فصلنامه پژوهش های تاریخی
سال یازدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 44، زمستان 1398)

The Shiraz and Mamasani Conquest by Manoochehr Khan Motamed-al-Dowleh Gorji and his dominance over this land and the whole Fars State, from 1834 to1836 AD is one of the most important historical events in Fars and Iran during the Qajar dynasty. In his manuscript, ‘Madayih Al-Motamedieh’, written in his name to describe his political life, intentionally or unintentionally, the events that happened during these two years are briefly and practically distorted. Unfortunately, in other first-hand sources, only brief and repetitive references to this period have been made. This paper aims at explaining Shiraz and Mamasani Conquest by Manoochehr Khan Motamed-al-Dowleh and his political style in Fars based on first-hand sources. Moreover, this article also discusses the importance of why the state of Fars has been so important in the eyes of the Qajar government and has always been the center of discord and policy-making.

This paper is based on the memoir ‘Madayih Al-Motamedieh’, applying a personal historiographical method to describe the biography of a Qajar politic called Manoochehr Khan Motamed-al-Dowleh Gorji, written in 1843 AD. As the title shows, this memoir praises him; however, it is worth mentioning that Mirza Mohammad Ali Bahar, through his talent and subtlety in writing, has portrayed his personality and behavior. The main question in this paper is why a memoir, written to portray Motamed-al-Dowleh’s conquests, has only briefly mentioned Shiraz and Mamasani conquest even though this is one of his most important achievements. Surprisingly, other sources have ignored what has happened during these two years too. It seems that the conquest had been so disastrous that a memoir, which aimed at praising a governor, had to hide the facts. Other sources, however, need to be searched considering why they had refrained from mentioning these events. The author is Mirza Mohammad Ali Mazhab Isfahani, called Farhang/Bahar. In a long ‘introduction’, he explains the dominance of Motamed-al-Dowleh Gorji. Manoochehr Khan Gorji had a noble family in Georgia, Russia. He was captured in 1803 during the Iran-Russia wars and was taken to Tehran. It seems that he was castrated by the government and was sent as a slave to the king’s palace. This painful misfortune left a lifelong psychological effect on him. He used his culture and knowledge of some languages and political talent to find an important place in the palace. After Mirza Abdolvahab Nishat Isfahani died in 1829, Manoochehr Khan replaced him. During Fath-Ali Shah and Mohammad Shah, two Qajar kings, he became the governor of Fars.

This research is a library and contrastive analysis of first-hand sources to explain the subject of research according to the memoir ‘Madayih Al-Motamedieh.’ Different sources have mentioned the events very briefly. The authors of this study used the contrastive method to collect different parts like a puzzle from different sources to put forward a holistic picture of what had happened during those two years.

Motamed Al-Dowleh had authority over the affairs. According to many sources, he helped Mohammad Shah to strengthen his power over Tehran, Isfahan, and Fars. Later, Mohammad Mirza joined Motamed Al-Dowleh, the governor of Guilan to fight against other claimants. Georgians supported Mohammad Shah in all affairs. Motamed Al-Dowleh was sent to conquer Fars state in 1834. He then passed the doors of Fars and conquered the State in that year after three days. After a while, he attacked country people to get their property. It seems that most of these issues are not mentioned in the memoir, issues like the suicide of women in Fars. As it is observed in general histories, local sources, and other reports, the government of Manoochehr Khan on Fars state and nearby states had been a government of terror and horror. The tower that he made out of living human bodies of Fars was so horrendous, which is reflected in the itineraries of travelers. The reason behind this inhuman atrocity maybe for his ruthless personality. Even based on psychological studies, it is possible to find a type of suppressed anguish and anger resulted from his castration. Furthermore, Fars state was a wealthy state because of farming and trading, therefore the central government advised governors to use force to get high taxes from states’ heads, tradesmen. Then the central government played the role of a savior by dismissing the governor and confiscating the properties. This happened about Manoochehr Khan too. It is not strange why a memoir written about Motamed Al-Dowleh has ignored his inhumane atrocities. Based on documents, his two-year government on Fars was a government of deception. The researchers have to collect the parts of the puzzle form different texts to conclude what had happened to urban and rural societies during the Qajar was a dark, ruthless image.

