مجله مطالعات ایرانی
پیاپی 36 (پاییز و زمستان 1398)

Siparɣam and its Features in Iranian texts (Based on Old Iranian texts)*   Dr. Neda Akhavan Aghdam(Corresponding author) 1 Dr. Fariba Sharifian2 1.Introduction In old Iranian texts, the word 'Siparɣam' is generally referred to as 'flowers and aromatic plants'. All stories about it, its creation and its use at ceremonies, show its importance. So, at first, the etymology and meaning of the word 'Siparɣam', and then, its location, its use at rituals and its healing properties are studied in order to find a relation between this plant and its related stories and also the ancient Iranian thoughts and myths and the use of 'Siparɣam'.   2. Methodology This study is based on the descriptive analysis method by using library research. It tries to answer the following questions: 1. How does the properties and benefits of Siparɣam affect the stories and myths about it? 2. Is there any relation between the properties of this plant like aroma and healing features and its good creation according to Zoroastrian’s thought? 3. What is the reason of the widespread use of Siparɣam in rituals; and, does it have any relationship with Iranian mythology or not?     3. Discussion The word 'Siparɣam' is seen in different forms in texts (Yahaghi, 1990: 239) and it means bloom, while in Avesta, it means blossom (Hassandoost, 2014: 1671- 1673) and in Pahlavi texts, it means flower and aromatic herbs (MacKenzie, 1971: 76). In astronomical books, Venus implies Siparɣam and fragrance (Birouni, 1974: 375- 376). This herb is ascribed to Šahrēwar Amšāspand (Bundahiš,1990: 87-88) and there are some narrations about its creation in the old Iranian texts, for example, it is narrated that after Adam’s repentance is accepted he cries and Siparɣam is created from his tears (Bal’ami, 2007: 139- 140). Also, according to another story, Siparɣam have not been created before Xusraw Anuširwān. The snake brought its seed to his court and it bloomed; Xusraw who always caught a cold smelled and ate it and then he recovered his health. (Yahaghi, 1990, 239- 240) It seems that this herb bloomed in Iran ( Ferdowsi,1971, vol.9/ 270) and because of its pleasant smell and beauty, it becme known as 'the mirror of Amšāspandān'; and, it is said that Paradise is decorated by Siparɣam (Ardaviraf Nameh, 2003, 59) In Manichaean and Sogdian texts, it is a synonym for flower (Boyce, 1975, 42; Benveniste, 1940, 13,47,79,91,93,110,146,154) and in the works of ancient poets, Siparɣam is referred to as a flower and blossom (Asadi Toosi, 1975, 400; Naser Khosrow, 1978, 246). This herb is used at Zoroastrian ritual and religious ceremonies and it is obvious from the ancient texts (Rivayat-e Pahlavi, 1988, 67- 68; Mazdapour, 1989, 490, 493, n.13). This culture remains in Islamic time and the ceremonies in Iran were decorated by Siparɣam (Gardizi,1968, 188). Moreover, Siparɣam has a healing feature; it is sedative and relieves suffering and pain; its nature is warm, anti-germs and useful for digestive system (Birooni, 1973, 51- 52; Ansari Shirazi, 1992, 244). 4. Conclusion It seems that the story of Siparɣam creation in Xusraw time, which is referred to in texts, is a referrence to its healing feature because it causes Xusraw to recover. Moreover, maybe this story goes back to  Xudāynāmag, which is written in Sassanid time. As we have seen Siparɣam is ascribed to Šahrēwar Amšāspand and Šahrēwar is a representative of  good king and it made Sassanid historiographers trace the story of the creation of this herb back to Xusraw time, an ideal king in the Sassanid era. Also the scent, beauty, calmness and happiness are all the gifts by Ahura Mazdāh and as Siparɣam has these properties, it can be a sign of Ahura Mazdāh. In old texts, it is said that this herb is so beautiful that in the material world, there is no equal and its smell is the sign of the smell of gods. Its use at rituals and ceremonies show the presence of Ahura Mazdāh and his representations, i.e., Amšāspandān and it is their presence that results in performing the rituals well. The relation of its healing feature and Ahura Mazdāh is obvious because health is a gift of Ahura Mazdāh and illness comes from Ahriman. So all the features of Siparɣam is related to Ahura Mazdāh and goodness..

jewelry art along with other arts of the Achaemenid era represent the glory of Cyrus the Great and his successors' empire. Motifs and symbols engraved on jewelry and accessories of the Achaemenid era,are actually a representation of  thehistory of ancient  Persian beliefs that can be summarized in the form of art of the Achaemenid era. The use of this symbolic meanings in the art of jewelry in this period was influenced by culture, religion and mythology of previous periods as well as neighboring areas.  The aim of this study was to identify and study some mythological symbols and concepts that are prominent in the art of jewelry and accessories used in the Achaemenid era.

This article reviews motifs engraved on artwork samples, such as bracelets, necklaces and earrings at the Museum of Great Britain, Miho, Boston and the Louvre, showed that the beliefs of that era are well reflected in the form of symbolic meanings in the art of that period, especially in Jewelry. The evidence behind this claim is numerous motifs and symbolic concepts that can be seen repetitively in the Achaemenid art, including the use of Griffin, that is a legandary creature, on bracelets or armbands, the use of Forouhar in necklaces and earrings and the representation of the god Bes on earrings.

During the Achaemenid period, there was prosperity, especially in the court centers. This confirms the historical sources of ancient times and to some extent archaeological discoveries. However, there is not too many jewels form this period. The most important collections from Iran are a treasure trove inside a jug of water that was found near one of the Pasargad granges. There are also jewels in Achaemenid  art. For example, in Persepolis, glazed brick frame of Susa palace, the statue of Darius in Susa and the statue of Potahotep, treasurer of Egypt  under Darius Ι, that pictured in Iranian dress. The statue is now held at the Brooklyn museum.
Through excellent quality inlaid glittering ornamentation, the feature of Achaemenid jewelry is characterized. In this style, jewels are all decorated in different colors with pieces of precious stones, glass, ceramics and maybe enamel (Koch, 2008, 255-256).
The period of glamorous ornamentation in Achaemenid jewelry is seen in bracelets, earrings, necklaces and array of dresses (Curtis & Talis, 2012, 130).
The bracelets are usually with the animal's head at the end, that were very common during the Achaemenid era (Curtis & Talis, 2012, 130). A beautiful example of these bracelets is Karlsruhe, Germany. In this bracelet two lions are devouring two rams, still having their heads out of the mouths of the lions (Koch, 2008, 256-257). Of the finest examples of necklaces of this period, some of which are multidisciplinary, five were found from the coffin buried in Susa. The most usable gold necklaces, with gems of turquoise and azure stones were decorated, while other simple gold necklaces were lemon shaped (Curtis & Talis, 2012, 131). According to Persepolis motifs, it is clear that the necklace was only for the king and the elders unlike the bracelets (Mousavi, 2011, 169).
The most prominent from of Achaemenid earring is an annulated surface which do not produce the complete circle (Curtis & Talis, 2012, p. 131-132). Another type of earrings that is very rare and beautiful in the Achaemenid era have horse-shaped hinge, and were used in the ceremonies. These earrings are from treasures of Russian Akalgori and are unique (Culican, 2006, 137). 
Griffin is an animal  that usually has an eagle's head and sometimes a crown and a lion's body and a wing and sometimes a claw. Griffin species in the Middle East may have appeared during massive migration from the Northeast in the first half of the second millennium. Crowned eagle species became common in Mesopotamia and Syria in the 14th and 13th centuries BC (Hall, 2001, 64-65).
Mousavi says, “The whole composition of animals in art has a long history”. In Persepolis and in the battle scene between the king and the legendary animal, we find a greater combination but this composition, known as Griffin, is a pure Elamite art, which was accepted even in Egypt. 
Achaemenid Griffins of great size were used for capital of column. The Achaemenid Griffins during this period were mostly in stylized form and were abstracted (Jaberansari, 2008, 100-104). 
By the middle of the 19th century, western scholars firmly believed that in Achaemenid art, the representation of the winged circle, commonly seen in the upper torso of a dressed man, same as an Achaemenid king, was a symbol of Ahuramazda, the greatest god of Iranians. This background was taken from the land of Assyria, and the symbol of Assyria represented the great god of the Assyrians, in Iran too, this symbol should be the emblem of Ahuramazda, Assyrian Iranian counterpart (Shahbazi, 2012, 15). On the other hand, Iranian researchers, also had a hard time believing winged circle, represents Forouhar (in Avesta: Fravashi, and in modern Persian: Frohar) which is usually the same as the species peer and like the human spirit and the angel has been his guardian. It has long been known that the origin of the winged circle in the land of Egypt goes back to the third millennium (Shahbazi, 2012,15-17). This role was probably transferred  to the Achaemenids through Assyria and then the Medes (Raff, 1994, 183).
The policy of religious freedom pursued by the Achaemenids is well known in the socio-political history of the ancient world. If we see that the Achaemenids kings usually respected the great gods like Murdoch, Bell or Amun and that they even announced themselves messengers, it was more political, but the role of the god Bes may be an exception. Of the Egyptian gods, only Bes was widely accepted throughout the ancient Middle East. The Achaemenids were probably influenced by this general acceptance that used the role of this god in their artwork (Mousavi, 2011, 283-284).

