نشریه پژوهش های جغرافیای سیاسی
سال سوم شماره 2 (پیاپی 10، تابستان 1397)

Tribalism, birthplace, and nativism are factors that influence the candidates’ voter bases. The Mamasani electorate is a geographical region in which the political actors’ bases are influenced by regional and tribal orientations; a major part of their success is indebted to tribalism and their place of birth. Yet, despite the dominant influence of tribal voting patterns on political actions of Mamasani voters, the candidates and representatives’ bases at this electorate are not solely exclusive to their tribe or habitat territory; the presence of geographical regions that play a complementary role in the base with either a fragile or stable nature at the territories of other tribes could also play a significant role in their victory. Subsequently, it can be expressed that the formation of social roles at each tribal territory would empower and form the candidates’ bases in a “random”, “organized”, or “hybrid” manner.

Review of Literature:

2.1. Social etwork

The focus of the social network theory is on connections and relations between different components of social phenomena. According to this theory, there are interactive network among various components of the society both at micro and macro scales. Integration of these interactive networks and their functions result in the preservation and survival of the organism of society.2.2 Social Construct

The theory of social construct involves a network of positions or degrees by which people have relations with one another. Fundamental elements of the social construct include “culture”, “language”, and “communication”; to understand social actions, it is necessary to recognize these elements as well as their interrelations. In the structural view, people in a society are regarded as beings under the influence of social constructs, of which they are members.

2.3 Electoral Geography

Electoral geography is the analysis of interactions between space, location, and the election process, as well as the study of the effects of spatial differences in political behaviors. Alternatively, electoral geography is inspired by political geography in which the patterns for spatial distribution of power as interactive relations among geography, election and power are examined.

2.4 Tribalism

Tribalism is an internal sense and motivation within the inhabitants of a particular location who prefer the values related to their understanding of their living environment over values that extend beyond their own territory and relate to other locations. Accordingly, as a coherent and consistent whole, the residents of a particular settlement have a local collective identity based on which they would vote for a figure or a party they sympathize with, whilst taking their own social, economic, and cultural into account.

The present inquiry is a basic study conducted using the descriptive-analytical method. In this study, the relation between three variables of the social network theory, social construct, and voter base were examined and analyzed as the independent, mediator, and dependent variables, respectively. Data were collected using library and document studies as well as field observations.

Given the findings of the study, factors including tribes and ethnic and kin relations had the highest effect on the formation of candidates’ bases at Mamasani electorate due to the dominant tribal-oriented structure of the area; subsequently, the number of votes for the entire candidates were guaranteed at their places of birth. However, candidates and members from each tribe have managed to create social networks within each other’s territories using tools of social; construct (culture, language, and communication). Considering the type of social construct, these networks are classified into a number of forms including “organized”, “random”, and “hybrid”. Consequently, organized networks within the territory of a tribe are oriented towards the candidates of another tribe based on factors such as identity, location, culture and language, empowering their voter bases. Furthermore, random networks during certain election rounds have supported candidates associated with other tribes using communication tools (social interaction, economic services, construction projects, funds, pertinacity, etc.). Therefore, it is much more likely for these networks to separate themselves from other tribes and support their own. In addition, some of these networks are hybrid (identify-benefit) to serve as a powerful support for representatives. The findings also show that the candidates and representatives of three tribes including Bakesh, Rostam, and Javid have managed to create networks within each other’s territories.

According to the results, during the 7th until the 10th round of election, the voting bases of candidates and representatives from tribes including Bakesh, Javid, Rostam, and Tire Bavaan have been influenced by environmental and identity-related factors such as geographical and tribal identities; moreover, the representatives’ bases were empowered by constructs such as random, organized, and hybrid social networks shaped by tools of social construct (culture, language, and communication).