During the Nader Shah Afshar’s reign, despite the all the military and political successes in the foreign arenas,  Iran was full of actions and reactions of different tribes and clans in the form of military conflicts and political challenges. One of the tribes that seems to have had a serious and effective presence in the conflicts and challenges of the Nader Shah era was Qarachurlu tribe. Investigating the role and position of this tribe in Iran’s military and political developments and the results of it is the main issue of this research. Despite the bold role of this tribe in the Nader’s era, no proper research has been done in this field so far. The present study attempts to analyze this role by using the descriptive-analytical method and by searching through historical texts and various documents. The results of various studies show that different clans of this tribe have been active especially in the fight against the Afghans and the Ottomans, and other foreign struggles, as the vanguards of the soldiers of Nader. Besides, Qarachurlu Kurds have always been in favor of Nader Shah in repressing internal insurgencies.

The formation of the Afsharid government, following the anarchy caused by the fall of the Safavid dynasty, is considered one of the most important developments in the history of Iran. As a result of Nader Shah Afshar’s rise to power, Iran regained its unity and was able to maintain its cohesion and integrity. Different tribes[1], especially the tribes living in Khorasan, were Nader Shah’s main partisans to achieving various internal and external successes.
One of these tribes which played a significant role in the political and military developments of the Nader’s era was Qarachurlu tribe and its various related clans[2]. This tribe was settled in the foothills of the Aladagh Mountains of Khorasan. Following the developments of the last years of the Safavid rule and in the early years of Nader’s movement, they first opposed him but due to the provisions that Nader had considered in dealing with the tribes and clans, they soon became one of his main allies. The main issue of this research was to analyze the role of this tribe and the efforts of its leaders in the developments of the Nader’s era.

There has been no independent and comprehensive research done on the role of Qarachurlu tribe in the developments of this period of Iran’s history. Sources of the Nader Shah’s era, including Aalam Araye Naderi written by Mohammad Kazem Marvi, Jahangushaye Nader by Mirza Mehdi Khan Astarabadi, as well as new studies, including the first volume of the book Harekate Tarikhi Kurd Be Khorasan (the Historical Movements of Kurds to Khorasan) by Kalimollah Tavahodi, and Ilhaa Va Tayefehaye Ashayeri Khorasan (Khorasan nomadic tribes and clans) by Sayyid Ali Mirnia have generally considered the role of Kurds of Khorasan in the military-political developments of the Naderi’s era. However, no research has been done specifically on the political and military efforts of this tribe in the military and political conflicts of the period. The present study aimed to analyze this role by examining the main sources and new research, especially the use of various documents, including orders, deeds, and historical correspondence.

 An examination of the collection of sources, studies, and historical documents of the Afsharid era showed that numerous tribes and clans of Khorasan have played an essential role in the formation and then consolidation of the Afsharid government. Among these tribes and clans, Qarachurlu tribe, as one of the five Kurdish tribes of Khorasan, was one of the main allies of Nader Shah. They have always been in the vanguard of his wars and campaigns with the Ottomans, India, and the Caucasus. The Kurds of Qarachurlu have been active in defeating Malek Mahmood Sistani in Mashhad, Abdali Afghans in Herat, Nader’s quadruple battles with Ashraf Afghan, the triple wars with the Ottomans, as well as in Nader’s campaign to India and Dagestan with thousands of their troops. Additionally, Qarachurlu tribe played a key role in the suppression of Mohammad Taqi Khan Shirazi in Fars, the Lezgins in Dagestan, and Pir Mohammad Khan in Baluchistan. Najaf Sultan, Mohammad Khan, Mohammad Reza Khan, Aghasi Beyg, Shahbaz Beyg, Ahmad Khan, Salim Beyg, Pahlevan Beyg, Ali Reza Beyg, Ali-Qoli Beyg, and Imam-Qoli Beyg were among the most important Nader officials and allies of Qarachurlu tribe. Nader, in response to the cooperation of Qarachurlu tribe, gave the government of areas such as Darband in Caucasus to Najaf Sultan Qarachurlu, the authorization of Arabia to Mohammad Khan Qarachurlu, the solicitor of the tribe to Hassan Beyg Qarachurlu, Esik-aqasi of Divan to Ali Reza Beyg Sarvarlo,Beylerbey of Shirvan to Ali-Qoli Khan Sarvarloo, and the Fars rule to Ahmad Sultan Kargarlu, one of the elders of this tribe. Today, groups of Kurds from Qarachurlu tribe are present in areas such as Georgia and Azerbaijan that have been settled as a result of Nader’s policies.[1]. Tribe:The tribe in the Iranian nomadic society is a political union consisting of several Tireh-Ashayer (Several families with kinship affiliations) and nomadic clans that, based on kinship affiliations or at a specific time, they unite according to political and social interests, and necessities and form a tribe.The tribes usually had their own territory and tribal territory and were run under the leadership and personal management of either the Ilkhan or the Il-Bagi (Aashti, 1987, p. 14-13).[2]. Clan:  The clan in the Iranian nomadic community is a social-political unit consisting of several Tireh-Ashayer and in the hierarchy of tribal categories, it is the most important and distinct category. In the social hierarchy of Iranian nomads, most of the clans are located between the tribe and the Tireh-Ashayer, but there are also clans that are not affiliated with any tribe and are called independent clans. The clan is a social-political organization with a classification structure. They may be sedentary, complete nomadic, or semi-nomadic and a clan. It doesn't matter if the clan is nomadic or sedentary, it is still considered a clan. The clan is the smaller subset of a tribe, which is often closely related to each other and has a common ancestor for several generations (Takmil Homayoun & Bloukbashi, 2009, p. 15-8).