The Achaemenids entered the realm of history as the adjacent lands with ancient civilizations and historical background in political, social, cultural and civilization terms. The Achaemenid contact with ancient civilizations in the form of conquest of these lands required them to take advantage of the culture and civilization of the advanced nations to make up for the gap. Thus, cultural, artistic and mythological themes were brought to the art and the Achaemenids became indebted to its civilized nations. Inspired by these artistic  elements, subsidiary tribes and neighboring civilizations combine and integrate with their indigenous art to create beautiful and unique works of art. In the Achaemenid era special attention was paid to the uniformity of the motifs, and this pattern of construction was applied to all art centers. The Achaemenid period has a large geographical distribution and the influence of indigenous and subsidiary tribes on the Achaemenid metal works is quite evident. The existence of mythical motifs and concepts illustrates this claim that can never doubt the myth and its widespread use in ancient peoples' lives, because myth has always been the answer to unanswered questions and this made the myth important in the daily lives of the ancient people. The Achaemenids were no exception. Witnesses this claim to the symbolic motifs and concepts that are often seen in Achaemenid artworks. In the Achaemenid art of jewelry, despite the fact that the number and range of Achaemenid jewelry is limited. This themes is clearly visible on remaining jewelry such as bracelets, necklaces and earrings. For example, during the Achaemenid era, bracelets were commonly worn with animal heads at the bottom.
However, the influence of the cultural elements, myths, religion of the earlier tribes and neighboring civilizations on the formation of this context should not be overlooked.

since “three functions” such as “religious affairs management”,”bravery”, and “fertility” were appeared for the first time in Indo-European mythology by Georges Dumezil. Survey about every part of that “three functions” began in different nations of “Indo-European” family, bringing valuable researches for comparative mythology. Three other functions were known and presented in the subset of second function, i.e.,war, to survey hero’s three “crimes”, or “three-function crimes”. The structure of these myths shows a famous hero who commits three crimes in return for three functions of “divine”, “bravery” and “fertility”, and he is usually failed by the third function. In this survey, we try to investigate Garshasb’s three crimes such as: “Mazdayasni religious indignity”, “turning the fire off” and “associating with a fairy”, then adjust them with three functions. This is a library, comparative and descriptive research.
 

This survey has been done on the basis of descriptive-comparative method and by the use of library research. In this research, we try to answer these questions: What are three mythological functions in Indo-European families according to Dumezil’s theory? Do these three actions precede in Iran? As one of these function is the “three crimes” of famous heroes, have any Iranian heroes had such functions? In this survey, we try to explain these three functions in Garshasb myth. 

“Three actions” of mythical Indo- European myth contain these cases briefly:1) The gods of the first action have normally two features with a holy disciplinarian and ruler function:  A) Empire magical and bravery features, B) Human, regularization, pacifism, lawfulness and moralism features. They were the divine reactions of the ruler persons such as druids, monarchs, kings, minister and etc.
2)  Gods in the second action were all the reflection of war and bravery. They are famous for their militancy and physical ability in which Aryans ancient society caused forming young man association, its related rules and ceremonies and to Dumezil it has been continued up to now.
3) Gods in the third action were all the reflection of wealth, healthy, fertility, and worldly abundance on the earth. This action mostly contains common people. In Dumezil's idea, this function has different forms unlike those two ones. (Mokhtayan & Kmali, 2011, p.90)
In the subset of second action, warfare and bravery, three other actions are recognized and introduced which explained about “three crimes” or “three functions crimes” of the heroes in Indo-European families. The structure of these myths is that popular and famous warriors commit “three crimes” against “three actions” such as divine, bravery and fertility. Here we introduce these “three actions” in Garshasb myth:1) First action:   Monarchy and piety action, the Crime of despising Mazdayana religion:One of Garshasb's crimes is the despising of Mazdayasna religion .The offense of saintliness and the violation of social structure in its highest rank, i.e., the belittlement of Ormazd will cause the ruin of hero's eternity .When Garshasb despised Mazdayasna religion up on hitting arrow on him, he swooned and has is now asleep. In the case of judgment, first dead Garshasb will be resurrected; since the creation of Hormoz would not remaine if Garshasb's deeds did not excite. Zahak starts to swallow Ormazd creations, in Hourshidmah millennium. Gods revive Garshasb who is swooned and Garshasb kills Zahak. (Bahar, 2002, p, 233)     
 2) Second action:The bravery or heroic action and damning “Atash-e- Bahram”: It is the second action in association with bravery, militancy and also physical ability, which in Aryan ancient society, has introduced heroes and their related ceremonies. The bravery action is sometimes connected to “three crimes” in Indo-European people. The second crime of hero  has its roots in bravery function. In Garshasb narrative, annoying “Atash-e Bahram” was one of his crimes; that’s why he didn’t accede to paradise. His soul was constantly complaining to Zoroaster and telling that “I wish I lived in your time, accepted religion, and kept away from the hell.” Therefore, to find a way to paradise he was recounting his heroic arts and great deeds and asking for paradise as a reward, but “Atash-e Bahram” whom had the license of entering into paradise, did not forgive him. So Garshasb requested another life in order to make the hell free from daemons, but that was not the time to do so.
As we read in Pahlavi narrative, this god is so important that the fourteenth Yasht of Avesta is denominated by “Atash-e Bahram”. He is the most armed god who runs for helping people, brings treatment and power to them and overcomes daemons. He is a god who changes his appearance to a tornado, bull, white horse, fertile camel, boar, young man, Varaghna, and other creatures.
Every army who calls him during the battle, will wine. If a plain sheep is sacrificed for him, no enemy will enter into that land. Indeed, the sacrifice does not have any benefits for criminals, cause after this sacrifice, all torments will descend over them.
According to this discrimination, it is clear that Garshasb’s second crime has its roots in the second action or bravery function. As a torment, he is prohibited from entering into paradise, since he turns out and despises the fire which is the symbol of victory and heroism. (Bahar, 2002, P, 233)
3) Third action:Craftsmanship, desire and fertility (the negative meaning is avarice, greedy, sexuality, etc.):The third crime that is attributed to Garshasb, is his association and getting married with a fairy called Xnāθāiti in unhappy Kabul. The name of this fairy has come twice in Avesta.” So, the villainess devil comes and creates fairy Xnāθāiti to join and get married with Garshasb. (Avesta, 2005, P, 661) o: Zartosht replied the devil: / you! The criminal devil! / I will destroy the creation of daemon /I will destroy daemon dead body/I will destroy fairy Xnāθāiti (Avesta, 2005, p.863). This description of fairy Xnāθāiti in Avesta, displays more the devilish of her.
Garshasb is one the heroes who joins and gets married with fairy Xnāθāiti and penetrates to her soul and creates her, as a result, Boshasb daemon overcomes her, overslept her to the end of “Houshidarmah “ millennium. Fairies features are completely harmonized with the feature of fertility which is placed in third function. (Baghery hasankiade, 2005, p.97-98)
Garshasb’s third crime is rooted in craftsmanship action. Third function is related to libido; he wishes greedily like Heracles, and looks for libido, that’s why he is condemned to be overslept as it will be continued to the judgment day.