The Nile plays a key role in the economies of Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia, and is a major driver of competition between them. Despite the competition between the three countries, they had no challenge until the early 1990s. But since then, as a result of increasing demand, the competition for the Nile water rights increased as a result of the Ethiopian government's move to build the Renaissance Dam in 2011. This descriptive-analytical study explores the impact of the Nile hydropolitics on geopolitical relations between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia. The findings of this study indicate that colonial conventions, the lack of a proper mechanism for water division, population growth, agricultural and industrial development in the Nile Basin, the construction of the Renaissance Dam in Ethiopia, and finally the involvement of foreign powers have caused the Nile Basin became an area of hydropolitical competition between the beneficiary countries. Consequently, due to the insistence of the upstream countries on the fair share of the Nile water, the Nile Hydropolicy will create the “geopolitical confrontation” among the three countries.

No country can maintain its political, economic and social stability without having sufficient water. Due to population growth and the development of industries, freshwater resources and access to them has become a "geopolitical crisis" in some countries. A striking example is a dispute between the three states of Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt over the water right from the Nile River. Although there are about eleven countries, locating along the Nile River route and each complaining about its share of water, the largest disagreement on how to exploit the Nile is among the mentioned three countries as they do not use the same amount of water from the Nile. The highest level of water from the Nile is consumed by Egypt and Sudan. In recent years, issues such as population growth and the urgent need for water for domestic and agricultural use have led Ethiopia to demand a fair share of the Nile water. Therefore, in 2011, Ethiopia started constructing the Renaissance Dam, which will have negative consequences for the downstream countries.

This theoretical study employs a descriptive-analytical method. The data are collected using a library technique from different books, articles, first-hand references, and valid internet resources. The study explores the impact of the Nile hydropolitics on geopolitical relations between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Accordingly, it is hypothesized that the Nile has placed Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia on the verge of a geopolitical confrontation.

Heterogeneous rainfall distribution contributes to the irregular distribution of freshwater worldwide, with 40 percent of the world’s land mass being located in North Africa, Australia, and the Middle East, which holds only 2 percent of the world's freshwater resources. The war on water is one of the most repetitive events in history, and the likelihood of it happening again in the future has increased. A striking example is the dispute between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia over the exploitation of the Nile and the construction of dams on it. The need for water for consumption and agriculture led to the conclusion of the agreement on the exploitation of the Nile between Britain and Italy in 1920, whereby about 48 billion cubic meters of water entered Egypt annually and about 4 billion cubic meters were Sudan's share. The proposal to build a major dam in Aswan revealed the necessity of revising the 1929 agreement. As a result, another agreement was signed for the full exploitation of the Nile water, whereby Egypt received 55 billion m3 of water annually, while Sudan received a share of 18.5 billion m3. After many years of exploiting Egypt, the Britain turned to Sudan and Ethiopia in the upper part of the Nile in order to produce more cotton and wheat. Dam construction on the Nile continued nonstop, but peaked in the 1960s, with a greater number of dams built on the Nile by Sudan and Ethiopia. Such a process was not pleasing to Egypt in the Lower Nile and led to the construction of the Aswan High Dam in 1970 by Egypt.

Since the mid-1990s, a result of the growing demand for new irrigation schemes, population growth, and a higher standard of living, the competition for the Nile water rights increased, resulting in the 1999 Nile Basin Initiative Agreement, which later on proved to be ineffective, followed by another agreement, known as Entebbe Agreement, between Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. But Sudan and Egypt refused to sign the agreement, saying their rights had been ignored in the agreement.

In 2011 amid protests by the Nile Basin countries, the Ethiopian government began the construction of a dam that was strongly opposed by Egypt and Sudan that believed exploiting this dam is a Renaissance in Ethiopia, but it is beginning to ruin them. Egypt has a pessimistic view of its construction and regards it almost like a barrier to its boom. In contrast, Sudan is less concerned. Although the dam has made 60% physical progress, its operation is still undecided because of its threat to Egypt and its destructive effects on human and agricultural life.

