plain with various agencies, organizations, institutions and farmers, these sites have disappeared and only a few. This research is based on the systematic survey of site and stratigraphy excavation. we have tried to answer some of the questions raised along with the typology of pottery. Questions such as how to look at the technological and decorative changes of Idira’s potteries; The influence of Obaid culture has existed in this area? What is the position of this culture in this area, despite the Dolma culture pottery in Idir’s findings? What impact does native culture have on clay products? And in the end, it’s a matter of special interest to the Indigo bronze ware, which has been using its pottery technology in neighboring areas along with its interactions. It can be argued, that the Chalcolithic potteries hier are local, although there are similarities to other northwestern Chalcolithic settlements in Iran. Keywords: Chalcolithic, Moghan Plain, Idir, Dalma. Introduction Several Archaeological studies have been carried out in the northwest Iranian cultural area of today’s Ardebil, eastern and western Azerbaijan political provinces. Archaeological studies in the province of Ardebil have not been pursued purposefully and for long periods which has left many questions unanswered. This was when it was discovered that the excavation excavations in the Idira hill were the first prehistoric field research in the Moghan plain of Iran that was in the study of archaeology in 2004, was identified. In the same year, started networking and systematic sampling w8 done to examine the site, the samples were very interesting and weren’t reported until then. Since his works included all the periods of chalcolit Without interruption. There were also examples of the middle paleolithic that raised questions for authors that we can not answer without stratography. The objectives pursned in this study are to identify and analyze the findings of this site. For this purpose, the documentation of chalcolithic pottery res from the Idira hill has been the basis of the study as part of prehistoric studies of this cultural region. Because there is no pre historic cultural information in this geographic area. The questions of this research include: How do you change the Idira chalcolithic pottery in this erea? What’s the position of hisculture in this area, despiteth Dalma culture of pottery in Idira’s findings? What’s the impact of native culture on pottery products? Finally, the present study is based on the assumption that the Idira chalcolithic pottery basins have on indigenous patterns and can be recognized with neighboring regions along with interactions. Geographical Location The village of Idier is located 26 kilometers south of Aslandouz city, and Idira hill is northeast of the village, and is 210 meters above sea level at a geographical position of 420”, 20”,39” north latitude and 321”, 28”, 47” east longitude, the dispersal of the potteres are about 6 hectares, but the main site is 3 hectares and doesn’t from an independent hill. (pictures 1 and maps 1 and 2). Stratigraphy After an initial assessment of the sampling site as the only excavation trench, a 1×3-meter workshop was selected in the southeast of the Idier Tappeh, at the location where the hill, at location where was damaged the thickness of the cultural layers is up to 4 meters Virgin soil, which is characterized in this thickness of 14 layers and 5 cultural periods. Islamic cultural courses are late bronze chalcolithic (near, middle, late) and neolithic. The fifth cultural period is a number of rocky surface findings from the paleolithic period. The cultural stages studied in this paper include the layers of 9 to 12 stages of late chalcolithic, layers of 10 to 7 stages of middle chalcolithic and layers of 6 to 4 stages of near chalcolithic. The First Stage of Late Chalcolithic Pottery Pottery of the early chalcolithic has been found between layers 12 to 9, the pottery is rough or moderate, and they are shamout coars plants with a length of 10mm. The Second Stage is Middle Chalcolithic Potteries From the tenth floor of the site, changes were seen in the technology of pottery, but between layers six to eight changes were evident. Pottery dough is more dalicat and fewer rough pottery is observed among the samples. There’s no coarse plant shamout among the samples and the largest shamout is 5mm long. The third stage is late chalcolithic potteries. From the sixth to the fourth layer, significant qualitative changes are observed in pottery. The pottery is delicate and the rough type is rarely seen in the sample. Conclusion The speculation took place on ancient site and in a small trench. But satisfactory results were found to have yielded significant results to clarify the status of various stages of chalcolithic; the researche, due to the lack of information on this geographical area, was required for a set of pottery documented from the exploration of the Idira hill. This study showed that no sudden changes, such as: the shape of dishes, dough, how to make, bak and dough, have not been created in the continuity of the pottery tradition of the study period; due to the shape of the edges and the floor of the dishes, dough and decoration with simple motives, the relative history of pottery is imported from late chalcolithic to near. The pottery similarities are different from Obaid courses, and only the general similarities found in all chalcolithic potteres are visible. In fact, there’s little influence in the area between the pottery of this site and the pottery from the central zagros Dalma period. I can be said that the pottery of this area during the period of chalcolithic is further studied in the cultural area. Therefore, despite the similarity of pottery culture with the regions of Azerbaijan beyond, chalcolithic, a long with other centers of chalcolithic communities are independent regions.

    Keywords: Chalcolithic, Moghan Plain, Idir, Dalma
  • Akbar Abedi *, Rana Bahremandi Poorfard, Afrasiab Garavand, Fatemeh Malekpour, Mehdi Razani Pages 41-60

    There are many uses of obsidian by prehistoric peoples that includes a long period from Paleolithic until the Bronze Age and before the invention of metal. Due to its chemical structure, obsidian has special potential for fingerprinting and provenance studies, and it allows for the reconstruction of long-distance trade and the history of prehistoric exchanges in various parts of the Western Asia. Until now, only obsidian mines have been identified in Anatolia (northeast, southeast, central, western) and the Caucasus, and based on experimental analysis of the obsidian tools of the ancient sites of the northwest of Iran, however, some samples obtained from various parts of Iran, have remained unexploited due to lack of studies on the origins and identification of major mines and other indigenous mines. This research is trying to analyze 38 samples of obsidian artifacts belong to Chalcolithic and Bronze Age (Kura-Araxes) cultures, from 9 different prehistoric sites in Khoy region with using the XRF analysis method for identification of Chalcolithic and Bronze Age provenance sources, and to clarify that in which period which sources have been used predominantly and whether changes to the source have been made by changing in each period or not they used only the same sources in different periods. Our analysis show that 53 artifacts from the prehistoric sites of Khoy came from nine different sources. The sources are: Meydan Dag (15 artifacts), Syunik (8 artifacts), Tsakhunyats (4 artifacts), Suphan Dag (3 artifacts), Gutansar (3 artifacts), Arteni (2 artifacts) and Nemrut Dag and Tendurek (1 artifact) and unassigned (1 artifact). According to analysis results Meydan Dag and Syunik could be suggested as two main obsidian sources of prehistoric sites of Khoy region. Keywords: Obsidian, Kul Tape, Hadishahr, Obsidian Mines, XRF Portable. Introduction & Method Obsidian is a material widely used by prehistoric groups and found in abundance on archaeological sites in the Taurus-Zagros region. Provenance studies have been the focus of intense research and debate among archaeologists and geologists over the past 60 years, especially those focusing on the Anatolian plateau and the Caucasus. However, obsidian studies in Iran have remained in an early stage, and only recent research on obsidian outcrops, carried out in parallel with prehistoric obsidian provenance studies, has provided the first opportunity to develop a database (Abedi et al., In press; Khademi Nadooshan et al., 2013; Abedi, 2015) and to outline a horizon and a perspective for obsidian studies in this country. In the mid-1960s, Renfrew and his colleagues (Renfrew et al., 1966; 1968; Renfrew and Dixon, 1976) used geochemical methods to study obsidian collections from the Zagros Mountains, the Urmia basin and the Central Plateau. Later, Blackman (1984) and other researchers demonstrated that long-distance trade existed between ancient sites in Iran and the obsidian sources located in Anatolia and the Caucasus during prehistoric periods (Bigazzi et al., 1998; Chataigner et al., 1998; Poidevin, 1998; Frahm, 2010). Recently, additional sourcing and provenance studies have been carried out by Iranian scholars (Agha-Aligol et al., 2015; Khademi et al., 2007, 2010; Ghorabi et al., 2008; Niknami et al., 2010; ; Khademi Nadooshan et al., 2013; Abedi, 2015). Some of these articles (Ghorabi et al., 2010; Niknami et al., 2010) suggest that obsidian tools may have come from an unknown source located in Iran (perhaps Sahand and Sabalan Mountain). Some of the results provided by these studies were inconclusive: characterizations presenting sometimes clear parallels with Armenian sources, or providing values (on SiO2, for instance) never found in obsidian (Agha-Aligol et al., 2015; Ghorabi et al., 2010; Khademi et al., 2007). In order to add new data to this discussion, this paper presents the results of the analysis of 38 obsidian artifacts from the Late Neolithic/Transitional Chalcolithic and Chalcolithic to Early Bronze Age periods in Khoy plain of NW Iran. This