The influence and expansion of Islam religion in the Indian Subcontinent are the important issues which have been considered by scholars for a long time ago. Various factors have contributed to the spread and influence of Islam in the Indian Subcontinent including the arrival of early invaders, Muslim merchants and traders, and the migration of Muslim clerics and Sufis. Meanwhile, the share of Sufis has been higher and more considerable than in other groups. Some Western and Indian scholars believe that Islam first entered the region through military conquests. But, historical evidence did not support this claim. Although in a general process, military movements should be considered as obstacles to the influence and spread of Islam, but in some periods and some areas of migration, military campaigns provided a good platform for groups of Arab tribes or individuals and groups of merchants, Sufis, scholars, and scientists to enter the area. Some Sufis even went to India with the same troops. With proper and humane behavior and interaction with the inhabitants of the Indian Subcontinent and the Indian religions, Sufis were able to partially eliminate the hatred and pessimism of the Indian invaders about the actions of the Muslim invaders in the early periods of the spread of Islam.

The main aim of the research is the expansion of Islam in the Indian Subcontinent with relying on the influence of moral and spiritual behaviors of Sufis especially the reduction of the negative approach of inhabitants and the Indian hatred and pessimism from the function of the invaders in the early period of the expansion of Islam. However, Ghaznavids were of forces which took the most effective steps towards the occupation of India. In the fourth century AH, Sabuktagin first invaded India and took the control of much of the region. A few years later, Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznavid invaded India and targeted India fifteen or seventeen times by the end of his reign. This study seeks to answer the question of how the interaction of Sufis and Sufi leaders with the natives of India, especially their spiritual conduct and avoidance of military behavior, had an effect on the Islamization of the Indian people from the Ghurian period to the beginning of the Gurkhanids.

Generally, using the descriptive-analytical method and based on library resources, this paper aims to study Sufis’ contribution to the Islamization of native Indians during the age of Turk rulers.