Although competition for water use between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia continued in the following decades, as a result of the increasing demand for water, the competition for the Nile water rights has intensified from the 1990s onward especially when the Ethiopian government started the construction of the Renaissance Dam in 2011. The Egyptians believed that the construction of the dam would damage their country. But Ethiopia considered the fair exploitation of the Nile as its natural right, and the negotiations between the two countries so far have not yielded a positive result. Thus, if the upstream countries insist on a fair share of Nile water, it will cause significant damage to Egypt's drinking, agriculture and tourism water and to some extent to Sudan.

Afghanistan's tenacity in the eastern Iranian Economy has been the re-emergence of the eastern provinces in the country's foreign trade over the past one and a half decades. In the eastern economy, provinces like Sistan and Baluchistan, Kerman, South Khorasan, Razavi Khorasan and North Khorasan. This research aims at to examine the position of South Khorasan in the eastern Iranian economy, by the theoretical framework of economic geography. In fact, the aim of this study is to consider the economic status of the provinces and eastern parts of Iran in the economic development and regional trade plans. Considering regional geoeconomic and geopolitical competitions in Asia and global events such as the new US sanctions, the second aim of this research is to explore the economic position of the eastern countries of Iran in economic development and regional foreign trade planning. Researchers in the fields of economics, geography and politics have not paid attention to these issues.  Therefore, the main importance of the research is the attention to the significant role of South Khorasan and Afghanistan in Iran's economy, and explicating it within the framework of the new concept of the Eastern Economy. "Iran's Eastern Economy" is the new concept of this study to emphasize on the geoeconomic importance of eastern countries and provinces in the development of national economy and foreign trade of Iran. Geography of Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia are central areas of Iran's eastern economy. In this article, only Afghanistan is concerned.

The main question of this article is as follows: What are the environmental abilities of South Khorasan to expand Iran-Afghanistan economic relations? It should be said that cultural commonality and the most common border with Afghanistan, besides having border markets, proper security, and geopolitical and geostrategic status, are among the effective capabilities of the province to promote the commercial relations of the two countries. The significance of the present paper is to give an overwhelming and a transnational role to South Khorasan.

Review of Literature

Our theoretical framework is the economic geography. Economic geography is a branch of human geography that has been in place since the early twentieth century as an independent branch of geography. Subsequently, an important part of the geography was devoted to population, geography, agricultural geography, industrial geography, business geography and commerce. Scholars believe that understanding the geographic space that is influenced by human actions is mainly done through the study of economic geography, because the formation of geographic space and its consequences can be influenced by the demands for human productivity from the environment. Productivity could not be out of the reach of economic, geographical subdivisions because the subject under consideration was economic geography, forms of production, and places of consumption of all kinds of products at different levels. Therefore, most of the geographical implications of today are focused on the trades and power of different global, regional and national economic systems.

The authors of the paper have attempted to provide an overall analysis and evaluation of the content of the studies that are relevant to our discussion. A number of studies have focused on issues and micro levels of the South Khorasan economy, such as industry, markets, households, tourism, and local development. Others have focused solely on the economic capabilities of South Khorasan. The emphasis of this paper is on the transnational role and importance of the regional level of this province. Of course, the starting point for analyzing this research, like other studies, is the level of local abilities, but unlike them, it provides transnational results. Also, this research in the context of non-economic, political economy, while linking politics and economics, seeks to link these two areas with geography, security and culture.

The method of analyzing the data in this paper is the causal method. In this method, the results and consequences of research data are important. Therefore, by expressing and describing the capacities of South Khorasan, they analyze their role in Iran-Afghanistan trade interactions. Afterwards, among the techniques of observation, questionnaires, interviews and data collection libraries, the recent tools such as librarianship have been used.

The main issue of this research was to study the role of the economic geography of South Khorasan on economic relations between Iran and Afghanistan. The purpose of this issue was to focus on the area of ​​the "Eastern Regional Economy". Current and recent events in the region and the world indicate the instability of Iran's relations with the West, especially the United States. The focus of government officials on expanding and resuming relations with Western countries failed to do the expectations of the Iranian people. The dominance of the Western approach on the Eastern economics of Iran's foreign policy has a variety of reasons, including the weight of Western countries. This is important because, in some respects, the economic and political relations of the Eastern countries, including Afghanistan (at the present time) with Iran, are somehow influenced by the anti-Iranian American discourse.