is the first time archaeometrical analysis will done on prehistoric obsidian artifacts of the region. After collecting obsidian assemblages from all prehistoric sites of Khoy, fundamental questions have been raised: what is the main obsidian source of the region? It is mono source or multiple source? Can we consider Syunik and Meydan Dag as main obsidian sources of Khoy region during prehistory? According to analysis possible answer to this questions will make it possible to draw local and long-distance trade between Khoy and Lake Urmia in one hand and southern Caucasus and Eastern Anatolia on the other hand. The present research is qualitative-quantitative based on methodology, after field archaeological sampling (38 artifacts from 9 different prehistoric sites), X-ray Fluorescence Analysis (XRF) method has been used to determine quantitatively the amount of main and rare elements. The Obsidian Analysis Results of Khoy Archaeological Sites The characterizations were determined using a XRF Philips PW1410 model. Some of the most reliable element concentrations in obsidian that can be obtained using XRF are Rb, Sr, Y, Zr and Nb, if the concentrations are above the detection limit (Darabi and Glascock, 2013; Maziar and Glascock, 2017). The compositional data measured for the 38 artefacts by XRF are listed in Table 2-3. A scatter plot of the Zr versus Rb concentration (Fig. 4-5) allows recognition of nine clusters from nine different archaeological site (Ghardash Khan, Shorshorik, Pirkandi, Dava Goz, Ali Sheikh (Kooshish), Maran, Doozdaghi (Amirbeigh), Kul Tepe Ghoharan and Chirkandi) which match the composition of the well-known sources: Meydan Dag (15 artifacts), Syunik (8 artifacts), Tsakhunyats (4 artifacts), Suphan Dag (3 artifacts), Gutansar (3 artifacts), Arteni (2 artifacts) and Nemrut Dag and Tendurek (1 artifact) and unassigned (1 artifact). (Table. 3-4). During the Late Neolithic to the end of Early Bronze Age periods a polysource model operated, as at least six sources (Meydan, Syunik, Tsakhunyats, Suphan, Gutansar and Arteni) are heavily represented across a large assemblage (N= 33), whereas the whole data results indicates a bi-source model heavily dominated by the Meydan Dag and Syunik obsidians. According to the interpretation of two seasons of excavations and obsidian studies, the inhabitants of Kul Tepe and Dava Goz and Khoy plain in general, at least in the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age, were agro-pastoralists who spent most of their times at the plain sites like Kul Tepe and Dava Goz or mentioned prehistoric sites engaged in farming and other household activities and moved seasonally in summer in search of pastures with their herds to the highlands. New research at the Chalcolithic site of Godedzor indicates a seasonal summer campsite in the highlands near the Syunik (Sevkar) obsidian source. This site showed good evidence of material known from sites in the Lake Urmia Basin, especially ceramic types. It presents Chalcolithic signs of Dalma and Pisdeli cultures. Excavators at Godedzor (Chataigner et al., 2010) suggest that this site was a summer seasonal campsite for inhabitants from Kul Tepe, Dava Goz and Khoy prehistoric sites and the Lake Urmia Basin (wintering region), using the obsidian from Syunik. They also suggest that obsidian was used only for local trade and personal use, not for extensive trade, because it did not diffuse beyond the Lake Urmia Basin. Obsidian appears to have been a byproduct of the pastoral lifestyle for local trade between the Lake Urmia basin and the Caucasus region. Analysis of Kul Tepe artifacts suggests that sites like Kul Tepe and Dava Göz and Khoy prehistoric sites (Abedi, 2017; Abedit et al., 2018 a-b) had an intermediate role in transferring obsidian raw materials to NW Iran and the Lake Urmia Basin during Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age periods. Conclusion The chemical analysis of 38 obsidian artifacts from the Khoy archaeological sites (Ghardash Khan, Shorshorik, Pirkandi, Dava Goz, Ali Sheikh (Kooshish), Maran, Doozdaghi (Amirbeigh), Kul Tepe Ghoharan and Chirkandi) proved that the main source of obsidian was Meydan Dag (15 samples) and Syunik (8 samples) but obsidian from other sources Tsakhunyats (4 artifacts), Suphan Dag (3 artifacts), Gutansar (3 artifacts), Arteni (2 artifacts) and Nemrut Dag and Tendurek (1 artifact) and unassigned (1 artifact) were also utilized. Only one specimen had an unassigned source. In addition, according to the study of obsidian artifacts, analysed by XRF, it can be suggested, that from 38 samples, 15 specimens belong to the Meydan Dağ source and 8 samples come from Syunik. The results suggested that the main source used by Khoy prehistoric inhabitants during the Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic and the Early Bronze Age was Meydan Dağ and Syunik, although Tsakhunyats, Suphan Dag, Gutansar, Arteni and Nemrut Dağ and Tendurek have been used in a limited portion also. The intermediate role of Khoy and The importance of pastoral groups in transferring the raw material like obsidian from southern Caucasus and eastern Anatolia to the Lake Urmia Basin identified by the analyzing of the obsidian samples during this research.

    Keywords: Obsidian, Kul Tape, Hadishahr, Obsidian Mines, XRF Portable
  • Nasir Eskandari * Pages 61-78

    Archaeologically, South East of Iran is one of the most important regions of the Near East in the Bronze Age. The site of Shahdad, as one of the major urban centers of Southeastern Iran, plays an important role in the Near Eastern archaeological studies. After half a century of the Shahdad excavations, it is time to have a new look at the Shahdad and its objects in light of our present knowledge from the archeology of southeast Iran. Here is an assessment of the results of Shahdad and especially on graves, pottery and stone objects. The main objectives of this study were to determine the exact position of all graves, their chronology and the relation between graves of different parts of the cemetery. Indeed, the internal chronology of Shahdad should be specified in order to determine the syntax of the various parts of the excavated areas. In addition, to study the regional and cross-regional interactions of Shahdad in the context of the Bronze Age archeology of Southwest Asia. The similarity and harmony between the cultural materials of Shahdad and different parts of the Southwest Asia, from Mesopotamia and Southwest Iran to Central Asia, the Indus valley and the south of the Persian Gulf indicate the existence of a cultural interaction sphere in the west of Asia during the early and middle Bronze Age. Keywords: Southeastern Iran, Shahdad, Cemetery, Pottery, Stone Objects.   Introduction The site of Shahdad is located at the base of an alluvial fan where it was in antiquity surrounded by the Shahdad River and a number of streams flowing east from their origin in the western mountains. In 1968, during a general geographical reconnaissance of the Lut depression, the Early Bronze Age site of Shahdad was identified. Excavations lead by Ali Hakemi of the Archaeological Service of Iran began in the following year and continued until 1978. The work concentered on a necropolis in which 383 graves were cleared including many with spectacular grave goods, including impressive human statuettes, elaborate metal objects such as a bronze standard, numerous stone and ceramic containers and ornamental finds. Hakemi also did some excavations in the east of the site, Operation D, which he identified as an industrial area of the urban center of Shahdad. In 1978, archaeological research program of Shahdad was suspended for a decade and a half. Excavations at Shahdad site resumed under direction of Mr. Kaboli for four seasons in 1990s. The work of Kaboli was concentrated in the residential areas of the site. His work in the northern part of the site uncovered two architectural complexes. As a result of the twelve seasons of archaeological fieldwork at the Shahdad site by Ali Hakimi and Mir-Abedin Kaboli, it is delineated that Shahdad has been a major and important urban center of the Bronze Age on the Iranian plateau. This article reevaluates the results of Shahdad excavations conducted by Hakemi.   Cemetery, Pottery and Stone Objects As a result of the excavations, a total of 383 graves were uncovered which were labeled from 1 to 383. In the excavation reports of Shahdad, the distribution of graves are not clear enough especially the graves which situated outside of the main trench are not fully documented. We tried to relocate the graves based on the given information in the catalogues to bring to the light the distribution pattern of burials. Two of the burials (39 and 104) were described in the catalogues but they don’t exist on the map of the burial pattern. Two kilns were also labeled as graves 173 and 383 by mistake. Burials 187 and 188, represent 2 graves each on the map. Except the 16 graves which were found from trench B and C, the others are from the cemetery A. In other words, 367 graves were uncovered from the cemetery A. This cemetery also includes several trenches and a number of graves outside the trenches. Trench A, which is known as the main trench of the cemetery A, includes 289 graves. Five small trenches in the north and the east of the trench A cover 62 graves. The distribution of graves in these trenches is mentioned above: 19 in the eastern cemetery, 25 in trench I, 11 in trench II, 4 in trench III, 3 in northern trench or trench IV and finally 16 from the outside of trenches. According to Shahdad excavator, all the burials do not belong to the same period and he believed in a horizontal chronology for trench A graves while he applied a vertical chronology for the trench A burials. He considers the graves of the east of the cemetery A as the oldest ones, which have simple or incised buff wares. He also divided the burials with red wares (the graves of trench A of Cemetery A) into two different periods. These graves are found in two levels. Upper-level graves were found at depth of 10 to 60 cm, and low-level