فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 39 (پاییز 1397)

The dynamics of power in the Syrian civil war have been objectively indexed by smart balancing between the three sub-networks of resistance, Turkey and the Kurds. Each of the State units in the Levant and Gulf clusters, using their strategic Plans, seeks to manipulate the power dynamic and thereby influence the future security order in the Levant cluster. The main question at hand is how has the power shift in the West Asian region's security order in the context of the Syrian civil war affected the security strategy of the Zionist regime as a Client Actor of the war? In response to the question raised, the present hypothesis will be tested. Due to the hierarchy of the World Order Network, the power dynamics in the West Asian region's security order and the Syrian civil war influence the security strategy of the Client Actor by influencing the state's security strategy. Therefore, the Zionist regime, drawing on the influence of the dynamics of power in the Syrian civil war on the US security strategy, designs ts security strategy in accordance with the US security strategy in this war. The research method in this article is deductive modeling.

India has a definite role in Iran’s national interests and a special status in Iran’s foreign policy as a permanent reality with a set of geopolitical, territorial, ethnic, religious, cultural and economic features. Iran-India relations have long been influenced by geopolitical factors, in this regard, the present study examines the geopolitical relations between Iran and India and the reasons for the failure of these two countries to establish a strategic partnership. Given the geopolitical proximity and geopolitical position of Iran and India, it seems that they have many common interest at the regional level. India whose growing energy needs are not covered for anyone, is looking to Iran for its long term energy supply as a major supplier of energy. Iran also considers India’s strength to be in line with the policy of the multipolar world and the opposition to US unilateralism, and it assesses it in the framework of its national interest. India has a large and significant presence in southern Iran and the CHABAHAR port, that is the most important area of India’s cooperation with Iran, the CHABAHAR port and the energy benefits of this country in the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile, there are also challenging issues in Iran-India relations, such as India’s proximity to the united states and its continued alignment with US sanctions against Iran, high ranking Indian officials meeting with the Gulf states, in particular the united Arab, Emirates, Bahrain and Qatar, which has caused the relationship between the two countries of Iran and India not to go well because of the regional challenges that Iran is involved with in this area.

The purpose of this article is to examine the new foundations and dimensions of Egyptian foreign policy during the era of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. In the postMubarak era, Egypt witnessed sweeping domestic and foreign policy developments. With the overthrow of Mohamed Morsi, the first elected president in Egyptian history, the country entered a new phase at the domestic and foreign policy levels. As foreign policy has been and continues to be a continuation of Egypt’s domestic politics, al-Sisi’s views on foreign policy and the way he is changing it is important internally as well. The question of the paper is focused on why and the level of change in Egyptian foreign policy during the Sisi era. I hypothize that changes in Egypt’s foreign policy is the result of the different worldviews of its ruling elites- which has drastically changed from Morsi to Sisi- and their corresponding corporate interests. Still, I argue that this change was not paradigmic. Methodologically, I use causal analysis as well as discourse analysis to explain changes in Sisi’s foreign policy. The research period covers the post-coup period in Egypt

Since the signing of the tripartite agreement between Iran, Afghanistan and India on the development of cooperation on the Cahabar port, the assumption that the development of the port is in conflict with the Gwadar port has been widely discussed. In this paper, the development projects of the Chabahar and Gwadar ports are compared within the framework of regional integration theories. The key question is, what are the aims and positions of the host in the development process of the two ports of Chabahar and Gwadar, and what impact will the pattern of Iran-Pakistan relations have on the future cooperation of these two ports? The hypothesis is that in the current analysis of the Chabahar and Gwadar ports, the role of China and India has been cited as the only independent and influential variable, and the role of host countries such as Iran and Pakistan has received less attention; While the competition or cooperation between the two ports is largely influenced by the dynamics of the relationship between Iran and Pakistan. By incorporating the Iran-Pakistan relationship in analyzing the relationship between the Chabahar and Gwadar ports, different results show the capacity of cooperation between these ports. The research method of this article is qualitative with emphasis on documentary studies.