The interaction of Sufi missionaries and leaders and their function has played an important role in deepening Islamic and religious beliefs among the inhabitants of the Indian Subcontinent. In fact, the wider influence and spread of Islam in India, according to evidence and citations, was the result of peaceful, tolerant activities and spiritual and cultural interactions, especially by Muslim Sufis. Sufis’ intellectual commonalities with Hindu rituals and practices, their spiritual conduct, exchanges of Sufi cults with the Hindu rituals and especially their avoidance of military and oppressive acts not only drew the attention of Indians to themselves but also changed the negative attitude of the Indian community towards the military and violent behavior of the early Islamic invaders in the invasion of India. Sufis and Sufi cults which entered India as immigrants or preachers were influential in the mental purification of the natives of this region. The spiritual behaviors of Sufis partly improved the negative consequences of Muslim invasions and changed their attitudes toward Islamic teachings. This greatly influenced the new approach of the people of the Indian Subcontinent to Islam after the military invasion. The Sufi group has shown outright honesty, trustworthiness, and chastity in trade and commerce with the leading business classes of India and other social groups. They were actively involved in supporting the rural part of the Indian Subcontinent. On the other hand, they respected the beliefs of the Indians. In the interval between Ghurids’ domination and the Gurkhanid dynasty, Sufi cults such as Chashtiyya, Suhrawardiyya, Naqshbandiyya, Qāderiyya, and Kubrawiyya along with the Indian rulers, especially the Muslim sultans of Delhi, were considered to be the main causes of Islamization of Indigenous Indian Subcontinent. Sufis’ counseling and assistance to Islamic governments in India such as Gholamshahi, Khalajan, Tughlughiyyan, Sādat dynasty, Lūdi governors, and Syrian kings were effective in spreading Islam in the Indian Subcontinent during these periods. The other results of this study showed that the content of Sufi invitations like an emphasis on monotheism, equality of human rights, humility, and accepting divine morality. and reaching God through helping people and aiding helpless ones had a profound effect on the tendency of the Indians to Islam. Learning different local languages ​​and connecting with different religions and classes of India facilitated the Sufis’ invitation for unity and solidarity, especially since Sufis opposed religious monopoly. Hence, they were able to reduce the violence of the early Muslim invaders to some extent by purifying the souls. The preaching method and lifestyle of Sufis, such as seclusion and abundant worship, corresponded to life and aspects of the principles of Indian philosophy. Therefore, the adversary of Indians with the system of inferiority, religious tolerance, support for religious diversity, simplicity of life, and good relations with the Ghurid Sultans, Mamluks, and Delhi kings were effective in the expansion of Islam in the Indian Subcontinent.

Since its establishment in 1921, Iraq’s borders were incorporated by a diverse medley of people who had not been joined into a single political community with a common sense of identity. For the Iraqi rulers, the education system was the most important and the best tool for expanding a common national identity. As a result, a centralized education system was created, new schools were developed, and new education with nationalist content was spread from Baghdad to other parts of the country. In the present study, the descriptive-analytical method was used and the data were collected through library sources to answer two research questions: how nationalism and the infusion of national identity were started and expanded in the Iraqi society? And what goals and motives did the nationalists have to promote nationalism in Iraq? The results showed that Arab nationalists, such as Sati' al-Husri, Fazel Jamali and Sami Shawkat, along with Syrian and Palestinian nationalists, who taught in Iraq, played an important role in the development of national identity. They expanded a common national identity with the foundation of Arabism by teaching the common Arabic history and the language developed for the curriculum. Ultimately, the spread of nationalism pursued two important goals: to create a shared identity in Iraq's multi-ethnic society and to emphasize its role in Arab unity.

After World War I, it was a period of Arab political intellectual ferment. The concept of Arab ethnicity and unity came into existence, and the consciousness of being an Arab was established. To many Arab nationalists, Iraq seemed best equipped to fill the heroic role played by Prussia in uniting the German-speaking people into a unified German nation-state. The Nationalists would look back to the past; the period when Baghdad was the cradle of civilization during the time of the Abbasids at a time when the West languished in the darkness of its medieval ages. Arab nationalists set out to make Iraq the beacon from which Arab nationalist ideas would spread to the rest of the Arab world. They focused on the schools, which they hoped would become the breeding ground for future Arab nationalist generation. In this regard, the three figures in Iraq played an important role in the spread of nationalism, Sati' Al-Husri (1880-1968), Fazel Jamali (1903-1997), and Sami Shawkat (1893-1987). They designed the Iraqi educational system during the period from 1921 to1941. Although they differed in their views, all three used the Iraqi educational system as a tool to instill nationalism. In addition to their important role, teachers from other Arab countries in Iraq also contributed to the spread of Arab nationalism. In the 1930s Iraq became the center of pan-Arabism and a haven for Syrian and Palestinian nationalists. They went to Iraq and encouraged the people to pursue Arab nationalists’ goals and inspired them to think that Iraq was the most promising country that could influence the solidarity of the Arab world. These ideas were widely circulated by nationalist teachers throughout the country. This study seeks to answer these two questions: first, how were nationalism and the infusion of national identity started and expanded in Iraqi society? Second, what goals and motives did the nationalists seek to promote nationalism in Iraq? The research hypothesis is that the Arab nationalists expanded nationalism by establishing a unified educational system by teaching history, and a common Arabic language in the society. An important impetus in this regard was the creation of a common national identity and the transformation of Iraq into a pioneer country in Arab unity.  Regarding the importance and necessity of this research, the period under discussion (1921-1941) is one of the most important periods in Iraqi history, as the Arab national identity has expanded and become the basis of nationhood, so examining the content of this national identity and the process of its expansion through the educational system (research innovation) indicates the importance of research.