had reached at the depth of 60 cm downward (some graves were also up to 240 cm deep). The authors disagree with the horizontal chronology of cemetery A and also the chronology given based on the depth of the graves. Comparative analysis on the potteries of Shahdad reveals similarities with other southeastern Iran Bronze Age sites and neighboring areas such as Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia. The study of Shahdad potteries is important for two reasons; the intra-site and ultra-site analyses. The intra-site studies help us to identify the connections between the excavated areas in the site of Shahdad and also the chronology of different excavated parts of this site. Ultra-site studies will reveal the connection and the regional and interregional interactions of this urban center over time. The comparative studies on the potteries of the cemetery and the residential area of Shahdad with the other regions suggest the dating of mid third millennium BC to the early second millennium BC. About two hundred chlorite objects have so far yielded from Shahdad excavations while only less than half of them have been published and introduced. Chlorite vessels have been found in a wide geographical range from Mesopotamia to the central Asia and Pakistan. Most scholars consider the southeastern Iran as one of the main chlorite production centers during the Bronze Age. Based on the variability in the quality and color of Shahdad chlorite vessels, it can be said that various chlorite mines were used during the Bronze Age in southeastern Iran. Although there has not yet found any chlorite production workshop in Shahdad, but due to the discovery of these vessels in a very large number in Shahdad, as well as their variety in colors and quality, and also the presence of some forms such as compartmented boxes and house models in abundance unlike the other areas, it can be said that at least some of these vessels had been produced in Shahdad. Overall 112 calcite objects have been found in Shahdad including bowls, goblets, pins, canes and miniature pillars which are not fully and thoroughly described and published. These calcite objects have only uncovered from areas A and B. Most of them are found from area A graves along with red wares.   Conclusion The revision of Shahdad data yielded some new information. Shahdad had been inhabited for a long period from the middle third millennium BC to the early second millennium BC and it was flourished during the second half of the third millennium BC. By studying cultural materials found from Shahdad area, one can find cultural interactions of Shahdad with other regions. Despite all the cultural interactions with other regions of SW Asia, the local and regional cultural traditions dominated in Shahdad and it has all the characteristics of a city with local cultural character in 3rd millennium BC.

    Keywords: Southeastern Iran, Shahdad, Cemetery, Pottery, Stone Objects
  • Hasan Basafa *, Mohammad Sadegh Davari Pages 79-96

    Cultural relations and interactions in Bronze period are among the most important topics understandable by analyzing and studying the handicraft in a comparative approach. However, Khorasan cultural sphere has been nicknamed White Archaeo-logical Area due to the lack of reliable studies, although new studies have revealed small dimensions of its importance. In this respect, the research basis of this article includes semiotics, interpretation and comparative study of a silver handicraft re-covered from Shahrak Firouzeh site in Neyshabur Plain in 2008. It is a dignity good and its iconography indicates the interaction between Khorasan with the most important neighboring cultural centers in the early Bronze Age Near East, includ-ing the culture of Kerman in South East as well as Balkh-Merv in Central Asia. It seems that some designs under study are considered a common symbol of the men-tioned cultures and has probably been portrayed in iconography of the work in Shahrak Firouzeh site during a comprehensive ideological process. Keywords: Khaorassan Great Road, Shahrak Firouze Site, Bronze Age, Intercul-Tural Symbols.   Introduction & Method One of the most important characteristics of the Bronze Age in the Near East is in-tercultural relations which were created in different ways. There are important cen-ters in Southwest Asia, such as Elam, the southeast of Iran, Sistan Region, Sindh Valley, Central Asia and Khorasan, but the last one has the most important position in its communication rings due to its strategic location. In this cycle, the rich icono-graphy of the eastern and western regions of Iran were also found in Central Asia, and Khorasan could have a direct effect in this process. This research aims to inves-tigate the relations between the cultural centers of Iran, especially the cultural center of Khorasan, and other cultural centers including southeastern Iran, especially Kerman and Sistan, as well as the cultural centers of Central Asia during the Bronze Age based on the available data and the findings of the recent decades. The re-search specifically aims at: A) evaluating the cultural origin and iconography of the existing motifs on the sil-ver artifact of Shahrak Firouze; b) understanding the process of collection of motifs relating to various cultural systems in one region and in a single work; and c) eval-uating the status of these motifs in the cultural region of Khorasan. In terms of ico-nography and mythological position, these motifs are considered to be associated with the iconographic systems of several cultural regions such as the southeast of Iran, especially Kerman, Sistan, Khorasan and Central Asia. Some of these motifs were used in the iconography of Khorasan due to the intercultural relations of this region with other neighboring cultural regions, Central Asia and Southeast of Iran during the New Bronze Age based on various dimensions of intercultural relations created by communication networks, especially the Great Road of Khorasan and the road ending in the southeast, and were ultimately manifested in the silver arti-fact of Shahrak Firouze as an intercultural document and in an inclusive ideological process. An investigation of the iconographic position of Khorasan based on a study of the present artifact can lead to a better understanding of the iconographic centers of the Balkhi-Marvi culture and also help identify the characteristics of the artistic motifs and styles of this culture. Accordingly, this study aims at investigat-ing the intercultural relations of Khorasan with the southeast of Iran and western Central Asia during the Bronze Age based on the iconography of the popular arti-fact of Shahrak Firouze. The present study basically seeks to find the origins of the iconographic centers of this artifact as a cultural combination and understand the backgrounds and relationships that influenced the creation of this work.   Identified Traces Shahrak Firouze is located in the northwest of the modern Neyshabour, within the boundaries of the newly established towns, and adjacent to the Kal Nanva River, a branch of the Faroob River, which originates from the heights of Binalood. Due to residential constructions and the construction operations within the boundaries of Shahrak Firouze, the silver dish under study was found when excavation machines were working in the region and was transferred to Neyshabour Museum. The handicraft under study is a circular shallow silver dish with a lid. It has a diameter of 28 cm and a depth of six cm. There are several animal-mythological portraits on the body of the dish in a horizontal bar and on its lid. The most important motif re-lates to two winged dragons which have been symmetrically placed opposite each other, behind which are two other combined motifs, namely, a cow attacked by a lion and a hog attacked by a lioness. The lid of the artifact also contains the motif of four male goats with short tails placed on their backs and horns in a circular and curved way, and extending to their backs. In the center of the lid and among the four motifs of the goats is a handle with an eight-leaf Lotus Flower design. A look at the interpreted motifs in the artifact of Shahrak Firouze shows the intercultural relation of this region with its neighboring regions during the Bronze Age. These concepts are abundantly shown by motifs in the neighboring cultural centers, espe-cially in the south-east of Iran and Central Asia, the latter playing a more para-mount role in this respect. Concepts such as hogs and winged dragons are obviously among the developed iconographic concepts of Central Asia. A bearded cow can indicate intercultural re-lations and cultural integration with the southeastern regions, manifested in the arti-facts of other cultural centers in line with the complex commercial networks of the Bronze Age.   Conclusion Political, economic and social interactions arise between different cultures and their surrounding regions in the third millennium BC and the era of intercultural ex-changes, and communication networks and the various needs of societies play a key role in this scenario. The relationships and actions of peoples of different cul-tural periods, especially those of the age of urbanization and intercultural exchange, are ultimately manifested in their cultural and artistic works, sometimes showing their ethnic and national victories and sometimes creating a common cultural sym-bol. Considering the fact that Shahrak-e Firouze and Neyshabour plain play an im-portant part in the production and exchange of precious goods and specialized products in the Bronze Age, its cultural position due to its establishment roughly between the three cultural regions of Central Asia, Iran’s central plateau and the south-east, and its location on the main highway of Great Khorasan caused it to have relations and actions with those cultural centers. The contractual document for these relations was manifested as a work of art with the common and unique cul-tural characteristics of each region in an elegant artifact, that is, the silver artifact obtained in Shahrak Firouze.

