نشریه پژوهش های جغرافیای سیاسی
سال سوم شماره 3 (پیاپی 11، پاییز 1397)

The sense of security in rural areas is associated with many factors, including the presence of foreigners and strangers from outside the village. As rural security is one of the most important factors in expanding tourism in rural areas, sometimes tourism in a village plays a significant role in improved sense of security of local people. Therefore, villages as a biological location that includes a dense population of diverse individuals and unique attractions will be able to perform their special functions only if the residents have an acceptable level of sense of security. For this reason, in this study, we tried to measure the sense of security among the villagers living in rural tourism destinations. Neyshabur County attracts many tourists thanks to its geographical and historical situation, as well as proximity to main roads. In addition, as the villages in this county are situated on the slope of the mountains, they are surrounded by numerous springs, waterfalls, and other natural attractions which attract many local and non-local tourists, which can serve as an important source of increased income for the villagers. Nevertheless, one of the important factors in development of tourism in the villages is the satisfaction of the villagers with the presence of tourists and the sense of security of the local people. Therefore, this research analyzes and evaluates the sense of security of local people in tourism villages.

Security in tourism destinations is one of the main factors of tourism development. Security is one of the fundamental principles in the development of tourism strategy, because the long-term sustainability of tourism industry depends on provision of security, and the disruption of its mechanism makes way for insecurity of that tourism destination. Security and tourism are the parameters of an equation which are directly co-related. Today, security is the most important and fundamental principle in formulating the tourism development strategies. There is a mutual relationship between tourism, stability, development and security. Thus, tourism and security are interdependent and they mutually interact with each other, as they can have a decreasing or increasing effect on each other. Following are some studies on the subject of research: (Heydarnejad et al, 2015: Investigating the role of security feeling in the development of border tourism (case study: Chabahar border town)), (Golshiri Esfahani et al, 2013: Spatial Analysis of Health Tourists Security in the Rural Areas of Iran), (Karami Dehkordi et al, 2013: Identification and Prioritization of Security Obstacles in Rural Tourism Development by using Delphi Technique (Research Area: Chehar-Mahal & Bakhtiary)), (Hezar Jaribi, 2011: Feeling Social Security from the Viewpoint of Tourism Expansion), (Khosravi, 2009: Security is the most important component in attracting tourists), (Choon Chiang, 2000: Strategies for Safety and Security in Tourism: A conceptual framework for the Singapore Hotel Industry), (Ghaderia et al, 2017: Does security matter in tourism demand?), (Prashyanusorn et al, 2010: Surveillance system for sustainable tourism with safety and privacy protection) & (Fan et al, 2013: AHP (Analytic Hierarchy Process) and Computer Analysis Software Used in Tourism Safety).

This study was an applied one conducted in a descriptive-analytical method. Five security dimensions (human life, cultural, social, economic and environmental incentives) have been used to measure the sense of security among the locals in tourism villages. The data were collected using a questionnaire containing questions about security dimensions. In total, 39 items were designed and questioned in 5 dimensions. The statistical sample of this study consists of 10 tourism villages in Fazl and Mazol rural districts of Neyshabur County which in 2016 had a population of 2417 households. Therefore, according to Cochran formula and with a 0.1% error rate for households in sample villages, the sample size was 95, after some modifications it was raised to 117.

The results of the t-test indicate that the local community has a low sense of security. Besides, according to the results of the independent two sample t-test, women feel more secure than men. However, it's worth noting that men feel less secure than women because they are much more in contact with the tourists than women do. According to the results of the factor analysis for the items of ‘dealing with intruders’, ‘the sense of security while leaving the house unguarded during the day’ and ‘the tourists following the ethical standards’ had the highest factor loads. This reveals that villagers in rural tourism destinations believe that the above items have the highest impact on the security of the area. The results of spatial analysis of the differences in the sense of security in sample villages showed that the village of Bojabad with the score of 0.371 and the village of Ghar with the score of 0.291 respectively have demonstrated the highest and lowest levels of the sense of security, as these villages have numerous attractions which attract tourists from different cultures and tastes and usually favor the youth.