The present study applied the descriptive-analytical research method, and library resources were used for data collection (Persian, Arabic, and Latin data).

The issue raised in the present study was the role of the education system and the Arab nationalists in spreading the ideology of nationalism in Iraq. Iraq, since its establishment, was a country with an Ethnic mosaic that there was no sharing of national identity among all segments of the society so that the education system served as an important tool in promoting a common national identity. The education system was the best tool for injecting Arab identity into Iraqi society because attending the school is a period of personality development. Thus, through school education, Arab identity was easily spread among the new generation. In line with the important function of education in injecting national identity into the society, Arab nationalists pursued the expansion of a national identity in students. Influenced by Romantic German nationalism, Sati al-Husri played a significant role in spreading nationalism through the teaching of the common history, language, and the director of antiquities. Fazel Jamali played the same role in Shiite society. Physical education and nationalistic anthems were also part of Sami Shawkat’s efforts. Non-Iraqi Pan-Arab teachers also influenced the spread of nationalism by teaching and writing textbooks for schools. They defined the nucleus of the Arab homeland, of which Iraq was an important part. Thus, the result confirmed the research hypothesis of the study. Arab nationalism was expanded through the educational system in Iraqi society, pursuing two fundamental goals of establishing a common Arab identity within the country and emphasizing Iraq’s role in Arab unity. Finally, during the period from 1921 to 1941, the ideology of nationalism was spread among Iraqi society and had important implications that could be taken into account in further research.

Understanding the history of Iran during the Seljuk period is very important because of the presence and influence of a new role player called the Turkmen tribes. They have played an important role in the formation and fate of this government. Since the establishment of this government, the conflict between the two forms of policies about running the country led to challenges and conflicts between them. On the one hand, the Iranian bureaucrats demanded a centralized government, and on the other hand, the military and tribal chiefs and the pro-power clerics claimed the decentralization of power. The death of Nizam al-Mulk, the architect of the centralized sovereignty theory in the Seljuks, provided a good opportunity for the military to attempt to seek power, and the first victim of such an attempt was Amir Oner. The present study aimed to elucidate the nature and causes of Oner's revolt against Sultan Barkyaruq and to determine what factors influenced Oner’s action. The method of this research was descriptive-analytical based on library resources. The findings of the present study indicated that Amir Oner represented a group of military officials who sought to increase their power in factions formed after King Malik Shah and Khajeh Nizam al-Mulk’s   death. Although Oner’s did not enjoy a good fortune and fate, his uprising began to bring about major changes in the structure of the Seljuk power and sovereignty.

The arrival of Seljuk Turkmen to Iranian territory during early 5th AH exerted a great influence on the political structure of the Iranian society. The new invaders dominated a large territory, but from the very beginning, they found that they cannot govern such a large territory. Therefore, they appointed Iranian bureaucrats to govern the territories. But, the main concern for the Iranian bureaucrats was to persuade the Seljuk Sultans to use centralized methods of government. However, Seljuk Turkmen were inclined to exercise some other methods of government which they had tried before, such as the division of the country to different parts to be ruled by different persons from among dominating Turkmen. Gradually, there appeared a wide gap between the supporters of these two methods of government. Khajeh Nizam al-Mulk Toosi in his new system of government dismissed army top officials, which in turn, brought about reactions from the army top officialsNizam al-Mulk’s death and subsequently Malik Shah’s death and fights over the succession to the throne provided the army top officials with the opportunity to gain more power in the government. Oner, one of the top army officials at the later years of Malik Shah’s reign attained a top rank. The most important topic that the present research aimed to investigate is the unknown aspects and reasons of Amir Oner’s   uprising against sultan Barkyaruq. The research sought to introduce some of the causes and reasons which lead to the mutiny and possible outcomes and trends resulting from it in the Seljuk era. The hypothesis of the research is that the open and hidden quarrels in the Seljuk (Majd al-Mulk or Muayyied al-Mulk) bureaucratic system structure had a great role in Oner’s mutiny.