    Keywords: Khaorassan Great Road, Shahrak Firouze Site, Bronze Age, Intercul-Tural Symbols
  • Mostafa Rostami *, Seyyed Rasool Mousavi Haji, Hannan Afshar Pages 97-114
    In many myths around the world, there are some mythological creatures called hybrids. They are combined body parts of two or more natural species. Some hybrids have been used as protomes of ivory rhyta found in the ancient city of Nisa, the first Parthian capital. Majority of the hybrids in the corpus of rhytons, can be classified into three categories. The first category is Leogryphs: creatures combined from lion and eagle which are very popular in Achaemenid art motifs. The second category is Bull-men which are half man-half bull creatures. Third category is Centaurs: half man-half horse creatures which are well known in Greek myths. All three categories represent new looks among Iranian ancient popular motifs. The present study uses historical-descriptive research method and benefits the comparative mythology approach. A library research method is adopted for the study. This paper discusses the role of Iranian and Greek mythologies in composing Nisa hybrids as art motifs and their equivalent related symbols and meanings. The study attempts to answer two questions: Which myths have impressed the iconography of rhyta’s hybrids? What are the equivalent concepts of their representation? The results indicate that Centaur is retrieved from Greek mythology, Bull-Man is affected by both Iranian and Greek myths and Leogryph offers a direct reference to the Achaemenid models. Concepts implicated by these motifs are fertility, immortality, heroism and creating civilization, all connected to the manner the rhyta were used. Considering Nisa hybrids as cultural phenomenon, a real background of Parthian ideological believing system can be realized which was entering into a new chapter due to cultural synthesis besides returning to Iranian traditions. Keywords: Hybrid, Rhyton, Centaur, Leogryph, Bull-Man.   Introduction Ancient art motifs, mythologies and rituals, are mostly linked together and perhaps they would help to comprehend the iconic meanings one another. Considering Nisa rhytons as ritual instruments, recognizing the common mythologies and religious beliefs of their homeland, would be a proper method to approach the iconographic meanings of them. In the early Arsacid period, the interaction of Iranian and Greek cultural elements, impressed motifs of art works. Accordingly, finding the trace of Iranian and Greek mythologies –as cultural elements- illustrated in those time art works, not only helps to Get the depicted symbolic and figurative meanings, but also gives more informations about beliefs of those people. Nisa rhytons, as important archeological discoveries, discuss a different aspect of Parthian art forms and believing system. The iconographic repertory of the rhytons, offers a new background of Arsacid cultural situation including art and ideological beliefs. The present study uses historical descriptive research method and benefits the comparative mythology approach. A library research method is adopted for the study. The purpose of this paper is to present a comparative study between Iranian and Greek mythologies related to Parthian rhyta protomes, and find out their equivalent relevant symbols and meanings. The study attempts to answer these two questions: - Main question: Which myths have impressed the iconography of rhyta’s hybrids? - Sub-question: What are the equivalent symbolic concepts represented from Iranian and Greek mythologies? This research tries to prove these hypotheses: - Main hypotheses: The iconography of Nisa rhytha hybrids is affected by Iranian and Greek myths. Centaur is retrieved from Greek mythology, Bull-Man is affected by both Iranian and Greek myths and Leogryph offers a direct reference to Iranian Achaemenid models. - Sub hypotheses: The meanings implicated in iconography of Nisa hybrids, are fertility, immortality, heroism and creating civilization.   Article Text In early 1950, in the Old Nisa excavations –the first Parthian capital- a corpus of wonderful ivory rhytons were discovered. The archeological evidence, confirms the high technical and artistic value of friezes carved on rhytons. The carvings on the cornice, protome and the body of the rhyta, include motifs implicating both Iranian and Greek rituals and mythologies. The art works belonged to any nation, are inspired from their ideological beliefs which are connected to some myths reciprocally. The Nisa rhytons motifs, are therefore informative about the mythologies and rituals of Parthian society, which were entering in a new chapter, as a result of cultural synthesis on the one hand, and returning to Iranian traditions on the other hand, at the very beginning decades of Arsacid dynasty. The iconography of Nisa hybrids, are notable. The protome –Leogryph, Bull-man and Centaur- as a morphological part of rhyton, holds the reference to concepts of Parthians prevalent myths and rituals. They are somehow new motifs in Iranian art. In the lack of historical data about Parthians, mythological analysis of Nisa rhyta illustrations, would bring to light new findings about Arcasid ideological beliefs.   Conclusion The representation of Nisa hybrids is obviously iconographic. The Leogryph, offers a direct reference to the solar context of Iranian kingship. At the same time, it points out the meanings connected to Mithra Mysteries cult. The Bull-man, is a representation of Greek Achelous and Iranian Gopath-shah. It refers to the meaning of water as a cosmic element linked to fertility. The Centaur indicates the meanings of water and fertility as well. At the same time, it is connected to the mythology of Greek Chiron and heroic concepts. Therefore, the iconography of Nisa rhyta protoms, recall number of shared meanings Impacted from both Iranian and Greek mythologies, including: fertility, rebirth and immortality, the civilizing hero. These meanings, all together, establish the bliss and cosmic order, the role -from ancient point of view- was guaranteed by the kings and heroes, same as gods.