According to this explanation, it can be concluded that there is a stable structure in Indo-European myths, which is remained in these cultures during a lot of centuries, their effects are shown after many years despite geographical broadness and the reformations of different religions. Garshasb’s “three crimes” are placed in Dumezil’s “three actions”. According to “three actions of felonious”,  he despises Mazdyasna religion and the fire of warfare , afterwards, gets married with a fairy and considers her as Indian “Indera”, Greek “Heracles” Norse “Setarkazrous” and other Indo- European heroes.

1. Introduction In the history of different races and nations, myths have varied functions and they have never faded; but, they have changed their way and function. Many researches are done on Farrah and its types, but none of them has studied Farrah of Zoroaster’s father, his cruelties against his son and transfer of Farrah from mother to Zoroaster. However, public opinion is that in the case of even a small mistake or misguidance, Farrah turns away from the person; in no text, it is noted that Farrah leaves Purvashasb. In this paper, the question is why, despite the public opinion about Farrah that in case of mutiny or bad deed it leaves its owner, there is no text about Farrah leaving Purushasb. In this research, by studying Farrah, its traits and functions, manners and causes of Farrah leaving its owner are studied. Here, Purvashasb’s Farrah, what effect it had on his life and why Farrah didn’t leave Purvashab are surveyed. Two points highlight the importance of this research. The first is the lack of research on Purvashasb and the fact that the concept of Farrah, as one of the most basic Zoroastrian concepts, will be clearer by fundamental research, especially on a person such as Purvashasb, father of Zoroaster, who is one of the first people who owned Farrah. To this end, by looking at the concept of Farrah and its characteristics, the cases cited are analyzed with the analytical study of library sources. The general method of research was to analyze and compare the first hand and the second hand texts about the father of Zoroaster, Purvashasb. Based on these sources, Purvashasb’s Farrah, its characteristics and its maintenance with him was studied.   2. Methodology Farrah is a cosmic and Izadi force and a brilliant aura. An Izadi light that has been deposited in its owner and gives him long life, triumph, power, wealth and good fortune. Farrah is also the shining symbol of the ideal king and the glowing symbol of the kingship. Farrah is related to celestial stars of Ahurmazda, Amashaspandan and gods and is associated with the concept of a life-giving force with the waters of the Farakhkart sea and the Hirmand River, haoma and seeds and semen of the living creatures. Therefore, Farrah has a fetal and seminal concept in which the elements of the semen of life are known. So, Farrah is a part of the essence and divinity that assigns humanity to man. The relation and correlation with the light is of great importance because the material and spiritual faces of Farrah are signs of the light and aura. In the history of Zoroaster, Farrah also appears with light, brightness and fire. In the story of the birth of Zoroaster, Farrah, has become apparent in the form of the fire that propagates light. This fire came from eternal brightness, and forty-five years before Zoroaster reached Ahuramazda, it merged with the Zoroaster’s mother, and Farrah was combined with fire in Zoroaster’s mother. Farrah appears differently at the time of leaving its owner. For example, it parts with Jamshid as a bird (namely vārǝγna-); it also follows Ardashir in form of a ram. But, about the existence of Farrah in the father and mother of Zoroaster and why, despite the complicity of Purvashasb with demons to destroy Zoroaster, Farrah doesn’t leave Purvashasb.   3. Discussion Purushasb is the father of Zoroaster and the son of the Patiritarasb of the family of Sepitman. He was the fourth person to squeeze haoma and as a reward of his good deeds, he had a son named Zoroaster. After marrying Dughdu, for years he wished to have a son. Athron, Arteshtar and Vastriush were his son. That’s why Amshaspands Bahman and Ordibehesht appoint Purvashasb to search haoma. Purvashasb travels to the Daeti River. Surprisingly, he reaches that tall tree. He takes haoma and takes it to Dughdu and gives it to her. Purvashasb grinds the haoma that contains frawahr of Zoroaster and mixes it with cow’s milk. Purushasb and his wife drink from this milk mixed with haoma. Farrah which is in the body of Dughdu, Combines with fouhar and body of Zoroaster and by the intercourse between them, the sprout of Zoroaster is conceived. At the time of his birth, Zoroaster laughs instead of crying; demons deceive his father that his son is crazy, so Purvashasb tries to kill his own son Zoroaster. Here, a few points are notable: First, the laughter of Zarathustra after his birth, the stopping of spells and the death of the magicians who had wounded Zoroaster during his childbirth and childhood, Zoroaster’s return to the wizards by his father in order to kill him and salvation of Zoroaster from these disasters, were all miracles to show how Zoroaster is great and extraordinary.  This wasn’t the only cause of the happiness of Purvashasb. He believed that the divine Farrah, that Ahuramazda had given to Zoroaster, was the guardian of Zoroaster's soul. It was so powerful that, in addition to the owner of Farrah, his close relatives, relatives and animals were protected against various disasters. Second, although magicians erred in belief of Purvashasb in his son, as he himself called for the magicians to kill his son, and in order to compensate for the disasters that occurred in the miracles of Zoroaster to magicians and demons, Purvashasb gave to the magicians; but as Ebrahim (peace be upon him), who wanted to kill Ismael, knew that whatever the outcome would be, the will of God would turn it to a good result. Purvashasb believed that there would be no harmful event for his son, and the divine Farrah of Ahuramazda always guarded him. In this regard, the good thought of Purvashasb is superior to his deeds. Although he has an unpleasant attitude towards his son, his thought is benevolent and his deed is not in contradiction with his duties. Third, undoubtedly Purushasb loved his son, Zoroaster, because he was the source of his life and the rewards of his sufferings. Moreover, the life of Zoroaster was combined with the life of Purvashsab in all aspects. Zoroaster, who had a divine Farrah since childhood, objected to the unpleasant deeds of his father and made him aware. This controversy was not only due to the dishonest actis of Purvashasb against his son, but as part of the tasks of Zoroaster as the future prophet. Fourth, we know that when Zoroaster was seven years old, the wise and smart Barzin Koros went to Purvashasb's house and asked him to send Zoroaster with him as a child who deserves to be well-off and kept away from evil. Purvashasb did so, and Zoroaster was freed from the devil and magic for years. If Purvashasb really wanted his son to be killed, he would not have accepted the offer of keeping Zoroaster away from the demons and magicians.   4. Conclusion In conclusion, based on the findings of the research, since in the Avesta, there are three types of Zoroaster’s Farrah, Kiani Farrah and Iranian Farrah, and moreover, in the Pahlavi texts and Shahnameh Izadi Farrah, people's Farrah and also Iranshahr Farrah are noted, it’s concluded that although, apparently, Purvashasb is deceived by demons and intends to kill Zoroaster, but there is no point in text that refers to Farrah leaving him. This can mean that Purvashasb did not enjoy the blessings of the Farrah from the beginning, and leaving Farrah was for those who needed the divine legitimacy and approval, which is especially true for the kings. According to the ideal king notion, when a king was misguided, his people were also misguided. This is while Zoroaster’s father has no position and only by fulfilling his duties and good deeds has gained the merit of general Farrah; his wish is fulfilled and he is given a divine son. In addition, Purvashasb submits to heavenly test to kill his son, in order to more than before reveal the miracles which were sign of prophecy of Zoroaster. The story of Purvashasb and Zoroaster is not a story of murder and bloodshed, which leads to the loss of general Farrah, but it is a story of his sacrifice and submission, as the same is happening between Prophet Ibrahim and his son, Ishmaeil.