The present study was conducted using the descriptive-analytical method based on main documents, evidence and resources of the Seljuk era. Taking advantage of documents and resources and comparing the available data and reports, the research shed more light on the real causes of the uprising.

Regarding Oner’s uprising, the present study takes a few matters into consideration. First, it studies Turkmen commanders’ status and their position in top ranks of government in Malik Shah’s reign. Seljuk Turkmen depending on tribal power and top military officials succeeded in establishing a magnificent and powerful government in Iranian plateau. At first, Seljuks mainly depended on tribal forces and military officials, but after the formation of the government, Seljuks needed ministers to govern the territory and establish a centralized government. Hence, they gradually dismissed military officials from ranks of power. Nizam al-Mulk played a decisive role in controlling top military officials power during his term of office. His approach to power was to centralize it instead of putting it at the hands of many. In other words, actions taken by him lead to reducing aristocrats and wealthy tribal people’s influence in the government structure. When the power was monopolized by him, mutual trust between the powerful elites and him was reduced to the minimum. After the death of Nizam al-Mulk and Malik Shah, there was a quarrel over their substitution, and this provided a chance for the military officials to get the power in their own grasp. The commander Oner was one of these military commanders. The Seljuk historical documents has mentioned his name for the first time after the episodes leading to Sultan Malik Shah’s death and the skirmishes between forces trying to capture Isfahan in 485 AH. Oner was one of the powerful commanders of the government. When Sultan Barkyaruq attained the power, Amir Oner became one of the most important commanders of sultan Barkyaruq. Nonetheless, in 492 AH, exactly when Sultan Barkyaruq left the capital Isfahan to suppress Arslan Argun’s rebellion in Khorasan, Amir Oner started his uprising. In the present study, by studying the resources and document of this era, some reasons effective in Oner’s uprising was found:1. The policy of Majd al-Mulk, a minister of Sultan Barkyaruq, as military commanders in financial affairs which initiated the opposition of the commanders especially Oner to Majd- al Mulk. Consequently one of the Oner’s purposes was to eliminate this minister.2. The role of Muayyied al-Mulk in Oner’s uprising. After the deposition of Muayyied al-Mulk as a minister in 488 AH, Barkyaruq tried to make a party of opponents and played an important role in instigating Oner.
3. Majd al- Mulk’s, as the common enemy of military commanders, and Muayyied al-Mulk, as a primary target, had a great role in their union against Sultan Barkyaruq and Oner’s uprising. The vacuum of power in central Iran and the absence of Sultan Barkyaruq provided Oner with the opportunity to make a background for an uprising against Sultan Barkyaruq. The uprising of Commander Oner very soon came to an end. When Oner went from Isfahan to Rey, according to one of the narratives, he was killed by three Kharazmi Turkmen. But, still according to some other narratives, he was killed by some Ismaili self-sacrificers in Muharram month of 492 AH.Khajeh Nizam al-Mulk’s death and conflicts over his substitution after Malik Shah’s death, provided the military commanders with the opportunity to actively get involved in gaining the power. The Commander Oner was one of these military commanders who got a position in political divisions for power and succeeded in playing an active role in Turkan Khatun, and later on in Sultan Barkyaruq policies. Oner’s increased level of ambitions led to an uprising with the conspiracy of Muayyied al-Mulk to oust of Barkyaruq. Although the uprising did not succeed, it was an indication of an era in which the main role players in politics and power gaining in the Seljuk society were the military commanders.  Bureaucrats and the Seljuk sultan were disempowered. Subsequently, the role of the military commanders in the government and power structure of the Seljuk dynasty increased to a prominent level. Oner was one the escape goats in a rivalry between Khorasani or Iraqi elites. But his uprising against sultan and his collaboration with Korasani party was the beginning of an era in which the Seljuk commanders revitalized their power.