    Keywords: Hybrid, Rhyton, Centaur, Leogryph, Bull-Man
  • Mohamadreza Nemati *, Fariba Sharifian, Ali Sadraei Pages 115-129
    Notable in the assemblage of small finds from Valiran are seven coins recovered in the Parthian cemetery and eight others coming from the Sasanian structure at the site. Since the Parthian and Sasanian coins bear assorted inscriptions and representations, their examination may furnish indispensable information on royal names and their portraits, the minting places, titles and honorifics, religion, and generally lead to a purified chronology. The present work represents a qualitative study relying on field excavations and library research and also benefits from the knowledge of ancient languages in order to find answers to such questions as: In the reigns of which Parthian and Sasanian kings did the Parthian cemetery and the Sasanian fort were in use, and for how long? And, what are the characteristics and stylistic attributions of the discovered coinage? The results of the numismatic analysis show that the Parthians used the Veliran cemetery to bury their dead for about a century, spanning the reigns of Mithridates II and Orodes I, and after a hiatus of some 500 years, the Sasanians settled the site in the times of Khosrow I by constructing there a fort. Keywords: Coinage, Parthian, Sasanian, Veliran, Damavand.   Introduction Among the major finds excavated from the archaeological site of Veliran in Damavand are a few coins, study of which will play a prominent role in providing answers to the outstanding questions regarding the region in these two periods. The available, in particular the Sasanian, coins display various inscriptions and representations, which are of high potential for providing information on the royal names and their portraits, the minting places, titles and honorifics, religion and on the whole an improved chronology.   Research Question and Hypotheses The present study is a qualitative work, and building on library and field researches and the knowledge of early languages, seeks to provide answers to the questions: Under which Parthian and Sasanian kings and for how long did the Parthian cemetery and the Sasanian fort were used? What are the characteristics of the discovered coinage and their stylistic affiliations? Our results suggest that the Parthians used the Veliran cemetery to inter their deceased for about a century, which spanned the reigns of Mithridates II and Orodes I, before it was abandoned in the late 1st century BC. Following a hiatus that lasted for about half a century, the Sasanians would reuse the site by putting up a fort there during the reign of Khosrow I. The Parthian coinage features the portraits of related kings on the obverse and a figure sitting on stool surrounded by an inscription on the reverse; in the Sasanian instances we find portraits of royals associated with inscriptions on the obverse, and a central altar flanked by a standing figure on both sides, all framed by an inscription in Sasanian Pahlavi on the reverse.   Texts on the Coinage from Veliran The coins dating to the Parthian period were recovered within a catacomb of pit grave type in the eastern quadrant of the site (Ne’mati 2012, 107). The entire space of the grave produced seven coins, all being silver drachmas. Drachma represented the most common coin in the period and was produced in mint houses across the empire, weighing about 4 g (Sarfaraz 2009, 30). Three coins of Mithridates III (Sellwood 1980, 124) lay under the neck of the skeleton on the eastern platform. Three coins of Phraates III (ibid, 119) were mixed with other objects and the remains of the flexed burial to the northeast of the east platform; three coins of Mithridates II (ibid, 73) were within the ossuary cut into the natural wall of the grave. Three coins of Mithridates III (ibid, 119) were found next to the first skeleton buried on the west platform A single coin of Orodes I (ibid, 91) was next to Skeleton 2. A single coin of Orodes II lay by Skelton 3. And a single coin of Mithridates II (ibid, 84) was associated with Skeleton 4 next to the natural wall of the grave. The easternmost part of the Veliran fort, which overlays the Parthian cemetery, yielded eight coins from the Sasanian period, six belonging to Khosrau II, one to Khosrau I, and one to Hormizd IV. On the obverse of the Sasanian coins, there is, within two circular pearl inlayed panels, the portrait of a king in profile and facing right, in front and behind of which are inscriptions in Pahlavi. Outside the circular panel on the three right, left and down sides, and also at the center of the wings of the crown, representations of moon and star exist. On the reverse, within a series of three circular pearl inlayed panels, two branch holding attendants stand next to the altar, with the representations of moon and star on the four sides of the perimeter. Within the panel to the right and left sides of the attendants, the minting date and place are attested.   Conclusions The coinage recovered from the catacomb grave dating to the Parthian period at Veliran represents 5 Parthian kings, viz. Mithridates II, Phraates III (70-85/57 BC), Mithridates III (57-54 BC), Orodes I (90-80 BC) and Orodes II (57-38 BC). The earliest instances belong to Mithridates II, who ruled between 123-88 BC, while the latest represent Orodes II, reigning from 57 to 37 BC. The coins alongside the associated burial gifts within the catacomb grave reflect the social status of the grave owner. In the Damavand region, people of higher status interred their deceased in such catacombs together with elite objects. Based on the available coins, the cemetery of Veliran was in use between 123-37 BC, for about a century. The earliest coin unearthed from the Sasanian deposits, belongs to the 16th year of Khosrau I’ reign (546/547 AD) and was minted in Abarshahr. From the 7th year of Hormizd IV rule (585/586 AD) was recovered a coin minted in Yazd. From the rule of Khosrau I (591-928 AD) there are 6 coins relating to the 2nd year of the reign (592/593 AD) minted in Yazd, the 15th year of the reign (606/607 AD) minted in Susa, the 25th year of the reign (616/617 AD) minted in Mishan, the 28th year (619/620 AD) minted in Bactria, the 31st year of the reign (622/623 AD) minted in Shiraz, and the 35th year of the reign (626/627 AD) minted in Ardashir-Khwarrah. On the basis of these coins, the site of Veliran was resettled, after 500 years of abandonment, in the Sasanian period, at least at the times of Khosrau I, and the Sasanian fort built there would flourish at least as late as the late Sasanian period. The most striking point about these coins is that the mining places are not the same in particular in those belonging to Khosrau II, and they were variously minted in south, central, east, and northeast Iran. Discovery of the coinage with diverse mintage places evince to the direct contacts of Damavand with the minting cities. Given the function the structure at Veliran served in the Sasanian period, the recovered coins would have arrived there in connection with goods imported from different regions of Iran as part of trade activities.
    Keywords: Coinage, Parthian, Sasanian, Veliran, Damavand
  • Younes Yousefvand *, Farshad Miri Pages 131-150

    Southwestern of Lorestan province that known as Tarhan, is one of the most important areas in the aspect of Sassanian and early Islamic archaeology studies. Chaartaqi of Tamer khow located in this ancient reign. This Chahartaq located in Kohnani district in Southwest lorestan province in 20 Km north of Sassanian sites in behind of Seymareh dam. This is a part of a larger site called Chia Kalek-i-Tamer khaw. Like other Sassanian fire-temples in western Iran, was built with stone and mortar. The study carried out in this building shows that this Chahartaqi is the main part of a larger building with four stone piers, Corridors, firebox platform, and courtyard. There were also some rooms in the south of mound that would be related to the Chahartaqi. This feature shows that Tamer Khow’s Chahartaqi has been a fire temple. In this article according to the archeological evidence, we will attempt to analyze the architectural features, and compare it with other Sassanian fire temples. The main goal of this article is to answers the questions about the date of built fire-temple, rank and its similarities to other Sassanian fire-temples. The result shows that Tamer Khow Firtempele was built in late Sassanian era and have been worshiped in it the Adooran fire (local fire). In terms of the plan and architectural spaces, it has the most similarity to Ghale-e-kahzade in Romeshgan. Nevertheless, it has similarities to some of the fire-temples in western Iran such as Shian, Mil-i-Milagah and Chin jiayah. In terms of the plan and architectural spaces, it has the most similarity to Ghale kahzade-i- Romeshgan. Keywords: Sassanid Era, Fire Temple, Lorestan, Chia Kalek-i-Tamer khow. Introduction The formalization of the Zoroastrian religion in the Sassanid era has caused that the support of the fire temples was at the forefront of the plans of the kings and their advocate clergy. As a result of this, fire temples and their custodians became an integral part of Sassanid religion. And the kingdom and religion were linked together. According to religious teachings, the kingdom was desirable to be careful of religion. Zoroastrian religion in exchange for this guard provided the necessary facilities for the legitimization and continuation of the kingdom’s power. As a result, the Sassanid kings and their ministers made great efforts to build and restore fire temples. Historical texts refer to these efforts. Archaeological research has also revealed evidence of Sassanid religious architecture. One of the important areas of the Sasanian territory is Lorestan. Despite the importance of Lorestan in the Sassanid period and the presence of a number of the Chahartaqes and fire temples of this period in the region, but, little research has been done on these buildings and most of them remain unknown and obscure. One of these buildings is the Chahataq known as Tamer khow in the southwest of Lorestan province. This Chahartaq is located in Kohnani district in the Kuh-e-Dasht County. The study, introduction, and analysis of this Chahartaq, not only will introduce a new fire temple from the Sassanid era in Lorestan but also is a step towards a better understanding of the Tarhan area importance in the territory of the Sassanid’s kingdom. The purpose of this research is the introduction and description of the Tamer Khow fire temple and compare its architecture features to other Sassanid fire temples. The research questions are as follows: what period Tamer Khow fire temple was built? What kind of fire was worshiped there? What are the similarities and differences of this fire temple to other the Sassanid fire temples? The research hypothesis is as follows: Tamer Khow Chahartaq has been a fire temple constructed in the Sassanid era. It was built with a similar plan to other Sassanid’s fire temples by the regional rulers. The Fire Temple of Kalek-e- Tamer Khow The ancient site of Chia Kalek -e- Tamer Khow is located on the slopes of the “Larah” mountain on the surface of a natural hill alongside a fountain. Based on the scattering ceramics, the expanse of the site is about 5 hectares. In the survey of the surface of this site were obtained the cultural materials of the Neolithic period, Chalcolithic period, and the historical period. But, the most important establishment in this area is related to the Sassanid period. Architectural evidence of the Sassanid period included Chahartaq and buildings related to it. A number of ceramic and a few pieces of glass also were obtained From the Islamic period. The continuation of the establishment from the Neolithic to the Islamic period indicates its importance and special status among the settlements of the region. The building of Chahartaq has been constructed on the highest point of the Chia Kaleke-e-Tamer Khow’s site. Its axis construct is east-western and its sides are in line with the main directions. It is constructed with small stones and plaster mortar. The central area of Chahartaq is a square that each side is 9.5 meters. It has two entrance with 100 centimeters in wide. Entrances are located on the east and south Sides. The architectural features and ceramics evidence refers to the construct in the Sassanid era, which has been used until the last years of that period and even the early Islamic centuries. The lack of extensive and complex facilities around the fire temple building suggests that might have been praying a lower level fire than the fire of Mars in this fire temple. That known as Adoran or the local fire. Conclusion Studding of Architectural evidence of Tamer Khow site demonstrates that this monument is an example of complex Chahartaq that composed of a central space with a domed roof and cruciform plan, three corridors around the central space, a small courtyard in the east, firebox platform and Several rooms in 50 m shout of char tag. The cruciform plan has been a common plan for fire temples in Sassanid era. This plan has been used in Tamer khow Chahartaq. Architectural features such as bulky piers and squinches used to build the dome are important and credible evidence that this article, based on them, says that this building was built in the Sassanid period. The shreds scattered on the surface of the building also confirms this issue. Comparison of plans and architectural spaces of Tamer Kho Fire temples with some of other Sassanian religious buildings such as Shian fire temple, Mill milaga, Chin Zhieh, Torang Tappe and Negar in Kerman show that in terms of basic principles of the Sassanid religious architecture like cruciform plan of central erea, bulky piers and firebox platform is similar to them. In terms of having some feature such as corridors around central area, small platforms on west and south-west sides and small courtyard looks like Kahzad fire temple in Romashkan.