In general, the presence of tourists in the rural tourism destinations of the region has led to decreased level of the sense of security among local people. Accordingly, local people feel that crimes have increased in villages due to the presence of tourists. Therefore, as the presence of tourists makes villagers feel less secure, the following suggestions are made to improve tourism security in the region: - To make promotional programs for development of tourism culture - To develop and improve security services - To encourage the family tourism - To establish NGOs in the region

Dena County in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad province is one of the areas in Iran with more than 83% of its population with tribal culture living in villages. The dominance of this culture has led to a certain type of electoral behavior in this county. Although the electoral behavior can be judged as the highest political participation, it can hardly be considered as a symbol of political development. What is the impact of tribal culture and tribal elites on the electoral behavior of the villagers in Dena County is the main question of the present research. In order to answer this question, the impact of tribal culture on people's electoral behavior must be examined. The same question can be formulated in two research hypotheses: "there is a meaningful relationship between tribal culture and villagers' electoral behavior" and ''there is a meaningful relationship between the political viewpoints of the tribal elites and the electoral behavior of the villagers".

In reviewing the research literature, two categories of research projects can be mentioned. The first is the books and articles dealing with the geography of elections, and the second is the works that have attempted to analyze the relationship between tribalism and elections in Iran. The first and most prominent work in the first category is the book of “Geography of Election” by Johnston and Taylor (1979). Johnson, in another work with Pattie (2006), tried to show how geographical boundaries as an electoral context could affect the composition and political functions of government in Britain. In Iranian works, Kaviani Rad has attempted to study the impact of geography on Iran's elections. He has authored two books entitled Geography of Elections: Emphasizing on the Presidential Elections (2013) and Geography of Elections: Foundations, Approaches, and Concepts (2018). He has also published articles in this field (2007, 2009). The second group of works related to tribalism - which are closer to the subject of the present study - are the works of Yeganeh and Hasanvand (2013), Pooran Asl (2013), Safari (2010) and Rameshk (2003).

The present research employes an analytical and survey method. The statistical community of this research consisted of the villagers of Dena County. The method of data collection was simple random sampling that was determined using Cochran formula. A sample of 250 people was analyzed using SPSS, 21. The tool used in this study was a 37-item questionnaire (19 questions about tribal culture, 11 questions on electoral behavior, and 7 questions about the impact of the political views of the tribal elites) that measured three areas of tribal culture, tribal elite, and electoral behavior. Cronbach's alpha was used to assess the validity of the instrument.

Findings of the research show that: 1. There was no significant difference between tribal culture and gender-based electoral behavior of the subjects; 2. Education did not affect the relationship between the variables of the study; 3. Marital status of the subjects affected almost equally the electoral behavior of the subjects; 4. Employment had no significant effect on the electoral behavior of the subjects; 5. People's income had no effect on their electoral behavior; 6. There was a significant and an inverse relationship between tribal culture and electoral behavior of the subjects. Also, there was a significant and an inverse relationship between tribal elites’ political viewpoint and the electoral behavior of the voters. The feeling of deprivation among the voters in villages in comparison with the urban voters or a tribe over the other tribes and the existence of traditional culture among them has played an effective role in the continuation of this condition.

n The electoral behavior of the people of Dena County is influenced by the tribalism culture, and different tribes in this culture tend to win the election. According to Max Weber's theory, this behavior can be considered emotional, traditional, and less rational. For this reason, Gabriel Abraham Almond's distinction between the three types of political culture (Limited political culture, subordinate political culture and participation in political culture) may not easily be accepted; but we can identify, with a bit of modification, subordinate-limited political culture in analyzing the electoral behavior of the region. Parliamentary elections and town and village council elections are a perfect sample of this behavior. In these elections, subordinate political culture and emotional behavior based on ethnicity and tribal prejudice prevail over other intellectual and institutional aspects. Equally, in presidential elections, electoral behavior takes on a more political, economic, and partisan nature. What reinforces the tribal culture and its impact on the electoral behavior is the sense of deprivation and unequal distribution of amenities within the province's cities and between urban and rural areas. Comparison of this study with other studies in similar areas in Fars Province (Nourabad Mamsani), South Khorasan (Birjand), Ilam (Dehloran) and East Azarbaijan (Harris) showed there are some kinds of tribal competition for achieving more power resources and welfare amenities.