With the increase in sugar consumption in Iran since the second half of the 13th century AH/ 19th century AD, the Qajar authorities attempted to establish industrial factories to meet the needs of the people on the one hand and the process of gradual industrialization of various sectors as well as the dependence of such products on European governments on the other hand. To this end, two sugar factories in the cities of Sari and Barforoush were established to supply people with consumable sugar. This research with a descriptive-analytical approach and the library method aims to answer the question: ‘What has been the performance of sugar factories in the two cities of Sari and Barforoush, as well as the course of trade changes during the Qajar rulers?’ It tests the hypothesis: ‘The performance of Mazandaran factories in the production of refined sugar has been relatively successful’. Research findings showed that although in many cases the Qajar government was forced to import sugar to meet the needs of the people, but at times, especially during Amir Kabir’s presidency, with the production of sugar in Mazandaran’s new industrial factories not only did the import of this product experience a sharp decline for the first time, these factories were also able to meet some of the consumption needs of the people and may even have been able to export their products. 

The expansion of trade and development of comprehensive relations with the West during the Qajar period, especially after the Iran-Russia War (1218-1228 AH/ 1803-1813 AD), brought about fundamental changes in the social and economic structure of the country. It was after this time that the traditional way of governing the society was advanced by some rulers, merchants, bureaucrats, and European corporations and governments toward industrialization and modernization. Since the mid-13th century AH/ 19th AD, several new factories in the economic and military fields were established at the same time as the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah and the presidency of Amir Kabir. These factories were set up to reduce the country’s dependence on imports and the production of products in accordance with the needs of the people and the government because, with the increase of the country’s population and the modernization of the society, people’s needs for food and clothing underwent major changes. Sugar and glucosewere among the products that increased among Iranian families. For the first time, Amir Kabir set up a sugar refinery in the two cities of Sari and Barfaroush. The importance of this product doubled in the years leading up to the Constitutional Revolution, so much so that the rise in the price of sugar led to civil protests in Iran. Following the victory of the Constitutional Revolution (1285 AH/ 1906 AD), one of the goals of the constitutionalists became the country’s liberation from importing edible products such as sugar and glucose,and then the development of the sugar industry in order to promote the food industry and help to strengthen domestic production. The purpose of this article is to investigate and evaluate the quality and performance of sugar refineries in the Qajar era in Mazandaran region.

This study attempts to address the issue with a descriptive-analytical approach and using documentary data, newspapers and primary sources. 

During the Qajar period, Iranian society faced the European Industrial Revolution and the increasing progress of their societies. That is why the goal of the rulers, bureaucrats, and merchants of this period was to achieve the powerful industries of their time. One of the most important industries in this period was the sugar industry. The importance of sugar in the social and political life of the people of this period is important. Welcoming guests and political figures using sweets and candies, using sugar products to donate kings, statesmen, villagers, and the general public for diplomatic personalities, and using these products for medical purposes are among the important roles of sugar in the Iranian society during the Qajar era. Given the importance of this product in people’s lives and the increasing consumption of sugar among them, the Qajar government officials and merchants were forced to import sugar from Europe at the beginning of the path. At the beginning of its activity, Sari and Barforoush sugar factories, with the support of government officials such as Amir Kabir, succeeded in producing high-quality white sugar and were able to make progress in the sugar industry. The relatively favorable performance and efficiency of these two factories provided part of the sugar needed in the northern regions of Iran. In addition to Mazandaran, the cities of Astarabad, Guilan and in some parts of Tehran also benefited from refined sugar of these factories. Also, according to some documents, government officials and businessmen may have succeeded in exporting sugar in an important move. According to some sources, the sugar from Iran was exported to Russia and Afghanistan at times during the Qajar period. In spite of Iran’s access to refined sugar, the government continued to import sugar from Europe in order to supply the sugar needed by other cities. On the one hand, this was due to the lack of government’s financial support for the establishment of new sugar factories in other Iranian cities, and on the other, the import of sugar from Europe. Certainly, it was not possible to fully meet the needs of the Iranian people by producing sugar only in two factories in Mazandaran. In addition, the financial support of the Qajar government officials from Mazandaran factories was not done on a regular basis, and this was enough to ensure that the desired efficiency of these factories was not confirmed in all periods. What has been linked to the performance of these two factories in the production of refined and white sugar that was produced for the first time in the Qajar period and reduced imports at the same time.