 According to the findings of this study, the Eastern Territory (Afghanistan and South Khorasan) can be useful in facilitating and deepening the country's regional interactions. The territory of the East (Afghanistan and South Khorasan) can be fruitful in facilitating and deepening the regional interactions of the country. Although Kabul-Tehran's economic relations are heavily influenced by the US-sponsored and US-backed discourse against Iran, inevitably Import of goods from Iran is particularly fueled for the country (Afghanistan), due to lack of proper manufacturing infrastructure, as well as increased demand for its consumer market and the existence of geographic, cultural, and convergent factors. What can make this link more robust is the role of eastern provinces, such as South Khorasan.

The political, cultural, security and geographic location of the South Khorasan is a good basis for attracting more investment from foreign countries, especially Afghanistan. The expansion of Afghan investment of 2013 So far is promising the brilliant future of this province in the economic interactions of the two countries. This is important in relation to the role of the other eastern provinces, Khorasan Razavi and Sistan and Baluchistan, in increasing the export of Iranian goods to Afghanistan.

To the same extent as the South Khorasan plays an important role in the relations between Iran and Afghanistan, it equally affects the process. The boost in exports to Afghanistan, in particular, the country's first target market for goods in South Khorasan, has resulted in increased revenues from the province, including taxes and customs duties. Therefore, the increase in trade between the two countries will mean the growth of southern Khorasan in the long run. On the other hand, the impact of the economic development of this province on improving the economic interactions between Iran and Afghanistan is undeniable. To achieve these goals, it is proposed that special attention be paid to eastern provinces such as South Khorasan, Sistan and Baluchistan in domestic and foreign policy making of Iran. The Iranian government should strive to expand the exchanges and rail lines of the eastern provinces with the western provinces of Afghanistan. The view of securitization to these provinces must be reduced and the economic view replaced. With economic investment in the eastern provinces, dependence of neighboring countries in the east of Iran will increase.

Many tensions and conflicts over water resources have been recorded so far in the last century. For example, some studies have shown that over the past fifty years, more than 37 water tensions have taken place between different countries, resulting in military conflicts, of which more than 30 ones are pertaining to the Zionist conflicts over resources. Most of these conflicts took place between the Zionist regime and the Syria and Jordan in the 1950s and 1960s on the flow of water from the Jordan and Yarmouk rivers (Doleyatyr, 1995). These tensions have shown that due to the lack of water resources in the geopolitics of Israel, water supply a priority policies of the regime have been and, consequently, control over water resources in the Jordan River and all aquifers key as a minimum of its security and even if it withdraws from the occupied lands, it is thinking of controlling the water resources of the area, and in fact, without solving water problems, security measures would be impossible. This means that Israel will do everything to preserve its water resources, which is actually the source of its life. On this basis, Middle East experts believe that if a war between Arabs and Israel occurs in the next decade, most likely, it will be a war over water resources that threatens the security of the area.

Review of Literature

Mosallaynejad (2008) believes that the identification of any security processor would be based on the threat sign. If troops or threatening elements change, new conditions are created to counteract the threat. The first sign of environmental security threats can be seen in the limits of resource use. Currently, cannot be found any record for global changes in the chemical composition of the atmosphere, genetic diversity of species inhabiting the earth, and the cycle of vital chemicals in the oceans, the atmosphere, the biosphere are taking place, both in terms of size and track. Critical school theorists are therefore questioning if security has different priorities, so where is the health and survival of human society located. 
Mamouri and Kazemi (2011) state that the life of Israel depends on the water resources of the border regions, including the Lake Tiberia, the Jordan River, Yarmouk and Baniyas, and the occupied territories of the West Bank and south Lebanon. The Zionist regime is currently unable to survive without having the waters. They believe due to the issue of Lake Tabaria and water, it is impossible for Israel to return the Golan Heights, which was approved by the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament), to Syria, because of the supplies of Lake Tabaria water that  is vital to Israel,is located in the highlands and around Jabal al-Sheikh .

