نشریه مطالعات بین المللی
سال شانزدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 62، پاییز 1398)

The main purpose of this article is to identify the structural and institutional trends in the Middle East and predict future developments with an emphasis on Kurdish separatism. The main question of the paper is how will the structural trends in the Middle East, especially the Kurdish separatism affect the regional order? Structural and institutional trends are important issues such as the likelihood of some countries breaking down and formation of new countries on the basis of the Kurds, the rise of radical Sunni Islam and probably its decline over the coming years, the increasing likelihood of instability extending to key Middle Eastern powers and actors, especially Turkey and Saudi Arabia, the growing trend of right-wing politics in Israel, declining Middle East Strategic importance for America and finally the importance of the Middle East to European countries. Given these trends and in response to the main question, the hypothesis is as follows: The regional order in the Middle East is on the verge of a serious transitional period as a result of the influx of various actors. Accordingly it is predicted that "In coming years, we will see a different Middle East with a growing focus on nationalism, separatism, the emergence of new countries and their struggles with dominant actors, the continued ideological rivalry of regional powers with increasing chances of crisis to them." The present article intends to discuss this issue in five sections in an analytical way with a future-based approach.

The development and evolution of cyberspace has led to various forms of cybercrime. Thus, in recent decades, countries have taken steps to combat cybercrime with the codification of international treaties. One of these international treaties is the EU Cybercrime Treaty (Budapest Convention), which was ratified as the first cybercrime treaty in 2001. This article describes how the Convention contains the elements of symbolic policy: reassuring the public that action is being taken to thwart the arms of cybercrime, educating the public about cybercrime, acting as a model for state, and acting as a deterrent for those who are considering acts of cybercrime. The analysis raise questions about the effectiveness of this Treaty and other policies toward preventing international cybercrime and law enforcement’s ability to fight this problem. For example, to what extent is the law applicable to the fight against cybercrime and why, after many years of ratification, the treaty still lacks the necessary binding force, and most countries have doubts about its ratification. This descriptive-analytical study seeks to explain the symbolic policies of the treaty and answer those questions.

Today, the phenomenon of modern piracy is considered as one of the major challenges in international waterways. The international community has not been able to effectively counter this phenomenon, despite the ongoing efforts to prosecute the perpetrators in domestic courts. One of the potential solutions recently introduced is the International Criminal Court (ICC) for piracy. This research seeks to answer these questions that given the crisis created by the pirates' return to international waterways, what are the challenges or challenges to the current jurisdiction of International criminal court to prosecute piracy defendants? And then what are the solutions or solutions to these challenges and obstacles? The present study is a descriptive and analytical study using library tools to investigate the topic and find an answer to the above question. Generally speaking, although the prosecution of piracy offenders in the International Criminal Court(ICC) can be considered a long-term positive impact, it is also internationally challenged, with challenges such as the failure to mention piracy in the statute, Lack of legal capacity, location relevance, and high financial costs are some of the challenges that this research is trying to address.

United States foreign policy reflects the post-Cold War era that Washington has always been sensitive to the growing regional hegemony of competitors around the world. In between China’s growth in the economy and its expansion into the military has not been separated from this reaction. This approach has been followed in Donald Trump's presidency in a distinctive way, and particularly in economic terms. This paper uses a descriptive-analytic method of data collection through library and internet to understand US foreign policy toward China during the Trump presidency. According to this, the main question of this paper is that in what form can Trumps approach to china’s growth be explained? The research findings show that despite the substantial differences with other US presidents in the post-Cold War era, Trump pursues China's containment and control in the form of an offensive hybrid balance strategy. Trump's balance approach within his personality traits has been largely pursued unilaterally in the economic sphere through the tariff and trade war with China. To counter China's growing economic growth on the one hand, along with Increasing Military Power (With US Military Budget Increasing to Increase Competitive Capacity of US Armed Forces) the most important pillar of Trump's strategy is China's balance However, the statistical data show minimal success of Trump in curbing and slowing Chinese economic growth. It will have to do with the transformation of the status and prestige of the United States in the international system.

The Venezuelan food security crisis is one of the challenging issues in the international community with alarming concern of the United Nations and other international bodies today that the humanitarian crisis and violations of food security measures are alerting citizens. Express. One case in point is the role of the Venezuelan government's policies led by the motherland with the ruling group in the administration of the country and the type of sovereignty, as well as the effects of disputes with the opposition led by Juan Guido, led by many countries. Forensics identified have been identified. In this study, we will look at the reasons for Venezuelan citizens' food security violations and the prosecution of its officials for lack of sovereignty in international courts. Regardless of the judicial immunity of public officials and the application of Chapter VII of the Charter can in the form of the responsibility for protection through referral to the Security Council or the collective agreement of the members of the UN General Assembly.

If some crimes related to family institution not known and legislator not enough support of them, may occur within the family and couple relations the impact it is obvious to everyone. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to evaluate the necessity of criminalizing sexual violence in marital relationships in order to prevent and reduce such sexual violence and to answer the fundamental question of what are the human rights components of this type of domestic violence in Iran law? The current research is using description and analytic method as well as digital-library sources.The findings of the present study indicates that the Qanvnnamh Hammurabi to modern law, legislators have considered heavy punishments for sexual violence, but overall violence legislator, despite Iran ban and its prohibition in Islamic law, in particular measures to prevent the violence has not. The prevention of sexual violence requires time and cost much and cooperation of various institutions and organizations and this represents a poor cooperation between the institutions involved in the detection and prevention of this type of violence.