    Keywords: Sassanid Era, Fire Temple, Lorestan, Chia Kalek-i-Tamer khow
  • Khalilollah Beikmohammady * Pages 151-172
    One of the prominent monument in the Bistoon monuments collection is a building called the Ilkhanid Inn, built on the walls of a semi-complete Sassanid palace. During the Ilkhanid era, it was converted in to Inn and after a short time, was once demolished and abandoned, one of the most Controversial issues in its historical life. During the last periods of the Islamic era, especially During the Qajar and Pahlavi periods, construction on the ruins Inn was carried out, which caused considerable damage to its main foundation and made it different to identify the demolition factors. In such as approach it is necessary to study the factors and causes of the demolition of this monument. therefore, the main purpose of the present study is to analyze how the building was demolished. This research attempts to used historical analytical method based on evidence and historical texts through historian’s descriptions of historical earthquakes while carefully studying the architectural stricture of the Bistoon Ilkhanid monument which after several chapters of German and Iranian archaeological excavations, done to discuss its historical life. Now the question is raised: what was the reason for the destruction and abandonment of the Bistoon Ilkhanid Inn? According to archaeological evidence of type of roof fall and bodies buried beneath the debris, it is assumed that the archaeological Inn was destroyed and abandoned by the earthquake. This hypothesis can be substantiated by the placement of the Bistoon in the vicinity of the Central Zagros High-Risk Fault complex and the large seismicity of it, which has historically damaged many buildings. Some historical texts also point this. This result of research indicates that due to numerous earthquakes, various era as of Kermanshah and various buildings such as the Anahi Temple at Kangavar and the Bistoon Ilkhanid Inn have been demolished and their architectural patterns deformed, so that even sometimes its population has fluctuated. Keywords: The Bistoon, Inn, Ilkhanid, Earthquake, Destruction. Introduction Built on the walls of a semi-complete Sassanid palace, the Ilkhanid Inn is one the most significant architectural artifacts in the Bistoon historical complex. This building is right opposite the carved plate of Farhad-Tarash from the time of Khosroo II. The main bedrock of the Ilkhanid Bistoon Inn is planned by order of Sassanid Khosroo Parviz and remains unfinished due to his untimely death. Then the stone walls of the palace in Ilkhanid period used to build the Inn. Eventually, after short period of the time, the building will be demolished and abandoned for an unknown reason, one of the most controversial issues surrounding the Bistoon   Ilkhanid Innis how it was destroyed and abandoned. There were challenging discussions about this monument that caught the researcher’s minds, the first is the nature of the building in terms of its palace or inn, the latter the historical life of the building, and finally how it was destroyed.    Finding Archaeological evidence of earthquake at Ilkhanid inn can be studied in two parts, the first is the destruction of roofs and walls and the second is the presence of some bodies buried under debris. During excavation in year 1380 the excavation board found a human skull that Lacked other organs. What is known is the presence of a cemetery from the Ilkhanid period in part A of the Sassanid palace as an Islamic cemetery and several graves have been identified in A during the investigations. Therefore, parts of the inns interior cannot be regarded as a cemetery because except this, no other burial was observed and the presence of only one skull cannot confirm the existence of the cemetery. Unless it is thought that burying this skull has been a criminal result in the past. As part of the exploration to the south west, a workshop on the fragmented human skeleton is found. This skeleton was not completed and only parts of the bone were probably a woman’s skull, hummers, two pieces of vertebrae, scapular bones, clavicle. It should be noted that these bones do not have a particular order and therefore cannot be buried, in addition, the bones Lacked the burial stone and tomb structure. Also the Lack of information cannot explain the reason for this section except that it was buried under debris in the accident.   Conclusion What is clear after the extinction of the Sassanids can be considered, the most important period of the settlement of the Bistoon region in the Ilkhanid era. During this period and especially since the region of Oljayto, the Bistoon region has received much attention and the Ilkhanid Inn was also built in the course of a major earthquake (According to Tusi Hamedani and Al-Amri) on the 5th or 7th A.H. This degraded work has Lost its original use. Various reasons based on archaeological evidence such as broken bones and buried corpses under the debris and the type of roof fall on them, as well as the earthquake confirmation of the destruction of the Ilkhanid Inn.
    Keywords: The Bistoon, Inn, Ilkhanid, Earthquake, Destruction
  • Mitra Shateri *, Haydeh Laleh, Hamideh Chobak Pages 173-188

    Less historical sites can be found in Islamic lands without incised through slip wares. This type due to the variety of its designs, motifs and comparative ease of the production, has been manufactured and used in the important Islamic pottery centers specially during fourth till seventh centuries of Hijri. This is why Researchers call it as “Traditional Pottery of Islamic Lands”. Researchers confess that Throughout the Islamic territory, either based on its variety the technique and Motifs and its quantity is unique in Iran. while the classifications are ineffective and are not based on scientific information so the present research tries to reconsider the method of construction and decorating this type of pottery on the one hand and the findings of the exploration of the sites and important centers for the production of pottery in Iran in other hands, suggests some classification, and comprehensive dating of this type based on ways of making this type of pottery, Studies have been conducted on this type in Iran how it can stablish a scientific manner and the interoperability for all pottery pieces and sherds in different sites. This research has been done in this field through the collecting of information in different Libraries and comparison and identification of the findings in Archaeological sites which related to this field. The research questions include: What classification can be considered for the type of Incised through slip ware (Sgraffiato) that can cover all the samples obtained from this type of pottery throughout Iran? Or in which centuries this type produced more or for how long has it been produced in Iran? The present study was conducted through collecting information via library and field studies of findings in this field. The results of this research indicate that the classification with regard to technical and decorative properties together can be the most comprehensive classification possible, and in this regard, three general decorative styles Introduced: Incised through slip with a few sub-styles, Champlevé, and combination style. Also, unlike the opinion of most researchers whom consider time of making this pottery is limited to the 4th-7th centuries A.H, now we know that this type of pottery was produced in Iran at least until the Safavid period. Keywords: Pottery (Ceramic), Incised Through Slip (Sgraffito), Excised-Slip (Champlevé), Splashed, Lead Glaze. Introduction Carved decoration is undoubtedly one of the most common methods of decorating pottery at all periods around the world. However, using of slip or engobe for covering dishes and pots also has a long history. This coating, in addition to the impermeability of the surface of the pottery and covering its pores and holes, has acted as an appropriate background for decorating such as painting, polishing, burnishing, and cutting the motifs. At the same time as the period of the proto writing (the first millennium B.C.) and the entrance of the Aryan to the Iranian plateau, due to the need for mass production and acceleration in decorating, the pottery was decorated with a carved decoration instead of painted pottery. The process of using of colored slips and carving on them continued in the historical period until the introduction of the Islamic era, the Iranian pottery industry, influenced by the cultural, religious and social new atmosphere, began to flourish. Factors such as influencing and applying the experience of artists of other nations, and the most importantly the using of the scientific potential of Muslim scholars, especially chemists, led to the progressive and gradual improvement of the quality and quantity of pottery industry in Islamic era especially in the fourth to seventh centuries AH. During this period, works and objects of pottery were produced and presented in a variety of types. This variation was particularly clear in glazed pottery, among which type of “Incised through slip ware” which was known among the archeologists of the Islamic era as “Sgraffiato”, was one of the most widespread, most used and diverse technologies. Less historic sites in the Islamic world can be found without the pieces of Incised through slip ware (Sgraffiato). This type of pottery was built and consumed due to its considerable diversity of design, pattern, color and comparative ease of construction, in the major fields of the pottery industry throughout the Islamic world, especially during the 4th to the 7th A.H. Therefore, researchers call it as “Traditional Pottery of Islamic Lands” so it is considered one of the most important types of pottery in the Islamic world. Researchers confess that Throughout the Islamic territory, either based on its variety the technologies and motives and its quantity is unique in Iran. Despite the rich history of this technology, during a century that has been studied with a number of studies, it has not been dealt with in a good way, and the present classifications for it have not been based on scientific principles from the outset and even all the pieces of ceramics have been obtained. Therefore, the authors have attempted to present a typology in this area with the aim of eliminating some of the shortcomings in the classification of this type of pottery in the field. The classification is the result of studying and reviewing of the available scientific and archaeological reports of major and main historical sites inside and outside Iran, which are in the cultural domain of Iran on the one hand, and considering the way of making and decorating in this type of pottery on the other hand. The questions raised in the current research are: What classification can be considered for the type of Incised through slip ware (Sgraffiato) that can cover all the samples obtained from this type of pottery throughout Iran? Or in which centuries this type produced more or for how long has it been produced in Iran? Data collection was