The method of data gathering in this research, which is a fundamental one, is also a library and the method of inferential analysis. The purpose of investigation is the representation of realism in Israeli water security policy, which, despite widespread changes in policy, has been forced to pursue this policy due to water resources constraints in the regime's territories. In order to analyze this issue, the importance and status of water in international relations and policy are first discussed. And after proving the pivotal role of water in the political geography of the Middle East, Israeli policies on water will be analyzed based on a realistic approach to its decision-making. According to security theories, especially the neo-realists' theories, since the Zionist regime sees its stability and survival in terms of water resources at serious threat, it seeks to compensate in any possible way, although the effort would end the losses of its Arab neighbors.
Using an analytical-descriptive method with the assumption of water as one of the main elements of the national security of the Zionist regime, this paper seeks to utilize the major theories in the field of security, including the neo-realism school, the central role of water as an environmental determinant factor in the security structure of the regime is examined.

Realists believe that security is a threat to the survival or national interests of the state, and that it will lead to war, the collapse of the anarchic order and the balance of power. Therefore, water is considered as a source of power, and dehydration is considered a very serious and strategic issue that affects the economic and social development of nations and, as a result, determines political power. This group of experts from the state-focused security discourse perspective looks at the issue and believes that governments in deep trouble in terms of water may fight for water (Boozan, 2002)
The issue of wealth is one of the issues raised by Israel in the context of maintaining Israel's security for Zionist authorities. The Zionist regime is devoid of strategic depth due to its specific geographic location and vulnerability and has a severe vulnerability to security threats. Considering the occupied territories of Palestine as the geographical and political borders of Israel, this regime is also facing a severe shortage or even lack of "strategic depth" due to its severe geographical and geographical constraints. This increases the vulnerability of the regime that has a military and security structure and, beyond all kinds of military and security threats, also faces a shortage of water resources.
The occupiers believe that the regime's security will be secured only if it controls the surface and underground water resources of the West Bank, the Golan Heights and southern Lebanon, and if not, its security is not guaranteed and it is under threat. The occupiers will only ensure their regime's security, which will have control over the surface and underground water of the West Bank, the Golan Heights and southern Lebanon, and if this does not happen, its security has been threatened. Water security is one of the most important types of security in our time, and the Zionist movement, even before the formation of "Israel" and the signing of the Sykes Pico Agreement on the division of the region, took into account all the ways to extend the boundaries under the British mandate to include all surface and underground water resources in Palestine, southern Lebanon and the Syrian border.

Israel considers water not an economic resource, but as a political, military and security issue. The country has benefited from various methods of acquiring water resources in the region, such as coercion, threat, theft, and so on. The Zionist regime has, in many cases, also tried to leverage pressure and threats to achieve its goals in this regard. This strategy has been influential in Arab countries, so that some Arabic countries are granted special concessions to Israel. Relying on the power of the Zionist regime and the use of force, either explicitly, or by the threat of war, Israel has managed to raise in the region's water equations. So that the legitimacy of any contract in the region as long as Israel knows that contribution, should the contracts be considered, otherwise the parties in the implementation of the project will be in difficult. As the emphasis is on the military element, the element of coercion, has never been able to resolve the water problem of the Zionist regime.

Voting is the most common type of political participation for most citizens in democratic societies. Voting is actually a kind of social mechanism for collecting and identifying social options and preferences. The most fundamental function of voting participation is the opportunity to replace and transfer posts and responsibilities in society. Since the level of citizen participation in elections is one of the indicators of the legitimacy of the political system in many countries, Iran’s government system emphasizes the maximum turnout. The maximum turnout in the elections increases the confidence of the electors and increases their authority in decision-making. In this regard, the present study aimed to investigate the role of motivational factors and social resources in participation in the tenth parliamentary elections among the citizens of the city of Shahoo, using the micro level “Theoretical Model of Norris Political” participation.