1. Introduction Research has specific difficulties in the subject of groups and social movements that are related to religious affairs. Usually, the followers of every religious sect consider their doctrines and teachings right, but they are introduced by their enemies and their rivals as void and deviant. Mazdakhi's teachings are one of these rituals that were introduced during the reign of Qobad Sassanid. The Mazdak religion was initially welcomed, so that it even challenged the Zoroastrian religion and the Sassanid government. Due to the strictness of Khosrow Anushirvan toward Mazdakians, nothing was mentioned about it until the end of the Sassanid period. Since the second century AH, Mazdakians were once again introduced in the history of Iran in connection with some sects, such as Khorramdin, Esoteric, inventive etc. The study of Mazdak and its followers, in addition to the common research difficulties in the subject matter, has its own unique problems due to the political and social conditions of the Sassanid era and the first Islamic centuries. The purpose of this paper is to analyze and explain the problems that exist in the field of Mazdocology. 2. Methodology The information and data from this research have been gathered from library sources including: historical sources, Zoroastrian religious sources, and especially Arabic and Persian sources of the first Islamic centuries. The collected information and data of the study were described in a historical way and were then analyzed. 3. Discussion Researchers are faced with a serious challenge to thoroughly examine Manicheans' beliefs and opinions, since Manicheans themselves have left no books or works to introduce their beliefs (Seddighi, 1996, 142). The Roman, Syriac, and Armenian sources, which have provided valuable information from the Sassanid era, have little interest in religious issues in Iran, and their awareness of Mazdak and his teachings is very little (yarshater, 2002, 450). The most information about Manicheans and Mazdak teaching are related to Zoroastrian sources and the official narration of the Sassanid court is widely reflected in the sources of the Islamic period. Given the enormous hostility of the Sassanid court and Zoroastrian priests with Manicheans, it is quite clear that these categories of bias were written partially.     One of the other causes of scholarship research is whether the Mazdak religion is considered to be an Iranian religion or trans-Iranian. The range of the geographical scope of the Mazdak religion reached the territory of Hira in the same stages as in the beginning of Iran (dinavari, 1960, 229). Regarding the influence of Mazdaki's opinions in Hejaz, some sources of Islamic sources, including Ibn Qutybah Dinouri and Ibn Rusta, have given some interesting reports (Dinavari, 1960, 229; Ibn Rosteh, 2001, 264). It is not certain that the influence of the Mazdaki tendencies has been carried out on political grounds, influenced by the functions of the Sassanid court, or for the propagation and publication of the teachings of this religion to Arabic countries.     There are also significant differences in the background and roots of Mazdak thoughts and beliefs. Christiansen believes that Manicheans are a branch of Manaviyans (Christinsen, 1995, 105). It is concluded from the traditions of some Islamic sources that Mazdak's rule is a new interpretation of Zoroastrianism which has been accused by the religious system of innovation in religion (Tabari, 2004, v 1, 105). Discussions have also been made on the influence of Plato's thoughts on Mazdaki teachings and instructions (Mashkour, 1999, 364).     The greatest discrepancy that researchers face in Mazdokhi studies are the beliefs, instructions and teachings of Manicheans. These differences are so small that Mazdakologists failed to agree, whether the Mazdak movement was a religious movement or a social movement. The content of most Roman, Syriac, Arabic, Persian and Pahlavi sources indicate that Mazdaki teachings were summarized in two cases. One was the sharing of the property, and the second was the worship of women. Concerning the ownership of the discussion of the topic, it is less controversial; what is controversial between scholars and researchers is the question of women's widespread use or the shared use of women.     The discussion of the gathering of Manicheans around Abu Moslem is one of the most important issues that is challenging for scholars. There are several questions and possibilities in this regard about whether these groups under the rule of Abu Moslem, who emerged after his death, were original Mazdaki populations, who, with the advent of Islam, became Muslims, or they were from Islamic sects and branches influenced by the revolutionary and anti-government doctrines of Mazdak and were called Manicheans.   4. Conclusion Recognizing the problems of the subjects studied in various fields leads to more accurate researches. In relation to the topics that deal with sects, religions, and beliefs, the problem of pathology will end in more beneficial outcomes, because such issues have their own specific problems. Identifying sectarianism that has an esotericism and no works and resources have been left from them, there are more serious problems facing researchers. The Mazdak dynasty, which originated from the Sassanid period in Iran and caused many discussions in the second and third AH centuries, is among such sects. The most important difficulty for any scholar regarding the identification of Manicheans, is the lack of works, sources, and texts of from Manicheans themselves. In addition, the characteristics of Mazdaki's revelations are reflected in reports drawn from the traditions of the enemies of this ritual; therefore, this is a serious damage in the studies of allegorical scholarship. This serious damage to the study of allegorical scholarship has caused a sharp and widely differing views on Mazdak's hometown and descent, the background of intellectual teachings, beliefs, doctrines and beliefs of Mazdaki, the geographic scope and the course of the historical continuity of Mazdak beliefs, etc. not only in the sources, but also in the views of scholars and historians of Mazdak. These disagreements are so small that the Mazdakologists have not been able to agree even on the whole argument that the Mazdiki movement was a religious movement or a social movement. In addition to these kinds of damages and difficultiess that scholars have to struggle with in the study of Mazdak, the lack of historical continuity of Manicheans to the present day has caused little hope in finding future sources for clarifying these disparate disagreements. Therefore, it is suggested that among the various sources that has remained in relation to Manicheans, Zoroastrian sources of Pahlavi and religion should be considered more precise, scrupulous and specialized than other sources to identify Manicheans, what has been ignored by Mazdak theologians.

Contrastive Literature is an important and invaluable branch of evaluating prominent works in a certain language which can uncover the source of literary types or genres as well as themes of a language’s written heritage whether in the form of poetry or prose. It can also manifest the influence on and from poetry types or similarities in the lines of thought both in the content and form. Research on Hafiz and investigation of similarities in the themes of Hafiz and his contemporary poets has a long history.
For many years, researchers have written and conducted studies on Hafiz. In contrastive studies, the researcher investigates the themes of similarities of thought between the creators of poetry and prose from their birth to their growth.  Such literary studies, which are based on influencing and being influenced or similarity of thought, and in which the researcher aims to dig out different poets and writers’ adaptations of and loans from each other, or tries to investigate the frequency of the common themes and patterns of thought, have a long history and can easily be found in rhetorical texts, translated works, and literary criticism.

The present study was an attempt to investigate the similarities of thought in Rudaki and Hafiz taking a descriptive-analytical method. The analyses have been organized based on comparison and evaluation of the poems of the two poets taking into consideration the similar themes of thought.

 Discussion:

Apparently and compared to the present time, Hafiz had a ready access to Rudaki’s sonnets and the written heritage of the Samanids.  The sonnets of Hafiz are an image of the Persian literary heritage. Themes and concepts of the early great Persian poets can easily be traced in this magnificent thesaurus.  Thanks to his prodigious memory and genius in poetry, Hafiz created a collection, based on the form and content of the old Persian poetry including sonnets and other literary genres, which represents the magnificent architecture using Persian material. 
Considering the permanent presence and influence of Rudaki in and on the minds of the different poets from his time to the present, it seems that, with his precision and meticulousness in choosing themes and ideas for his sonnets, Hafiz enjoyed single elements (like certain words), clauses (such as adjectival clauses), images and concepts of Rudaki. Critics and experts have usually touched upon the influence of Rudaki on Hafiz and the similarity of themes between the poems of the two.  Rudaki and Hafiz have a lot in common considering their personality traits and manners as well as poetical interests and viewpoints toward the universe and its elements.  Both poets know the ins and outs of Persian poetry and its interrelationship with music. Their poems are missionary works done out of their pleasant disposition. Based on the very few poems left from Rudaki, and regarding Hifiz’s sonnets, some major topics were investigated in them. The first topic in common is the frequency of use in similar clauses, which is usually accompanied by the ‘worship of wine’ and its rituals. Throughout his poems, Hafiz reflected the old tradition of wine worshiping, festivity, and joyance and thus can be regarded as being in the same line with Rudaki.
Describing the countenance of the beloved is particularly outstanding in the poems of Rudaki and Hafiz. Picturing the spring season is another common theme. Rudaki and Hafiz would also perceive destiny through wisdom and principle. The frequency of common register in Rudaki and Hafiz’s poems is a reflection of their similarity and common ideology toward life with its ups and downs.  In the next step, the present study has analyzed the meter and lateral music in Rudaki and Hafiz’s poems with the themes of picturing spring and the beloved and the beauties of the nature.