Political geography is a science that offers a different and realistic view of the political structures of governments, combining political insights and determinants of geographic environment. It deals with the geographical structure of countries. Although the establishment of territorial governments and the formation of strong governments became the dominant global paradigm with the conclusion of the Treaty of Westphalia since the seventeenth century, it didn't take long that the sovereignty of the monarchs was vested in the nations. Nations became responsible for forming the government and they gained national sovereignty. This phenomenon has taken place all around the world in different quality and any government claim to have been ruled by its nation and they are trying to consolidate the foundations of its government even more by strengthening the intellectual foundation of nation. But this approach faces with many challenges in the West Asian region which is the cradle of Islamic civilization. Therefore, this paper aims to analysis those challenges by using descriptive-analytical approach. It seems that the political thought of Islam rejects them by taking indicators which can lead the foundation of the nation-state and offers different basics and characteristics. Indicators taken from the explicit text of the Quran, the prophetic manner of the Prophet (peace is upon him) and the teachings of the Imams (AS) signify God's direct role in absolute sovereignty over the world and in the establishment of a state based on religious and religious beliefs. Therefore, due of the inherent difference between the political thought of Islam and the humanist political thought of the West, the most important set of challenges of Islam in the government debate are the components which form the base of Nation-based government. This paper analysis the issues by challenging views based on foundational Arguments and the adaptation of it with New Attitudes of Political Geography on Government – Nation.

The present paper deals with understanding the dimensions and components of government and the practices of sovereignty in Islam. It has used a model and typology appropriate to the structure of governments and its executive models. The qualitative part of this research is to investigate and discuss these challenges in both the theoretical and practical aspects. This research is a descriptive-analytical one. Data collection was carried out using library studies, document and content examinations.

The nation-state is a political system composed of a population of people that all united on a single model (Barzeghar, 1993:14) It resides in a land that has specific boundaries and all strive to achieve the national cause (Heydari, 2006:78) under a single sovereignty and in the form of a national constitution. The result of such a process leads to form a collective identity as national identity (Razazi far, 2001:103) which is based on homeland love and national pride. In geopolitical science, democracy is based on four components; the absence of any of these components makes it difficult to define democracy. However, some political science scholars believe that international recognition is a fifth component of nation-based government and it cannot be formally recognized as a nation-state until recognized by the international system.

This study analyses theoretical challenges of Islam in dealing with the Nation-Base Governments in five parts. In the first part, it provides the Islam stand for the origin of nation-state rule. Indeed the origin of nation-state rule is not merely the guiding of society, but merely meeting human needs or attaining a sacred purpose (Sajadi, 2009:167-166). The second part it analyses relation between Islam and the law of a nation-state. Islam considers Qur'an as a book of government; presents it as the law of society and believes that it contains a vast collection of spiritual and educational programs for human that depict the fate of the world and the hereafter of man and society. The third part examines the relation of Islam and the structure and pillars of nation-based government. One of the disagreement points between Shiite and Sunni political thought is about the head of state in Islam. The forth part is about the Islam and the legitimacy of a nation-based state. The legitimacy of the political system is a mental phenomenon and reflects the type and quality of the relationship that exists between the components of government and the people, which in some cases fall outside the scope of legitimacy and adopts the notion of acceptance. (Youssef, 2005:65). From Islam point of view, intellectual legitimacy is kind of a rational-religious state which is based on "for people" and" people's vote" and in interpreting such a government, it emphasizes the two components of divine legitimacy and popular legitimacy (Vahidi, 2007:184). The fifth part examines the Islamic unity and national cohesion. In nation-state rule, solidarity of a nation takes place around historical, racial, ethnic, linguistic issues, and a nation strives to achieve an ideal that plays a part in the political thought of that nation.

Since the formation of government structures, The Phenomenon of Government, State and Nation in Islamic Concepts have always been the subject of debate in academic circles and academia. But nowadays, Islamic countries have entered the modern era, passing through the traditional era, the transitions of the caliphate and the Emirate and other traditional patterns. They have taken strong steps in the direction of modern models by theoretical and structural changing based on high political knowledge and democratic institutionalization. While such a pattern spread in Europe and the West Asian region due to the presence of European advisers, the necessary background for the formation of such a model was provided in Islamic countries. in a broader sense, Therefore, Islamic political thought defines the national cohesion as the Islamic unity. it rejects the defined geographical boundaries for nation-states and views Islamic society as the criterion of a society in which Islamic rule prevails.

Countries with access or no access to open seas forms the different geographical location of coastal peninsula, island or landlocked state, respectively. Sea and ocean environment is different from land environments in terms of features. An area of ocean is three times larger than the land. Water bodies are spherical cohesion while the land suffers fragmentation of space. Water bodies have an inclusive position and land area has a peripheral one. Sea power is one of the most important aspects of the state’s national power. Most of the world powers (past and present) have coastal and sea geographical positions. The sea position provides countries many options in all economic, political, cultural, and social dimensions, which continental countries are deprived of them. Continental and land-based military powers have limited military power. Traditional and modern sea powers have a spherical function, in view of their respective characteristics of the marine environment. Most of these countries have always had a maritime trade approach and have supported open economic policies. The sea powers are present in the seas in economic, military, political and legal forms. Sea power is not considered proper in evaluating national power because it includes different factors. Sea power is the only aspect of national power that can be present in different water bodies, and is not affected land and air power limitations. Many variables and elements affect states’ sea power. Various factors such as human, geographical-territorial, technological, economic, political, etc. shape the sea power of the states. These factors interact with each other. This article investigates the role of human geographic factors in the states’ sea power.