done in library and field research, and the research method based on characteristics of the subject is descriptive-analytical methods. Main Part It has to be mentioned that the most important classification belongs to Arthur Upham Pope. He proposed three groups of Aqkand or Zanjan, Amol and Champlevé or Garus to rule the studies of this species. He laid pottery in museums and art collections which had not been obtained from scientific excavations as the foundations of each of the categories in his classification, so the origin of none of them was well defined and was provided by the dealers and traders of antique presented them in the cultural property market. The objects could only be accepted in the most optimistic aspect from Iran. Another weakness and defect of this classification was the use of heterogeneous terms for sub-collections, which sometimes referred to the region (such as Aqkand or Amol or Garus) and sometimes to technology (such as Champlevé) Therefore, relying on the style and implementation of decorative technology and in order to organize the study of the type of “ Incised through slip ware “and based on studies and related findings in different regions of Iran, we can have three general styles with sub-sections for Incised through slip ware or sgraffiato in Iran. Style 1- The Linear Incised through slip ware with four minor groups. This is the group with 4 subsets, which is the largest and most comprehensive style in Sgraffiato: The Linear Incised through slip ware with splash glaze, plain linear incised ware, linear incised ware with monochromatic coloring and linear incised ware with colorful coloring. This style is the largest and most comprehensive Stroke style. Style 2 - Excised-slip or champlevé. Style 3 – Combination of linear incised with excised through slip. Conclusion the Incised through slip wares as one of the most widespread types of pottery in the Islamic world requires general categories applicable to the major production centers. Furthermore, according to the temporal and spatial distribution of this type in Iran and its significant variation across the whole country, the classification conducted must be generalizable to all the different areas. Therefore, the Incised through slip wares of Iran are classified under three general groups of “The Linear Incised through slip”, “Excised-slip or champlevé” and “combined style” each of which has a few subgroups. From the point of view of the chronology of this type, Famous Scholars and researchers as Fehervari, Allan, Grube, Soustiel, or Schnyder they all believe that the Incised through slip ware or sgraffiato pottery and its subgroups in the Islamic lands has been extensively produced and distributed from the late third century to the seventh century AH. and it has been stopped producing at the same time as the Mongol invasion in 7th century AH. They also believe that manufacturing this type of pottery has been replaced by other types such as Lakabi or Silhouette in next centuries. However, recent research in some areas such as Andej or Fortress of Hasan Sabah both in Alamut area of Qazvin, based on studies of Forms of dishes and thermoluminescence dating experiments, confirmed that this type was continually produced in a large-scale by at least the eleventh century A.H. and the Safavid period, that is, several centuries after the time determined for its production. Therefore, the production of the Incised through slip ware or sgraffiato ware was not stopped at the same time as the Mongol invasion to Iran, but also continued in most of the major areas in Iran. Thus, the dating of this type of pottery in the study of the Islamic pottery needs fundamental changes and revisions.

    Keywords: Pottery (Ceramic), Incised Through Slip (Sgraffito), Excised-Slip (Champlevé), Splashed, Lead Glaze
  • Ali Shojaee, Esfahani * Pages 189-208
    The present study based on classical texts concentrates on the frontier region separating Fars from Kerman during Islamic periods. The two major nearby administrative centers in this region were Rudan (Rafsanjan) and Shahr-e Babak on the eastern and western side of the mountain that forms a natural barrier separating these two state. The lower height of the northern part of this mountain create the only natural path, which at least from the early Islamic period had been the connecting corridor between the two states of Fars and Kerman. The path was One of the important attributes of the region its cities, and caused it to be mentioned in many geographical texts of the Islamic period. However, following the establishment of the national government by the Safavid dynasty and the diminishing and changing of the interstate borders, the path lost its importance. This situation has caused the administrations of Rafsanjan and Shahr-e Babak to undergo many changes and with the strengthening of one of these two states, the other would be annexed to it. On account of geographical sources, the most important city center in the area was Rudan, the location of which is unclear. There were also about ten other cities that we have little information about, and in many cases their exact location is unknown. This studies attempts to locate the missing cities in the region based on the textual and archaeological sources by regarding Shahr-e Babak as a Rostaq and Rudan as a Nahiya that belongs Fars and Kerman states respectively. The evidence in written source shows how awareness of geographical infrastructures and their potential let to the prosperity of a region that ensured security on the border of the tow important provinces of Fars and Kerman.  Keywords: Historical Geography, Lost Cities, Archaeology of Borders, Route, Fars State, Kerman State, Rudan (Rafsanjan), Shahr-e Babak.   Introduction It is by Looking at the geographical setting and historical landscape of the region in two different scales that we would be able to understand why this particular stretch of mountain had been chosen as a border area. In the large scale we need to understand the interstate dynamic between Fars and Kerman and, in the small scale the interaction between two administrative centers, namely Shahr-e babak and Rafsanjan.   Main Text The mountain between Fars and Kerman which is part of the Zagros range stretches from northwest to the southeast. The northern parts of which formed a natural barrier and a frontier region separating tow state of Fars and Kerman. The frontier characteristic of the region lasted for about 900 years after the invasion of Arabs, when the interprovince borders were very importance. The mountains around Sarcheshmeh and Pa-qale, have a lower height and create a natural path connecting two important state, namely “Ayalat-e Fars” and “Ayalat- e Kerman”. The lower height of mountains is one of the main connecting road between Fars and Kerman passed. On account of geographical sources, the route started from the city of Estakhr or Shiraz in Ayalat-e Fars and after passing through several Manzels arrived to either Srijan the old capital or Bardsir the new capital of Ayalat-e Kerman. One of the halts that is mentioned on the route is Chahak before Shahr-e babak and from shahr-e babak the route continued to Dehshotoran, Rudan and Bardsir or sirjan. By the Safavid period and the formation of central government, the route had lost its strategic importance, however, it was still frequented and travelers such as Henry Pottinger, Percy Sykes, Beresford Lovett, and Wilhelm Tomaschek described the route and the related cities and villages. The two major nearby administrative centers are Rafsanjan and Shahr-e Babak on the eastern and western side of the mountain respectively. The strategic location of the region had the governors of the two centers to constantly competing over the border region which remained the case during the Islamic era in both pre- and post-Mongol periods. The pre- Mongol geographical texts such as those of Ebn- khordadbeh, Estakri, Ebn- Hoghol, Maghdasi Ebne Balkhi and the unknow writer of Hodod alalam, mentioned the city and rostag of Shahre- babak as a part of Khore Estakhr in ayalat-e Fars. However, in the post-Mongol sources such as Semt ol ola and Nozhat ol gholob Shahr-e babak is considered as a part of Kerman state. Shar-e babak, in general, remained part of the Kerman borderline during Al-e Mozafar and Timurid periods when the border area between Fars, Kerman and Yazd was marked with many conflicts and battles among different contenders.  Rafsanjan, the other administrative center was called Rudan up to 14th century. The geographical sources of the 10th century identify Rudan as a part of Kerman which by then had turned among the three largest part of Estakr. In the 11th century and during the reign of Seljuks of Kerman, Soltan Qaverd amassed a lot of power until he succeeded in conquering Shiraz for a short time. Qaverd power led to changes in the borders between Kerman and Fars states and Rudan was once again added to Kerman and has remained so up until today. Thus Rudan like Shahr-e Babak was under the control of Fars and Kerman states; however, because of its location in the eastern side of the mountain, Rudan was often under the control of Kerman. In general, Rudan was a more important urban center and it seem that the Pa qala area where the fortress located was, at least up to the 12th century and before the Qoz invention, under the administrative control of Rudan. Therefore, we can see that these two administrative centers and Their cities are situated in a strategic border area between two important states that even in the Qajar sources, when the interprovince borders had lost their importance, is mentioned as a border area. Thus, each ruler that could have control over this area undoubtedly increased his power over other part of Fars and Kerman, and it was important enough that could sustain several cities in the region. In the history of this border region during the Islamic era, two periods stand out. The first begins from the 10th century and ends in the 12th century, when the state of Rudān was at the height of prosperity. The second period is during the 14th and 15th centuries and before the establishment of the Safavid central government. In the second period, the region witnessed the rise of Muzaffarid dynasty followed by the Timurids in Fars and Kerman, and was marked with the many conflicts and battles among different contenders, which added to the geopolitical significant of the region.   Conclusion Having this border area, not only provided control over the Shahr-e Babak or Rfsanjan but also enabled governor to have other part of Kerman and Fars and also closely monitored the transit between Fars and Kerman. Looking at the current map of Rafsanjan and Shahr-e Babak shows that how the discussed area was chosen consciously as a border region between two state of Fars and Kerman. identify the lost cities of this strategic area and estimating the location of them on map show the importance of this range in Islamic era. Having this part of land would bring considerable power and unable commanders to control transit and benefit from all the natural and political potential of the border territory.