 Review of Literature

Nowadays, one of the main manifestations of democracy is elections. Democracy is not possible without elections, and a country without elections actually lacks democracy. Indeed, with the formation of democracy and the development of universal suffrage, elections have become one of the most important manifestations of political life in today's world.
Given the multiplicity and diversity of approaches and theories about political participation one of the methods for explaining political participation, especially voting participation, is to classify the variables and factors involved in explaining political participation. This method typically refers to two categories of micro (individual) and macro factors in explaining political participation, and in particular voting participation.

At the micro level, two theories are mentioned: resource theory and motivational theory. In resource theory, it is believed that those with more resources exhibit higher levels of political participation. These resources may be material or spiritual, but the greater the amount of resources available to individuals, the more likely they are to contribute. Education, income, leisure, communication, and organizational skills are the most important sources of political participation. In motivational theory, motivational factors vary, and may range from material motivations to value and attitude motivations. Experts have pointed to a variety of non-material motives, most notably: interest in politics, a sense of effectiveness, a feel of duty (of civic, national or religious), political confidence, and political values.

The present study is a survey research with the aim of exploring the role of motivational factors and social resources in the political participation of citizens of the city of Shahoo in the 10th parliamentary elections in the Ravansar constituency. The approach used in this analysis is to use the micro level of "Theoretical Model of Norris Political Participation" and the role of motivational factors and social resources on election participation among citizens of the city of Shahoo. Required data were collected through documentary and field sources. Norris's social resources such as education, income, religion, political trust, political interest, internal political effectiveness, and participatory skills were included as the center of gravity of the questionnaire. SPSS software and chi-square tests and Pearson correlation coefficient were used for data analysis. The statistical society was all citizens of the newly established city of Shahoo with a population of 3700 population. With maximum accuracy of d=0.05 and maximum variance = 0.25 and 95% confidence level, 100 people were selected by quota method.

The results of the questionnaire indicated that the majority of the respondents (about 69%) consider themselves to perform their duties and religious obligations. The most important motivating factors stated by the respondents to run in the elections are as follows: Opposition to the rival faction or candidate, improvement of the economic and livelihood status of the people to the martyrs and their families and a sense of responsibility towards the country. The motivating factors affecting men's participation in the elections are more than women's, and men are more inclined to politics and issues than women. No significant relationship was found between jobs and other variables such as interest in politics, voting, not voting, religiosity and sufficiency. But there is a significant relationship between jobs and variables such as activity, voting and motivation; there is also a significant relationship between education and interest in politics, participation in elections and voting; meaning that people with a college degree are more willing than others. The most important analytical results regarding men's age show that interest in politics is high among the younger age group. But among older people, the tendency to participate in elections declines. The relationship between interest in politics and other variables, such as the degree of religiosity and political adequacy, is reversed. That is to say, there is a greater interest in political issues among the less religious and those who feel political adequacy. The relationship between the degree of religiosity and the level of activity in groups and political competence is very weak and direct, and the relationship between religiosity and interest in political activity and political trust and motivational factors is weak and inverse, indicating a lack of relationship between religiosity and other variables studied. The relationship between political trust with interest in political activity in groups and political competence and motivational factors is direct, but is indirectly related to the degree of religiosity. The relationship between motivational factors with interest in political activity in groups and political trust is direct, and it is indirectly related to the degree of religiosity and political adequacy.  This means that, with increasing interests in political issues and participation and activity in groups and increasing political confidence, the motivational factors affecting respondents' participation in the elections will increase.

Although with the globalization and communications revolution, our knowledge of politics has shifted and awareness has increased around the world and the country, politicization is another contrasting approach, seen in our region, and often presence and participation seem to be beyond politics and political programs, and the vote of the people of the region has a more traditional-religious basis. Finally, if we want to evaluate the elections in this part of Iran from a behavioral perspective, we cannot say absolutely which of the above models corresponds to the behavior of the people in the elections. But it can be said that, to the extent that people's choice was made consciously, the results would be better for the country.