 This research is a fundamental and descriptive-analytical study in nature This article investigates the role of human geographic factors in the states’ sea power using library findings. Data analysis procedure is based on qualitative method. Data collection was carried out using library studies, document and content examinations. In this research, theories and models of maritime power are examined. Presenting the theoretical model, the paper analyses the role of elements of human geography component in sea power of countries such as United States, China, Russia, India, Japan, Portugal, United Kingdom and others.

A variety of geographic-territorial, social, economic, political, diplomatic and military factors contribute to the formation of sea powers. The policies of the state and its human structures are just some of the important elements of the state’s sea power. Geographical phenomena with human nature are one of the most important elements in the state’s sea power structure. Political and security status of the territory (land and sea borders), coastal population and communities, coastal cities and ports, coastal and naval military bases, interconnection of in-country communication networks with the coastal region are the most important human geographic components of maritime power of the states.

According to the findings of the study, the theoretical proposition and explanatory theory of the present study is that all elements of the human geographic component somehow affect the maritime power of the countries. The elements of human geography – i.e., population, coastal community, coast and marine military bases, and coastal cities and ports, and communication networks connecting to the coastal areas are affected by controlling factors such as the natural and environmental characteristics of the coast. There are, nonetheless, other controlling factors such as the bureaucratic and administrative structure operating in the country, the political system, national objectives and policies contribute to human geography, but they are not addressed here. Two further elements, that is, developments and domestic political and security tensions, and also marine and land border security influence the sea power. As well, they affect the performance of other human geography elements. That is to say, lack of land security and political stability, and military engagements at borders with neighboring nations hinder the concentrating on the other human geography elements. The elements are also influenced more by the controlling factors of political administration rather than the controlling factors of the natural features of the coast. Independent research has to be carried out to explain these factors. Three elements – developments and domestic political and security tensions, and also marine and land border security–have a greater impact on maritime power. That said, it does not signify that other elements of human geography are less important. Nations not enjoying political stability and vulnerable to the political and security related tensions within their own territories lack the potential to achieve sea power. All sea powers have, since long, managed to expand their fleet and sea power through creating land security and political security within their borders. In other words, the development of sea power depends upon the domestic political stability, lack of which would lead to the authorities’ engagement with domestic issues, failure to provide the financial resources necessary for expanding commercial and military fleet and to the underdevelopment and insufficient provision of coastal constructs like ports. Domestic tensions, lack of political stability and military altercations with neighboring nations are impediments to concentrating on the issues related to the sea. In fact, the provision of instruments required for sea-based policies is dependent upon the domestic political (in)stability and tensions. Marine bases play a significant role in sea power. Unable nations to operating across all sea realms on account of their having no marine bases cannot reach the status of a sea power. Some countries, such as Russia and China in compared to the United States, have failed to have a significant military and political presence in the world waters due to the lack of multiple naval bases. So it is better to refer them as "coastal powers". Coastal powers have a strong presence in the immediate area of their geographical environment and they play marginal roles in the remote geographical areas.

The “cooperation” element in Tehran-Moscow relations in a number of cases such as the fight against terrorism, arms deal, and participation in implementing nuclear facilities has risen to a high level of “importance”; meanwhile, analysts have used notions such as “strategic unity” and “strategic partnership” to describe and analyze the relations between the two nations. Nevertheless, given the occurrence of the “tension” element in these relations due to factors such as Russia’s agreement with the approval of the Security Council’s Resolutions against Iran and refraining from the delivery of S-300 missile system to the Islamic Republic, a number of analysts have opposed the “hypothesized strategic” relations between Iran and Russia. By conducting a comparison between the concept of “strategic relations” and the relation between the two countries, the present study seeks to provide answers to the aforementioned ambiguities. Subsequently, the purpose of this study is to examine the requirements and components for the formation of strategic relations and offer a notion to analyze Iran-Russia relations.