The findings of the analyses represent the fact that the legacy of the sonnets of Rudaki and his contemporary poets of the Samanids was so rich and enduring that Hafiz could not be indifferent to them. It merits remarking that Rudaki and Hafiz knew the tricks of the trade regarding Persian music and had pleasant singing voices which helped them pay a lot of attention to the form and content of the poems they would compose.
The present paper also investigated the common concepts and ideas in Rudaki and Hafiz’s poems. One of these concepts was music.  As mentioned earlier, both of the poets knew the ins and out of the Persian music and had pleasant singing voices. This, together with their fluency in poetry and choosing appropriate meter, helped them compose enduring poems and sonnets. The frequency of musical terminology in their poems is another affinity between the two poets.
Delicate fragrance is another common element in their poems. As a matter of fact, the two poets, with their keen sense of smell, paid a lot of attention to various scents and intelligently saw, heard, and smelled elements of the universe. Because of their meticulous attention to the beauties of nature, Rudaki and Hafiz can be regarded as nature worshipers and lovers of the beauties of the universe.
Seizing opportunities and savoring the transient moments of life is another quality the two poets share.  Based on the ephemeral nature of life, Rudaki and Hafiz viewed the basis of universe as legendary and evanescent and invited all to enjoy and savor the life in a great number of their poems.   
It seems that anti-asceticism and hypocrisy were also reflected in Rudaki’s lost poems. Conclusion can be drawn from the few remaining poems of Rudaki and comparing them with those of Hafiz that they insisted on worship of life and truth and abstinence from asceticism and hypocrisy. 
Self-applause is another salient feature in Rudaki and Hafiz’s poems. The two poets acknowledge their own true art. They eulogize their own poems which is not a mere gesture or exaggeration toward a person or thing; it rather is eulogizing the art. The eulogy, here, is about the poem, pleasant rhythm, coherence of speech, and disposition.

Armenia has long been of importance for the Iranian plateau because of its geographical location. The formation of the Parthian Empire on the Iranian plateau and the advance of the Roman Empire to the eastern territories has doubled the significance of this land. That's why the rivalry between Iran and Rome intensified for influence on this land. However, the rivalry between Iran and Rome for the capture of Armenia after military conflicts led to the formation of a branch of the Parthian in Armenia, but the rivalry between Iran and Rome, as a result of the Romanian dissatisfaction, did not stop, and for the past century The sequel to the main conflict between Iran and Rome.
 Methodology:

This essay, based on descriptive analytical method, analyzes the formation of the Armenian Parthian dynasty by analyzing the political relations between Iran and Rome and identifying its factors and fields with the help of new sources and research. The main issue of the present article is that the influence of the Parthians on Armenia was influenced by the factors and how the Parthians, despite the intense rivalry of the Romans to dominate the region, succeeded in consolidating their dominance over Armenia in 63 AD.

The succession crises of Phraates IV in Iran make the Romans easily interfere in Armenia's political affairs and protect Armenia. Instead, the Romans consider Phraates V as the Parthian and Euphrates empire as the border between the imperial monarchy and Roman Empire recognize) Velleius Paterculus, 1924, II, 101-102). Abandoning Phraates V from Armenia was contrary to the policy pursued by the Parthians from the time of Mithridates II to unite Armenia and influence in this land in front of the Roman, and perhaps Phraates's silence about this was one of the reasons for the dissident dissatisfaction with Phraates V. Because the Parthian liturgy ultimately set up a rebellion against him and, after a brief strike, removed him from the kingdom and killed him(cf. Josephus, 1969, Book XXXIII, 2). It is apparent that the Parthians were well aware of the strategic and influential importance of Armenia, and it was possible that the Roman influence in Armenia and even Iran, and the silence of Phraates V, would have been dangerous.
Augustus the Roman emperor, then held Armenia as a puppet kingdom, and appointed Vonon I to its kingdom (cf. Temporini & Haase, 1980, 1160). In this way, under the pressure of the imperial monarchy, the death of the emperor and Artabanus's pressure on his successor to drive Vonon from Armenia eradicated this danger from the Parthians. For the next three years, Wonon was removed from the Armenian throne by Romans(Garsoian, 1997, 64). Perhaps this was done by the Romans, following the pressure and compromise that Artabanus II had with the new Roman Emperor, because the Parthian monarchy felt the presence of one of his rivals on the throne of Armenia as a great danger, and as a result, It can take away this danger.
After more than fifteen years of peaceful coexistence between the two powers of Iran and Rome, this peaceful coexistence eventually came to an end in 35 AD, after the death of Artaxes III, the king of Armenia(cf. Schippmann, 1986,  647-50). Artabanus took the opportunity and took his son Arashk on his throne and in his letter to Tiberius he inherited the owner of the Achaemenid and Selukid(cf. Tacitus, 1959, Book VI, 31). Artabanus's goal was to restore the Achaemenid frontiers. Artabanus was able to some extent rebuild his influence over the rebellious nobility in different parts of the country, and also his success in foreign policy, and in particular his continuing involvement in the affairs of Armenia, pushed Rome to deflect the Parthians into internal affairs and conflicts Engage in power. As a result, Artabanus eventually fails to take Armenia's arrogance after several attempts to overthrow Armenia, but it does not appear that Artabanus has completely hoped for Armenia.
With the beginning of the second half of the first century, the first Vologases (about 51-79 AD) end tensions and conflicts within the royal dynasty and its main policy is directed towards Armenia. The classic sources confirm that the main axis of the policy was the first issue of Armenia(Tacitus, 1959: Book XV, 24). For this reason, he brings an army to Armenia and nominates his brother as the king of Armenia(Tacitus, 1959: Book XII, 50). The capture of Armenia took place without resistance and opposition from the indigenous population, indicating that the Armenians preferred the Parthians to the Romans(Garsoian,1997: 64). It seems that the Armenians were tired and sick of Romanism in Armenia, and they did not want to return to their own destiny and their country to the Romans who did not share them. Of course, Roman did not remain silent against this decision by the Armenians and the Parthian King of King, and after several occasions of fighting and defeat of the Parthians, it was finally possible to resolve the Armenian issue with peaceful and peaceful means.
Therefore, after negotiations, both sides agreed with Randia's agreement that Prince Arsachd would be the king of Armenia, provided that he received the royal crown only from the emperor. With this 

During the Parthian period, Armenia, for each of the powers of Iran and Rome, was to exert influence over the territories of the other side and preserve the domination of the territories under their possession. The fall of the local Armenian dynasty in Armenia by the Roman Empire caused the Armenian nation's dissatisfaction with the Roman Empire and their tendency towards the Parthians. As a result, the Armenian armed forces undertook measures to overthrow the Roman influence in the area. In particular, during the Artabanus II period, which was of great importance to Armenia, and in the aftermath of the revival of the former monarchy, the Parthians, in competition with the Roman Empire, were able to slaughter Romanian kings many times from Armenia and instead put their children on the Armenian throne. But the Roman Empire, by incitement to the invading nations of Iran and the support of the Parthian princes in Rome, caused Artabanus's plight that he was unable to address in Armenia. Of course, the competition between the Romanized Greeks in Armenia and their quarrels over power sparked the Armenian hatred of the Romans and reasserted their long-standing ties to the Parthians again. As a result, the Arsacds King of King, with the support of the Armenian clans and after several fights with the Roman Empire, sacked his brother Tiridates, with the apparent confirmation of Rome, on the throne of Armenia. Although this was done by agreement between Iran and Rome, however, since the Roman Empire was forced to do so by diplomacy and by force of the Parthian Arms, it would use every chance to prevent the formation of the Arsacids of Armenia. But the support of the paratroopers from this dynasty in Armenia, because of the strategic position of this land, prevented the realization of this goal of Rome.

The Safavids, as the first government after Islam, Established a centralized military and formalized Shiite religion in Ira. In the east and west with important and centralized governments like neighboring India and the Ottomans bordering with the governments of these countries, they were in conflict and sometimes at peace. Accordingly, scientists and politicians and even the masses in these lands were commuting and engaged in scientific, cultural and economic exchanges. Accordingly, this article, as one of the most important sections of society in the Safavid era, seeks to study the causes of migration of Iranian physicians to India and its impact on medical knowledge of Indian Gūrkānids and find out about issues like religious prejudice and political crises during the Safavid period, as well as how much social, political, and economical conditions of India have been influential in these migrations.
 Methodology:

the present article seeks to investigate the causes of the Iranian doctors' migration to India and its impact on the medical knowledge of the Gūrkānids of India as one of the important strata of the Safavid era, and find out about Issues such as religious prejudice and political crises during the Safavid era,. Regarding the nature of the subject, a descriptive-analytical method was used to collect information from the library and to examine the documents and texts. This research attempts to answer the following questions: What were the causes of migration of Iranian physicians to India and its impact on medical knowledge of Indian Gūrkānids? and to what extent have social, political, and economical conditions in India influenced these migrations?
 Discussion:

Based on these issues, it is worth mentioning that the Safavid doctors were forced to emigrate for various reasons. There have been some positive and some negative reasons. Negative reasons can stem from the prejudices common in the Safavid era and excessive rigor pointed to Sunnis and the consequences of the succession crisis and the assassination of the former king's physician. Positive reasons, like the motivation to raise money, appropriate treatment of Indian Gurkani kings with Iranian scientists and the religious similarity of the doctors with the Indian Gurkhani court. In explaining each of these topics, it should be noted that coinciding with the rise of the Safavids in Iran, intellectuals and teachers were mainly Sunni, fearful of the enormous violence inflicted on them, most of them fled to neighboring countries, and as a result, the real centers of rational science were completely broken and many Iranian scientists who inherited rational knowledge from the Timurid and Bindari period left Iran from the very beginning and took refuge in the territories of India, Ottoman, Arabia and elsewhere. This migration encompassed all classes, including the physicians who migrated to the Indian Gurkhani court. This migration caused stagnation in medicine in Iran and the boom in science in India. Apart from religious prejudice, one of the major problems encountered by the Safavid era was that of scientists, especially doctors, who were blamed for immediate deaths of kings. In fact, during the Safavid period, and even before them, when a king died, all those around him considered the cause of death to be insufficiency of the king's physician expertise; and, this led to the death of that unfortunate physician after the king's death. Therefore, the skilled doctors were not very keen on working in the Safavid court and preferred the Indian court. Besides important factors such as the dominant atmosphere and the conditions of the original land, target location potentials can be considered as interfering and effective in migrating between two locations. As in the Safavid era in Iran, important reasons including the dogmas and attitudes of religious dogmatic and the impunity of court physicians had caused the migration of doctors, but in India, there were many factors that attracted immigrants, like geographical, religious and facilities that Gurkani's powerful owners had provided to the immigrants; and, although the Safavid court was not keen on keeping elites and scientists in check, Gurkani's court showed a great deal of enthusiasm and interest in scholars, especially scientists and doctors. In fact, sometimes the Gurkani kings and emirs of India invited Iranian physicians and scientists to India, so that they could use their skills and abilities in the field of medical science; and, sometimes to treat diseases that Indian doctors could not cure, Iranian doctors were invited to treat them. In the meantime, unlike the Safavid court, Iranian physicians held such a high position in the Indian court that they could even become governors and officials; so, it would not be strange if Iranian doctors were always afraid of losing their lives and property, choose India as 'the ideal land' for their work and life.
 Conclusion:

 According to available evidence, scientists and doctors of the Safavid era preferred India and the Gurkani court over Iran and the Safavid court due to the attractions of India and the deterrent factors that the Safavids possessed. In the meantime, however, material motivations and the quest for governmental position was also an important factor that coul not be easily overlooked. In fact, Gorkani kings had provided immigrants with many opportunities, including  medical books, libraries, hospitals, wealth and governmental positions. There are many factors in the migration of people in historical times from one land to another, among which adverse social and political conditions that hinder people in an area from dealing easily and comfortably with religious and non-religious beliefs and using their skills and talents, have the most important role. So, in the Safavid era, with the Shiite religion being recognized as the official religion,  because of the misconduct of some of the Safavid kings in dealing with religious minorities as well as rejecting ideas and activities of other religions, and of course some misconducts in dealing with doctors, many of the community's elites, including doctors preferred immigration to neighboring countries, especially India, over staying in Iran. As a result, skilled doctors who were always suspect, brought their knowledge to India and the Gurkani court; and, they were given wealth and status, and sometimes even state and army positions. In this way, Iran became the key to India's success; and, Iranian knowledge, separating from its original position, grew up elsewhere and transferred Iranian heritage to the land of India and to the next generation of Indians.
 
.

There is a close relationship between history and literature while epistemology is one of the motivations for such a relationship (Farahani Monfared, 1994, 24). The arts and literature as well as science and technologies are relied on the past events. Historical knowledge cannot be considered as a leisure activity, but it is an important obligation which is formed for general and particular apprehension (Stanford, 2007, 186). Epistemology is one of the three tenets for all sciences which create all process of knowledge and conceptualization along with ontology and methodology. Actually, epistemology deals with contexts of knowledge and the ways that human discover the world (Boril & Morgan, 2995, 9). According to Heidegger, the arts are manifestation, a different method which vitalize truth so each period correspond with the method that creates truth (Bolt, 1395:74)
One the other hand, poetry as an abstract form of all arts is an ontological and historical manifestation. In these cases, a poet does not give historical and logical meaning to the phenomenon, though he is not separate from history and its related issues. According to Heidegger, poets are the excellence of their era, since they decide to capture the related aspects by their words. They are more ubiquitous than other humans and more sensitive to the potential capacity of the language in the cases of revealing the human dimensions for him as well as attachment to the historical, social and natural reality (Gelen Gary, 1999, 90).
 Methodology:

Recognition of Hafiz’s historical knowledge can explain the effect of his historical and social conditions as well as the level and characteristics of historical knowledge in his poetry, since Hafiz grew in particular historical and geographical contexts. This research with its descriptive-analytic methods and utilization of Heidegger’s theoretical concepts tries to explain backgrounds, preconceptions, and the characteristics of his intuition and historical knowledge in his poems.

Hafiz reflects our intuition and heritage in the history. History does is not considered as the books and the texts that were used for historiography; but, it is defined as the issues and problems which are passed in the history of a country. On the other hand, it must be said that the poet is a historic creature who grows in a particular time and place; so, he mentions the concepts and the elements of their national and historical identity in the poems. This kind of utilization has a close relationship with historical knowledge and intelligence as well as his attitude to this sphere and history of its territory. The knowledge and mentality of Hafiz in his poetry are based on the historical events and its related elements.
 Conclusion:

Any kind of understanding and recognition is basically chronological and historical. Realism, and Hafiz's backgrounds as well as historical and social and cultural context of his time and his past had an effective role in definition and formation of his historical viewpoint and knowledge in his poetry. In fact, factors like Hafiz growing up in a religious family, his reliance on the Quran as an inspiring source, along with study and thinking in historical texts like Shahnameh, and being surrounded by  historical, ancient ad cultural geography of Fars and living in a turbulent period has brought special capacities in the presuppositions of his historical viewpoint.
-Hafiz's historical view and knowledge in his poetry stems from various components like will and liberty, special attention to Jam-e Jam, making use of history as a means for creating content and serving as an example, trying to use historical and mythological elements, concepts and characters of Iran before and after Islam. Among these, prophets and religious figures besides historicak and mythological characters of Iran in pre-Islamic times had the highest frequency in his poems.
- In Hafiz's poetry history and its relative concepts and elements have been used as a cognitive tool in the service of offering wisdom concepts and the transience of the materialistic world and power.

Our minds are shaped by human history, and the thoughts of our forefathers certainly exercise undeniable influence on its structure. On this ground, when carefully analyzing our mental processes, we might need to examine how other people thought in the distant past. Today, we cannot overlook the importance of the man’s history to explain some of his/her thought processes. The notion of myth is inevitably tightly linked to the issue of power and identity. Its role in Iran is no exception as the given territory has always been the provenance of various myths. The political and politics occupy the same situation and have never been separated from mythology. Myths sustain and reproduce a certain behavior, especially through collective archetypes which persist throughout history and are preserved in a nation’s historical memory and consciousness. Ancient texts such as the Avesta are affected by the myths on the one hand, and produce newer forms of them in the realm of life as well as power on the other. For example, archetypes like hero, wise old man, anima and animus, etc., have affected the politics in different historical periods of Iran and played a role in changes thereto. Along the same lines, today, politics and identity are immensely influenced by myths which flow through collective memory. It seems that impact from myths has been more severe in case of Iran.