Obama’s Rebalancing policy has been followed in the East Asian region with aim of redefinition of interests, threats and political, economic and military strategies. By coming Donald Trump to the power, the rebalancing has been replaced by “America First policy” in which the U.S. interests have been addressed more than any other issue. The question of this study is that how have “the Obama’s rebalancing policy” and “Trump’s America First policy” been followed to enhance U.S. interests in East Asia? In response to this question, the author believes that rebalancing policy has taken a comprehensive approach and focused on prevention of economic and military growth of China and with the aim of uniting all countries consistently with U.S. diplomacy in East Asia, while Trump’s policy is pursued by a unilateral approach in the economy arena and multilateral in military and political areas with focus on crisis of Korean peninsula and along the expansion of regional competition with china in this region. The study method in this study is analytical and descriptive and use of library references. This article uses Copenhagen school and tires to clarify and analyze Obama’s and Trump’s foreign diplomacies in the East Asia, and examines the difference, common points and approaches of each one and new orientation of foreign policy of U.S. in Trump term in East Asia.

From 2000s onward, dilemma of security has been complicated by expansion of globalization and development in social movements. In the region of Middle East, we have seen more complexity in security and identity-based violence duo to reasons such as: incensement of involvement and negative role of regional and Trans -regional powers and ethnic, religious and Takfiri groups. In this study, by explanative – analytical method and future study, the authors try to answer this question: how would be the future of security in Middle East in post ISIS? The hypothesis IS: Middle East in the era of post Isis would have seen the continuance of insecurity by takfiri (ex-communicative) groups due to these reasons: institutionalizing and rootedness of fundamental minds and continuity of social contexts for formation of Salafi- ex-communicative Groups because of humiliation and religious threats by globalization and globality of western values and cultures, poverty, economic- class inequality and gaps due to globalization of neo-liberal economy, in-efficient governments, dependency to foreign powers and so on. Findings of this study shows that, due to continuity of above- mentioned contexts and dissatisfactions, in future we have been faced to ISIS and ex-Communicative thought in the masses, so falling of ISIS, necessarily doesn’t mean the ending of violence. Perhaps we can decrease temporarily the Ex- communicative groups’ violence in this region by international political and military actions, but this actions is not eternal. So the permanent peace need to necessary social and mind preconditions by formation of trans- regional social movement and recruitment from peace elite and activists beyond of religious, ethnical and national prejudice as well as the mind and belief reformation in the masses.

New world order is an epoch including eminent changes in political thought and balance of power, which is related in ideological believes to allow global governance process by attempting to recognize, realize and solve its problems out of each individual capacity in nation- state domain. This term refers to postworld war II order based on the George H. W. Bush and Gorbachev principles. The main question is the leading role of great powers, e.g. USA and China, for systemic conflicts in recent world has made the new order to face a lack of necessary and effective institutions to overcome problems and remove obstacles of global structures and legitimacy elements. In this article, I am trying to have a survey on the main challenges of transiting from the new world order toward unilateralism. Regarding this assumption that transiting from this new world order is equal to post-unilateralism and the rise of recent global powers, It seems that post-unilateralism challenges originates from duality in global system structure, post- westphalia order viewpoints as long as the rules and obstacles on ideological and security points. The findings show a rising ambitiousness of great powers, weakening the USA uncontested leading role, rising new politico-economic powers and post-uni polar system transition.

Using the hegemonic stability theory, this article seeks to answer this question that how the US strategy after September 11th, 2001 has affected the relations between India and China. By an analytical-descriptive method, the authors have studied the hypothesis that the United States has been looking for maintaining its hegemony in the region by increasing India’s power in the Indo- Pacific region and trying to subdue China; since the US believes that China is a near threat and India a far-fetched one. So, with the intention that India, as a future middle power, has no capacity to challenge the US interests in the region, the US is seeking to control China by strengthening India. While explaining the theory of hegemonic stability and outlining the US policy in the Indo- Pacific region, the authors analyze its impact on the policies and relationships between India and China.