فصلنامه مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 56 (بهار 1398)

Islamic awakening is rooted in modern Western communication with the Islamic world, but the extent to which Iran has been affected by this phenomenon remains unclear, as it has been little studied by researchers. The question to be asked is what strategies can the Islamic Republic of Iran adopt to enhance its international position based on the opportunities and threats, strengths and weaknesses of Islamic Awakening? The purpose of this study was to identify the relationship between Islamic Awakening and the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the way to promote it. In this research, a descriptive-analytical method has been used and this relationship has been investigated using a “SWOT” research model. The findings imply that the position of the IRI in the present situation at the offensive point is toward opportunity and in the future it will be strengthened by the promotion of that position. The point is that Iran enjoys a broad initiative at the regional level.

Takfiri currents are one of the main problems in the Islamic world and have caused insecurity, violence, genocide and fratricide. These currents have posed many challenges to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution by having features such as superficiality, irrationalism, opposing unity, violence-based state, and disregarding Istikbar. The study has intended to survey the question: what may be taken as the cultural challenges of the Takfiri currents against the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the strategies to deal with it? Cultural challenges include such cases as causing doubt in beliefs, destroying the context of dialogue, destroying the effects of Islamic civilization, weakening the intellectual and ideological position of the Islamic Revolution, and so on. To oppose these challenges, strategies are offered, including an accurate explanation of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, awareness of Takfiri currents, cultural diplomacy, the approximation of Islamic religions, and efforts to form a scientific movement. To answer the paper's question, Thomas A. Spragens' "theory of crisis" has been used.

The paper examines the dimensions and trends of the impact of the disputes in the Field of political theology on political competitions during the era in which the Islamic Republic of Iran stabilized (1987-2005). For the purpose, Skinner's approach, with some alterations, for studying the subjective and objective contexts, and David Sanders' classification for figures of stability and instability have been used to explore the impact of disputes on political competition. While examining the disputes in political theology of Islam and social justice, Islam and efficiency, the legitimacy of government and sovereignty in Islam, and the freedom in Islam, it seems that the conflict between Islam and social justice is the most influential debate in this period. During this period, the system of thought in the religious left and right emerged from the Islamist rulers` mind. Islamic liberals are also active intellectuals outside the state. The impact of disputes on competition has also been direct and indirect, each being maximal and minimal.

Despite many years since the Syrian crisis, not only has the complex situation ruling the country been reduced, but it has also led to an effectual power on regional relations and with its intensification played an important part in the security of its regional allies. The hypothesis of this study, using a descriptive-analytical approach and from the perspective of defensive realism, is that Iran's role in the Syrian crisis and Da`ish's defeat have maintained its strategic position and increased its regional influence in confronting Iranian opposition-based groups in the field. The region has maintained a center of resistance and a pattern of cooperation between Iran and Russia that has increased Iran's security and influence in the region. The results of the research indicate that Iran is trying to secure its national security first and then its national interests by influencing the region and utilizing its alliance with Russia.

In 1917, the Organization of Thoughts was established to the realize an important part of the unfinished goals of the first Pahlavi government. The organization is a clear symbol of the shift in attitudes of Reza Shah's government in terms of cultural tactics and techniques. Failure of the imperialist modernization approach and the emergence of resistance and opposition to the actions of the government have led to the confrontation of the state and the nation and the emergence of contradictions in this area. The present article seeks to show the individual and social impacts of this organization in the lifestyles of the people. The author believes that the new cultural policy as intended by the organization has achieved the grand goals of the first Pahlavi government in order to change the lifestyle of the younger generation and create social disconnect in Iranian society at that time. 

The USSR, as America's rival in the third world colonialism in the bipolar system, always sought to infiltrate Iran. Due to this Soviet colonialist nature, Imam Khomeini, on the basis of the principle saying neither Eastern nor Western form of government, was sensitive to Soviet activities. Accordingly, the purpose of the present study is to analyze and examne Imam Khomeini's policies and positions against the Soviet Union. The findings of the research, based on a descriptive-analytical approach, suggest that he did not differentiate between the US and the Soviet Union in terms of either Eastern or Western principles. But on a conditional basis, that is, a commitment to non-interference and a relationship of mutual respect, there would be no impediment to their relationship.

In analyzing the context and causes of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, several theories have been put forward. The theory of equilibrium development as an indicator theory of political institutions and its role in social and economic changes has been the focus of researchers. The question of the study may be put forward as: Does the theory of unbalanced development can explain the Iranian revolution. The present paper, using the Huntington's approach of "logical analysis" based on the research findings, indicates that the proposed theory has little success in adapting to the Islamic Revolution. The limitations of the theory examined in the article make this theory null and void and only explain some of the causes and factors that have been examined for its incompatibility.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, because of its Shiite nature, is the biggest obstacle against Wahhabism. Therefore, hostility to Iran has been the focus of the Wahhabis' struggle. Today, there is ample evidence showing that Wahhabist ideas are infiltrated into the country, especially in its deprived areas. In this regard, it is necessary to identify how this sect can penetrate and adopt effective strategies to counter it. Abuse of the economic poverty, exploitation of weak religious beliefs, establishment of schools to promote Wahhabism, dispatching convoys and forming anti-Shiite terrorist groups in disadvantaged areas are among the most important cases of Wahhabi influences. On the contrary, correct explanation of Shiite beliefs, preparation of scientific debates with Wahhabi scholars, improvement of the relations of the governmental authorities with Sunnis great figures, contradicting Wahhabis as they are doing against Shiism, identifying Wahhabists` weaknesses, supporting those living at boundaries, identifying and dismantling Wahhabist advertising agencies may be known as the ways to deal with Wahhabism infiltration.

Researchers believe that four decades after the Islamic Revolution, Brinton's theory, which has been brought into consideration in explaining revolutions, has not been much in line with this revolution. It is therefore important to research the extent to which this theory is consistent with other revolutions in the Muslim world. The question in this article is: to what extent does Brenton's theory fit with the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions? The results of the two revolutions' concordance with this theory show that at the stage of the preliminary signs of the revolution are: economic growth, class struggles, change of intellectual allegiance, inefficiency of the machine of the Government, inadequacy of the former ruling class. These norms to some extent may be explained in the cases of the two mentioned revolutions. but in the second stage of Brinton's theory, which includes the post-revolutionary theoretical framework contains the periods of the moderates, extremists, the age of terror and ultimately the Thermidor, it may not be in agreement with them .

The election of the Islamic Republic system of government in 1979 happened with the overwhelming participation of the Iranian people and the high volume of such participation was so that never may be denied. In spite of the fact, some seek claim the high participation as being unconscious to decrease its value. The study, therefore, using present documents, sources and evidence in a library-based method, has intended to answer the question: Did the Iranian people agreed with such form of government consciously or unconsciously? The findings of the research indicate that people were informed of the general outlines of the Islamic Republic in various ways before participating in the referendum. For this reason, the participation of the people in the referendum of the Islamic Republic has been a conscious one.