This study is a descriptive research which relied on the available textual materials. Focus on the text is crucially significant, especially in the mythology because it maintains a stationary position as a first-hand source. Eastern texts usually begin with an introductory statement that is regarded as the closing argument too. Interpretation of the text turns into a matter of great concern, especially with regard to a work such as the Avesta, which we do not even know in which of the Iranian languages it has initially been written. Our mentalities are indisputably the result of thousands and perhaps millions of years of thinking and a long history lies behind each of our statements. That is to say, the words uttered by anyone represent indeed a vector for a great many of historical symbols worth examination. Therefore, each text must be understood in itself, and comparison should be used as a second resort. Hence, the Avesta text is a complete and effective example that can still be investigated in this regard.
 Discussion:

Jung maintains that races, tribes and nations, like typical humans each call for their specific psychology and pathology (Ovdajnyk, 2008, 101). One way to explore the psychology of such nations and peoples is to refer to their prevailing myths. The myths can be received as a whole; namely, they do not get meaning from a sequence of events and the historical circumstances cannot efface their very essence. Therefore, myths are only critical in their entirety (Lancaster, 2010, 1057). As quoted from Brückel and Durkheim, myths involve images which manifest the general state of affairs which means they subsume the set of concepts build by all members of a certain group (Tudor, 2005, 82). The mental universe of man is never devoid of myth. Even when it dispenses past mythological heroes, it replaces them with more recent ones. For instance, the conventional story of Siavash might be substituted by the life account of another one among Iranian (Bahar, 2015, 362). Today’s man is still captured by “powers” that cannot be easily controlled. The gods and Satan have merely assumed alternative names(Jung, 2009, 118).This process has equally been extended into the realm of power and identity as for the specific form of Iranian mythical structures. Unification of the myths and the rise of totalitarian states of the twentieth century in terms of legends by Cassirer, the emergence of myths in terms of ideology and culture according to Barthes, and demystification as myth by Eliade represent brilliant descriptions the overall origin of which goes back to Jung. Jung explained the rise of fascist regimes in the collective memories as archetypes. As Jung purports, psychic inflation and deflation do not fade from collective unconscious and shared memories keep their lives on. Accordingly, the history of Iran can be witnessed as an ancient follower of eternal archetypes and collective unconscious myths. The Avesta and ancient texts have also been instrumental in mystification or continuation of myths. Samuel Kennedy (2014) in the The King is Dead seeks to prove the hypothesis that actually Alexander’s invasion to Iran represents an attack to the Iranian myths and gods which later turned into an impetus among them to defeat Greeks. Mojtabayi (1974, 12) quotes, if someone wrongly relied on the throne of the kingdom in ancient times, did not observe the religion and oppressed his people, s/he was perceived as the devil’s agent. The Avesta also came into being in association with its pre and post mythological entities. As cultures mix together, myths  also combine to generate novel forms or sometimes displace (Amuzegar, 2015, 5). The era of mythology is chaotic such that all issues appear intermingled. The world of mythology remains time and space free. In this unstable situation, no intellectual and philosophical system can be devised, and a unity reached. Even if established, it is either transient and temporary. Therefore, the social structure that can handle the society with a political philosophy or a political system seems absent in the chaotic world of myth, because their universe comprises a pluralistic one. Plato’s formulation, i.e., transition from myths, transformed him into the chief source for systematic philosophical thinking and political philosophy in Greece. He moved the pluralist and unstable world of myths into philosophy and philosophical scheme. Though bonds between the ancient Greek and East might have prompted the creation of Greek philosophical system, this incident did not happen in Iran. So, mythological thinking persisted in the latter case. Despite the assumed role of Zoroaster in promoting unity, he served as a source for new myths at the same time. In other words, no new coherent philosophical system emerged from his perspectives which could later define the essential core of philosophy and modern political philosophy. Hence, the pluralistic world of myths fell flat to bring about a philosophical and political unity. Possible attempts at integration of power and politics, especially during the Sassanid Empire, also failed as political leaders foundered to provide uniformity to previous myths or overlook them. Apparently, without relying on archetypes, politics could be tolerated in Iran's collective unconscious. In fact, the collective unconscious which turns into a unified timeless and placeless whole carried out a leading role in shaping their identity and power.
 
 Conclusion:

Politics, as a dynamic and unstable issue is a function of various natural and social forces, including myth, religion, modern wisdom, etc. Among other factors, myth has been one of the most effective forces over politics and power in ancient Persia which has its effects on the present day Iranian politics too. Dimensions of such impact are passed by the archetypes like the anima and animus, hero, wise old man, religious mysteries, shadows, persona, etc. Like other members of the community, politicians have not usually been able to escape from this archetypes as the political issue has been dominated by the collective unconscious and behavioral archetypes. It seems that this has often yielded negative consequences for the power relations in Iran; namely, power has not been seen as political authority directed to society, but as a secondary and less important issue. The Avesta and other post-Sassanid texts have had an undeniable effect in the development and enhancement of myths. Because these texts have not been compiled as an efficient and systematic system for thinking, their meanings and effects have always been controversial. The political has pursued a similar vain. Since collective memories have been associated with historical inconsistency and volatility, power has turned to the focal point of fluctuations, which means that and power are often influenced by myth rather than wisdom. They have shaped the unconscious collective and behavioral archetypes to play with politics in the form of collective eruption and inflation. When people in the power sphere have sought to escape this situation, they themselves become the victim of collective unconscious in the paradox of the political and the myth. This has never came up with a satisfactory result; hence, power has always been frail and ineffective in the face of the archetypes of collective unconscious.

Islamic texts have a more or less pessimistic view of the history and culture of Parthians. Based on these texts, one can obtain scattered insights about the Parthian history. One of the notable points in this text is the Parthian military confrontation with the Seleucids and the Romans. These insights include three main reports. The first report is about the military confrontation of Parthians with Romans during the Achaemenid Empire. The second battle involves the campaign of Gooderz Bin Ash for Palestine. The Blashe war with Romans is the last battle mentioned in the reports. This study attempts to reconstruct the exact details of these wars in the real history of the Parthian Empire.
 
 Methodology:

In this study, we will reconstruct these battles through a comparative study of the Parthian battles with the Seleucids and then Romans in historical accounts of the Islamic period with real reports such as coins, archaeological sources and Greek and Roman sources. By refining and categorizing these reports and excluding duplicate reports, usually adapted from earlier sources, one can benefit from the capacity of Islamic sources to reconstruct Iran's political and military history in the Parthian era. This research is written in such an approach.
 Discussion:

In some Islamic texts, the first Parthian confrontation with Romans occurred during the reign of Ash kingdom. Some of these texts describe Ashk as the eldest child who provided an army and went to the battle of Antiches and seized his kingdom (Tabari, 1974, 2/496; Balami, 2001, 499; Gardizi, 1985, 59-60; Balkhi , 1985, 59; Mostofi, 2008, 99). Isfahani Hamza mentions this war during the reign of Shapur ibn Ash Ash ibn Azar (Isfahani, 1968, 41-42). Various reports of Islamic sources have attributed the Parthian king's war against Antiches to the time of the Ash Kingdom, Shapur bin Ash , and Euphorshah. It seems that this war can be traced back to the actual Parthian history at the time of the first Ash (247 BC - 217 BC).At the time of Antiochus II's reign (246BC- 261BC ), Arsaces defeated Andragoras and gained dominion over Parth (Strootman, 2015b; Schippmann, 2012: 525-526). After Antiochus II, Seleucus II succeeded to the throne In 246 BC. With the onset of the Seleucus II campaign in the eastern regions, Arsaces retreated to the Apacak region (Strabo, 1928: 269; trootman, 2015b; Shipman, 2005: 28; Wolski, 2004: 81). In later battles with the second Seleucus, Arsaces achieved victory (Justin, 1994: 256). The Seleucid king was forced to return because of the unrest in Asia Minor. But before his retreat, he recognized the rule of Ash over Parthia and Hircania as the Sultans of the Seleucids (Strootman, 2015b; Fry, 2006: 293; Shipman, 2005: 28). It may be argued that the Ash-and-Antiochus war in Islamic history is a reflection of the battles between Ash I the founder of the Parthian kingdom and of Antiochus II and Seleucus and illustrates his efforts to drive the Seleucids out of the Iranian borders and establish the Parthian dynasty. In the history of the Islamic era, there have been reports of the attack on Palestine by Goderz bin Ash. In these reports, Guderz bin Ashq is the one who, when the Jews of the Israelites killed YahyaBenzaria (AS), destined that he would attack Yahya (AS) in revenge and kill the Jews (Tabari, 1352: 2/496; Isfahani, 1346: 42; Thalabi, 1372: 226; Gardizi, 1363: 60-61; Balkhi, 1363: 18; Mostofi, 1383: 101). In a solid account of the kingdom of Godezerz, his attack on Palestine heralds the beginning of Goderzez's reign and speaks in detail of the king's glory and highness. (Thaleb, 1372: 226). In national and epic narratives we find the name of Goderz. In these narratives, Goodarz, the son of Kashvad, is considered one of the greatest Iranian heroes. (Yarshater, 1392: 569; Safa, 1333: 574). Gooderz's name in national stories can be a reflection of Gooderz I the Parthian king. In spite of the similarity between the name of Goderz in the Islamic narrative with the Parthian king Goderz I, the insights in the Islamic texts lead us to the view that this Goderz should be regarded as the son of Ered II (37-37 BC). Labinius, the Roman commander, also accompanied him during the Pakistani invasion of Syria and Palestine. With the victory of Parthians in Syria, the way to Pakur came to the southern states of the Levant. Due to the turbulent conditions in Palestine, Pakor succeeded in conquering Jerusalem (Josphous, 1934: 126-127; Voleski, 2004: 156; Du Boaz, 1342: 92). It can be concluded that the Godarz raid on Palestine in the narratives of Islamic historians is a reflection of the Pakor army, the Parthian prince in the West Euphrates in 51 BC. Blash is the third Parthian king to be found in his scattered references to his war with the Romans in Islamic texts. Some Islamic historians make no mention of this war in the name of Blash. For example, in his report, Balami named the Ashq (Balami, 2001: 449-500), and Hamdollah Mostofi attributes it to the time of Nursi ibn Godarz ibn Balash (Mostofi, 1387: 102). According to historical reports of the Islamic period, Blush son of Khosro reported that the Romans had come to seek revenge on Antiochus and to avenge his blood on the Iranian war (Tabari, 1352: 2/497; Isfahani, 1346: 42-43). Blash asked for help from neighboring Malkovtiev. Each king provided the military and financial power to the extent of his ability. (Tabari, 1352: 2/497: Isfahani, 1346: 43-42; see also Nak; Balami, 1380: 500-449; Mostofi, 1387: 102). Concerning the Blash war and its reconciliation with the Parthian history, we may be able to cautiously date this war at the time of the fifth Blashe (191-208 AD). in the evidence provided by the Islamic texts about this war are references to the beginning of the war by the Romans. After the death of Blush IV (192/1923 - 191/1990), his son replaced him. Coinciding with the beginning of the reign of the fifth Blach, the Parthians were attacked by Septemus Soros in northern Mesopotamia. The fifth blast calls on the rulers of the provinces of Oserouen and Adiabon, whose lands were near the Roman borders, to oppose Roman siege and besiege Rome (Dio cassius, 1957: 217-218; Chaumont, 1988: 57 579; Voleski, 2004: 210; Shipman, 2005: 75). Eventually, however, the Roman troops, during their retreat, faced resistance from the city's defenders and withdrew. As the siege ended, the campaign ended. (Dio cassius, 1957: 221-222; Chaumont, 1988: 579; Voleski, 1383: 212; Shipman, 1383: 76; Duobey, 1342: 233.(
Conclusion:

In Islamic sources, we find only three cases of the Parthian-Roman wars. First is the Ashq war with Antiches. The victory of Ashq in this battle led to the establishment of the Parthian dynasty. Greek and Roman sources and recent research can partly trace the date of this war to the actual Parthian history at the time of the first Ashq (247 BC - 217 BC). Among these evidences are the first Ashq battles with the Seleucid kings and stories related to the beginning of the Parthian dynasty. Given the coincidence of the reign of Antiochus II (261 BC - 246 BC) and Seleucus II (246 BC - 225 BC), the Ashq's wars are more likely to date in this period. The reference to Antiochus in historical accounts of the Islamic period may be the same as Antiochus II of Seleucid king. The second battle is the Godarz onslaught on Palestine. Evidence from Islamic reports and its concordance with new research suggests that the attack of Godarz Bin Ash to Palestine by Prince Pakour's son Ard II (57 BC - 37 BC) could be countered by Jerusalem and the conquest of the land. The Blashe war with the Romans is the last battle mentioned in reports of the Islamic era. According to the reports of the Islamic writers about the war of Balash and its reconciliation with the history of the Parthians, this war can be dated with prudence at the time of the fifth Balash (208-201 AD). Comparing the evidence of Islamic texts with Greek and Roman sources and new research indicates that this war is a reflection of the onslaught of Emperor Septimius Soros on the lands of northern Mesopotamia during the fifth Blashe, when Islamic historians combined reports of this war with the events of the Sassanid era.

The mythical history of Iran abounds with stories and narratives that become blurred in myth and reality. Anecdotes about the first human being, the creation of the Earth, the battles of Ahura and Ahriman, Hooshang and Kayoumars, Jam and Zahak and Fereydoun are parts of this mythical history which have been addressed in various sources. Among these narratives, the myth of Tahmures Zinavand is a prominent one. Tahmures was one of the Iranian mythical personalities known in various sources as Divband (one overcoming demons). His story has been narrated in the Avesta (Ram Yasht / paragraph 12) and (Zamyad Yasht / paragraphs 28 and 29). This anecdote has also been narrated in Mēnōg-ī Khrad (Spirit of Wisdom); Porsesh 26 (paragraphs 21-23), Dēnkard-e Haftom (The Seventh Dēnkard) (Chapter 1 / Paragraph 19), Pazand Aogәmadaêčâ (paragraphs 91-94), M.O. 29 Manuscript (the story of Tahmures and Jamshid / paragraphs 7-33), Bundahishn and Shahnameh. There is also a narrative of Tahmurs in poetry in Darab Hormozdyar Narratives (vol. 1, pp. 311-315). All of these sources have narrated the story of Tahmures with a few differences. In addition, Muslim historians such as Tabari, Yaqubi, Dinvari and Masoudi have narrated this myth in their works.
The narration of myths continued for centuries. There was a long period of political stability and social security in Iran during the Safavid era and the reign of Shah Ismail, when important social and political developments were considered to be a turning point in the Iranian history. These circumstances led to the rebirth and further growth of different aspects of Iranian culture and art under the support of Safavid kings. Painting was one of the arts of this period that flourished a lot in the three schools of Tabriz II, Mashhad, and Qazvin. One of the most important functions of painting at this time was the recounting and re-arranging of mythical and epic stories that had gained particular importance during the Safavid dynasty. The illustrated Tahmasbi Shahnameh and the mythical paintings of this valuable work indicate this importance and narrate Iranian myths such as Tahmures Zinavand.

This article is a comparative study of the verses of the Shahnameh, several Pahlavi texts and the Avesta's data to analyze the narration of Tahmures Divband and reconstruct this myth in the painting art of the Safavid era. The remarkable point is the development of the myth narrative in this reconstruction.

Ferdowsi's Shahnameh, which is the largest work of Iranian mythological-epic poetry, has narrated, in short verses, the story of Tahmures, from which the painters of the Safavid era were inspired to draw pictures of that narrative. The reflection of this anecdote in Safavid paintings is interesting given the various narratives of Tahmures in the sources. However, the crucial point concerns the influence of the artist and myth on and by each other, how myth affects the painter's mentality, and how the painter of this era has influenced the reconstruction of a mythological story. The present study seeks to answer these questions with regard to Tahmures' image in Tahmasbi Shahnameh.
 Conclusion:

Understanding myth over time by any reader or listener leads to a 're-creation and rearrangement' of the myth. In fact, through his knowledge of a myth and when transferring it, anyone creates a narrative in his mind, thereby recreating the story. Thus, painting, which is a means of expressing myths, is actually a mythological creator, and an artist conveys many concepts to the viewers through motifs in his work. It seems that myths undergo changes due to changes in human societies with the passage of time, and thanks to a painter's genius. The interplay of mythological narratives on the painter's mind and the artist's creativity in recounting the myth leads to a narrative that differs from the mythical text.
It was in this way that Tahmures Divband myth in Tahmasbi Shahnameh turned out to be different from Ferdowsi's poems. In this image, the King's battle with demons is more prominent than poetry, and the artist not only has mentioned the Tahmures- demon battle, he has also created other manifestations of the battle, such as spiritual creations in the fight against the Devil. Therefore, the drawing of Tahmures' battalion with such symbols, without an explicit reference in the text, is rooted in the artist's mythical consciousness that led to the expression of this myth and, in combination with a creative mind, gave a new prospect to the narrative.
 
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