    Keywords: Historical Geography, Lost Cities, Archaeology of Borders, Route, Fars State, Kerman State, Rudan (Rafsanjan), Shahr-e Babak
  • Mohammad Ebrahim Zarei, Maryam Dehqan * Pages 209-225
    Kermānshāh has built on the border of natural frontier of Irānʼs plateau, on a plain of central Zagros. It has been at the center of human community attention, because of its geographical situation and biologic circumferential, from the Paleolithic period till now. The geographical situation and its settlement at the political and natural borders, has caused its military importance. This case rise from Safavid and after Iran and Ottomanʼs continually challenges and has continued after establishment of Irānʼs west frontier. Historical documents represent that after rise the quarrels between these two countries and for the purpose of providing western front equipment in the age of Afshārid, Kermānshāh became one of the Nāderʼs military centers and a fort has been established. This fort is in the category of few forts which have been made on the plain and Star-Shaped plan has been used in its design and building and makes it to be comparable with the European ones. Its complete desolation has happened by fort demolition in the uproar of organizing Zandyeʼs governorship, deployment of city space and changing the Qara suʼs riverbed. This text tries to find the reasons of building fort by Nāder Shāh, architecture, and its armaments output as the artillery of western front and its desolation after being the opposition house, by reliance on existent witness and documents. The questions of search are: First, whether the Qale Kohne has been a military fort and the center of producing the army armaments? And; whether the architecture structure that is comparable with the European ones can explain its output? The answers are propounded as theories replying on armaments output and continuity presentation of western architecture elements after Safavid. This search has been done in the method of descriptive-analytic and historical and while studying the text and documents, the aerial images and the accidental discoveries. Keywords: Qale Kohne, Kermānshāh, Afshārid, Star fort.   Introduction and Method Kermānshāh plain has been considered by human societies from prehistory to the present and has been promoted to the natural boundaries of the Iranian plateau after the establishment of the Safavid dynasty when the conflicts between Iran and Ottoman was increased in western borders. Although the borders of Iran have been shaped by the policies of Russia and Britain, in the 19th and 20th centuries but the geographical location of Kermānshāh, the strategic location of roads and the similar distances from major cities such as Baghdād, Tabriz, Tehrān and Isfahān, has made the city’s military significance. The status of the area after the treaty of Zuhāb has been consolidated, and this city is one of the safest border area centers in the region during the Safavid period till now. This has led to the establishment of a large fort in the Afshārid era in Kermānshāh Plain. The main goal of the current research is to find out reason of how and why the fort was built, and to increase the little information about Afshārid’s military architecture. The necessity of this is determined by the destruction of the fort and the increasing expansion of urban space and the lack of historical and archaeological data of the Afshārid period. The main questions of the research are: Is Qale Kohne a military fort and a center for the production and supply of arms? And the second question; Is the architecture of the fort, in particular its map, comparable to European ones, justifies its function? The answers to these questions are based on hypotheses based on the confirmation of the military’s function and the continuation of the emergence of Western architecture elements from the Safavid era. The method of research in this article is descriptive-historical analytic, and the texts and documents of Afshārid and early of Zandye, the aerial images and the data derived from the accidental discoveries are cited. These data, which have been discovered in the interior of the fort following the construction, are the only archaeological data of the inner space of the fort. Based on historical documents and archaeological evidences, the fortress was the main battlefield of the western Front of Iran during the Afshārid period. The most important function of Qale Kohne was defensive and arms production, and its architectural structure is comparable with forts such as Qale Ahar, Qale Ardebil and St. George fortress and Chaul in India.   Identified Traces Qale Kohne was a rectangular old building with dimensions of 650×870 meters and had an area of more than fifty hectares. This fort was ruined in the uproar of organizing Zandye dynasty and its ruins are located in Kermānshāh Plain and on the edge of the river Qara su. Qale Kohne is located a little distance from the ancient hills and sites on the margin of this river. A capital and a column is discovered from the area of Qale Kohne, these monuments are attributed to Sassanid period. In addition, following the new constructions in the fort’s interior, a number of rocky objects like large stone bowls have been discovered that may be used to construct firing bullets or production of gunpowder. Historical documents show that with the advent of Nāder Shāh’s domination, Kermānshāh became more important and ranked military bases.With the establishment of Qale Kohne, this city played a significant role in equipping military forces, especially during the rare battle for Baghdād. Jahāngoshāy-i Nāderi and Ālām Ārāy-i Nāderi are two works that are wrote in Afshārid period, are mentioned in Qale Kohne and its construction. In addition, Almās Khān-i Kandulei, from the commanders of the Nāder’s army, have been composed the events of this era are quoted from the language of a ruined fort in Kermānshāh, which according to its descriptions, may be is Qale Kohne. The fort was destroyed in the aftermath of Nāder Shāh. Despite the lack of evidence, and given the presence of Europeans in Iran and Nāder Shāh’s foreign relations, it is possible that Qale Kohne have been designed by Europeans. During the capture of India by Nāder Shāh, there were many European forts in the cities of India, where the English fortress of St. George and the Portuguese fort in Chaul is comparable with Qale Kohne.   Conclusion  The city of Kermānshāh became the military centre during the Afshārid period. On the orders of Nāder Shāh, a fort with an area of more than fifty hectares was built in this city. This fort is similar to the forts of the 15th-19th centuries. This building confirms the significance of the western front. Nāder Shāh founded the fort with the aim of stabilizing the borders and in order to provide the necessary arms to deal with Ottoman Empire. Historical documents provide brief information about the location of the fort in Afshārid era, and refer more to the function of the fort as the seat of Zandye’s opponents and Qale Kohne’s residential functions. According to available evidence, Qale Kohne seems not to be a military base but an armory, it has never been considered important in its size and fortifications. The fort was destroyed in the late Afshārid period, and today there are no clear signs of it. Another issue that has been raised with regard to the presence of Khorāsān tribes in Kermānshāh is the fort’s residential function for a non-native population which is common in European forts in the colonies and may be the fort has been established as a preventive measure in repelling power Zangana’s family.
    Keywords: Qale Kohne, Kermānshāh, Afshārid, Star fort