 Reitberger attributes the formation of international organizations to three "problem-centered", "cognitive", and "hegemonic" positions. Atheory is a general theory of all organizations, regardless of the type of membership, geographical area, governmental/nongovernmental, organizational function, and claims to explain the development of different types of organization, but it can be concluded by studying other types of international organizations. The difference that each of Rittberger's different levels of influence play has a major role in the nature, continuity, and the democratization of the relevant international organizations. The question in this article is to determine. What are the essential characteristics of the organization in the process of forming the Shanghai Cooperation Organization? In the answer to the new hypothesis It is true that all three Rittberger positions are influential in the formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, but because of the superiority of the role of "hegemonic position" and later "problematic position" over "cognitive positioning" of a transient, undemocratic nature over others. Organizations are predominantly cognitive based.

Review of Literature

In this respect, the existing works can be divided into two categories. First, textbooks on international organizations that deal more with the institutional-legal narrative, or, as Barkin puts it, institutionalized; In this context, works such as Musa Zadeh (1384), Ghafuri (1391), and Shirkhani (2014) are mentioned in the history and form of Shanghai under the introduction of major international organizations, mainly government.
There are also studies that have specifically examined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, including the book Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Perspective Towards a Multipolar World by Hamid Reza Anvari and Morteza Rahmani Movahed, or articles by Shafiee and Mahmoudi (2015), preacher (2010), Haj Yusefi and Alvand (Journal of Political Science 2008), Badiei, Sharifi Razavi and Mirahmadi (Practical Geography 1393), Kozegar College (Strategy 2009), Kolaee and Moradi (Politics Quarterly, 2009), Goodarzi (Central Eurasia), 2015 ), Bozorgi and Hosseini (Political and Economic Information, 2011), Rezaei and Salehi (Political Studies, 2010), Amini and Mousavi (Rahbord, 2013), Khalili and Zarei (Seasonal) International Organizations, 2013), Shahriari (Political Quarterly, 2009), Jurisprudence and Humanities (Political and Economic Information, 2011), Tabatabai (Strategy, 2011), Ezzati and Yazdanpanah (Geopolitical Quarterly 1386),); however, this paper is distinguished from the above in terms of the theoretical framework, question, and notion.
Reitberger cites three approaches or situations in explaining why international organizations have evolved. The hegemonic approach, according to which international organizations are nothing but the interests of the dominant power, and the hegemonic government has created international organizations to promote its interests and values ​​at the level of the international system or region. Problem-based, which sees the establishment of international organizations as a result of cooperation between member states to solve common problems and benefits from game theory and, ultimately, a cognitive approach that focuses on ideas and ideas rather than merely on material conditions and forces. Shared ideas emphasize the creation of international institutions that depend on a consensus of values ​​and norms.

The research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library and documentary. The analytical-descriptive approach used in this article is to interpret the data by gathering data related to the founding of the Shanghai organization and compare the three effective positions in establishing the aforementioned organization in order to confirm the research hypothesis.

As the findings of the study suggest, the formation of the Shanghai organization is more in line with the two hegemonic and problem-oriented situations than with the cognitive one. In interpreting this finding, it must be said that the organization relies heavily on the presence and essential role of its major founding states, China and Russia. Therefore, the optimal functioning of the Shanghai Organization cannot be imagined without the serious and effective role of China and Russia. In other respects, the emergence of the Shanghai Organization is due to the existence of a number of needs, concerns, and issues common to member states that they alone cannot satisfy. Confrontation or soft balances with the United States, territorial and border disputes, business issues Finance, energy and countering the threat of terrorism are all caused by the post-Cold War atmosphere that dominates international relations. Obviously, addressing the needs and concerns of governments on any of these issues will lead to a change in the nature and effectiveness of the organization.

 Ritterberger's three positions are true in the formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, but this influence has been accompanied by an uneven weight and role. In fact, these three situations have not been equally effective. In general, it can be concluded that most international organizations arise out of the need or concern of the member states. Therefore, the problematic situation in the development of organizations is inevitable. However, the role of the state or governments of the global or regional hegemony and the political structure and structure of these states / states will have a profound effect on the nature of organizations.