The theoretical framework of the study involves the conceptualization of the expression, “strategic relations” as well as offering its components and indices. The subject of strategic relations oversees certain relationships among nations with strategic dimensions. Relations between governments refer to the entire interactions that can be defined within the spectrum of cooperation to competition and tension (good or bad). As a result, it can be inferred that the word “relations” in the expression, “strategic relations”, is a neutral word; therefore, this concept cannot be exclusively used to be referred to as overseeing cooperation or in other words, “good relations”. The notion of strategic relations incorporate any interactions within the spectrum of good to bad relations based upon competition or cooperation, provided that it occurs in security areas; or whether it follows vital objectives and advantages or whether there are actors involved who are capable of influencing the system. Strategic relations involve different forms such as “unity”, “partnership”, “coalition”, and “competition”. Originally, by defining different forms of strategic relations, countries or governments primarily seek to increase their powers and influence over the international system or mitigate threats. By establishing a form of collaborative strategic relations, they seek to provide deterrence against the threats they are facing. The expression, “strategic relations” is not a form of relations; it deals with how relations are managed. There is a direct connection between strategic relations and the concepts of national interests and prioritization of actors accordingly. These relations are formed around national interests. It means that primarily, and until there are mutual security concerns, the purpose of strategic relations includes seeking cooperation in a variety of forms, i.e. the positive aspect. However, in case priorities are changed, then the competition between the actors would shape the strategic relations among them: their vital national interest would be affected by the competitions as well. Consequently, strategic relations can be defined as: A spectrum of bi- or multilateral relations formed over time, the nature of which is based upon cooperation and competition in different fields of politics, military, security, economy, society, and the environment, provided that it incorporates “strategic actions”, “activism of strategic actors”, “strategic consequences”, and “occurrence within strategic areas”.

The present inquiry is a descriptive-analytical study with the purpose of examining the legality that governs relations along with the variable of the study. Data collection was carried out using library studies, document and content examinations, and field works such as questionnaires, interviews, and observations.

4.1. Comparing the requirements of the formation of Iran-Russia strategic relations: The presence of strategic interests and purposes in overlapping domains: There are numerous mutual, overlapping, and opposing purposes and interests in Iran and Russia’s regional and international strategies; yet, each involves exclusive discretions that prevent higher degrees of cooperation between the two nations; The presence of an urgent enemy or threat, or a mutual competitor: One of the mutual purposes of the two nations includes confronting the presence and influence of the US and the West across the surrounding regions of Iran and Russia; however, the extent and severity of threats are not perceived equally by both Tehran and Moscow; Mutual understandings with respect to the international system and its regulations: Despite both Russia and Iran being revisionist nations, Russia seeks improvement within the present system framework while Iran pursues the transformation of the system and establishing a new order; The presence of political will in leaders: Though such a will is present in the Islamic Republic, it does not appear that the Kremlin possesses the same will to improve relations with Iran at the level of collaborative cooperation in strategic relations such as unity or partnership; The uniqueness of relations between two parties: Indices to assess this component include continuous meetings between the leaders, extensive economic, political, and military-security cooperation, the presence of a friendly atmosphere in bilateral relations, and the long-lasting interactions between the two nations. These indices were not observed in the case of Iran-Russia relations; Institutionalization and regularity of relations: The tangible indices of this component includes following a particular pattern in relations as well as establishing higher institutions to advance relationships. Examinations into Iran-Russia relations during the past few years did not indicate any regularities or following a specific pattern; moreover, it appears that Tehran-Moscow relations may be significantly affected by certain events and it is possible that the attempts of one party to focus on competitive purposes could result in extensive challenges with the other.

Interaction between Iran and Russia in the area of foreign policy is a function of both nations’ perception of their position in the international power structure as well as their own geopolitical requirements. The two nations have numerous mutual, competitive, and opposing geopolitical purposes and interests and there are strong barriers and discretions against any type of cooperation; meanwhile, adapting the interests and purposes and reaching agreements on how to follow them can bring about countless benefits for both countries. Therefore, regarding the relations as solely being strategic or a type of unity would not affect their nature and the type of actions. According to the above examinations, the relations between Iran and Russia is currently a “watchful partnership” or a type of “forced cooperation”; it refers to selective cooperation in cases and subjects against which both countries perceive themselves as being obligated to take mutual actions. The realization of strategic relations between the two parties by Iran requires a clear definition and a consensus over national interest priorities, threats, and objectives. If Russia seeks to reinforce its position at the region and in the world, i.e. remaining as an independent nation and not a member of the Western Bloc, then Russians should reach an agreement to rely on I.R. Iran as a dependable, powerful ally that is capable of asserting influence in line with mutual interests.