نشریه مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل
سال دوم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1398)

The main aim of this research, reappraisal the restoration of class importance and economic-class analysis in socio-political sciences literature with emphasis on two theories of street politics and sub-politics by using of theories of famous sociologists such as Antony Gidens  and Asef Bayat. In this research, the author has been tried to answer to this question by analytical- explanative method and objective examples in the field of social movements: what have been the important efficient factors on restoration of class importance in two last decades in socio-political sciences? The finding of research that are same the hypothesis is that due to factors such as economic- commercial globalization and universalize and mal- decision making of governments especially in developing countries has been led to intensification of  internal and international inequality between north-south countries, unemployment, increased  injustice and poorness, much decrease in welfare life standards. Increase the expenditures of social services and so on. In the context of  increased distrust to political parties, the social movements has been challenged the macro national and international polices by engagement and mobilization of  economic dissatisfied professionals groups in public streets and fields by emphasis on the principal of ethic- social justice. In meanwhile, the demands od religious- ethnic identities and actors has been interrelated with economic- class dimensions. Although the class has been important but is not deterministic as the age of cold war.

In recent years, many countries have planned national branding to create a favorable place in the minds. The focus of these efforts is to create a world-class distinction that is fair, powerful and attractive. This task is considered as one of the modern tasks of the 21st century governments, which for various reasons has received little attention in our country. Based on this article, it has addressed the conceptualization of designing and developing national brand identity for Iran. The derived model is based on purposeful sampling was used and 11 experts from political science, management and economics were interviewed. Interviews progressed to theoretical saturation; then data were coded and concepts and categories identified. In addition, internal and external relevant texts from databases up to 2018 were reviewed and combined with previous findings. The findings showed that national branding discourse should be prioritized in the country's agenda because, in addition to developing a competitive atmosphere, it is necessary to rebuild national brand that be transparent, unique, and powerful because of the domination system's efforts. These efforts can also set the stage for resolving negative stereotypes and be used for political, economic and social purposes.

The main Purpose of this Article is to compare the economic results of the Islamic Revolution with some of scial Revolutions. Adopting an analytical-descriptive research method, the present study is a comparative sociological-economic analysis (institutional) of the achievements of the Islamic Revolution with respect to some of the sociological revolutions. As comparison possesses the ability of making evaluation of data more significant, two types of diachronic (with the past) and synchronic (with some of revolutions) comparison were employed and the analysis method is comparative. As economic and non-economic (political and social) factors were noted in analyzing the performance of Iran’s economy, the analysis is sociological-economic (institutional). Iran's economy has been evaluated based on four important macroeconomic indicators: economic growth rate, three-sector growth, unemployment rate and Gini Index. The period of analysis is from 1979 to 2016. The theoretical framework of the study includes the theories and empirical studies of the experts of social revolutions about the economic consequences of social revolutions. The present study answers 4 questions: (1) what are the economic results of the Islamic Revolution? (2) Have the results of the Islamic Revolution been identical in the short term and long term? (3) What factors have influenced the economic results of Islamic Revolution? (4) Are the economic results of the Islamic Revolution consistent with the theories and studies done about other revolutions? The results of the current study indicate all economic results of the Islamic Revolution in the first ten years have been negative regarding the examined indicators; they have gradually improved in the long run, but have not fundamentally changed. The enternal and external of factors which have affected the economic results of the Islamic Revolution have been: oil-dependent economy, big and unefficiencey burocracy, rapid Growth of Pepolation, Iran-Iraq War, European and American sanctions against nuclear program, and fluctuations of world oil price.

The main purpose of this paper is to explore the nature of subjectivity in today's uneven neoliberal sphere in the social life of the Iranian frontiers, and in particular the city of Baneh. Accordingly, in the context of an ethnographic narrative in the city of Baneh in Iran-Iraq border the encounter of local culture and global neoliberal market is investigated. We aim to investigate the way in which subjectivity is constructed and articulated amid the encounters of frontier city of Baneh with both neoliberal economic space and political sphere of Iran.The methodology of this paper is a combination of ethnography and local autobiographies. Our narration from the ethnograpy of the mentiond enconters clarifies that there is not a universal pattern in world or even in a particular country, and to explore in this area of study is to explore in specific dimensions of the experience. In the uneven social space of Iran and specifically Baneh, subjectivity amid the social, political, economic and cultural fields acquire a life full of conjunctures, fortunes and misfortunes. Subjectivity is niether free and autonomous nor fluid or synthetic, but  fragile and vulnerable. Neoliberal and market components and governmental relations in its particular form in Baneh city have entered the realm of individuals' lives, family life and other social relationship, constructing fragile individual; cultural and social destabilization of symbolic life, changes in social norms and cultural values, commodification of human relationships and ultimately constructing a fragile subjectivity between the market and the state.

The 20-Year Vision Plan has determined the grand aims from which its significant part is economic development goals and expected them to be realized on outlook 1404. The realizing of the objectives of the document, on the one hand, requires inside approach and, on the other, depends on the function of the foreign policy of the country. Therefore, the study of the relationship between the foreign policy function of Iran and the developmental goals of the Vision Plan has been the concern of this paper. The main question is, what is the relationship between the functioning of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the developmental goals set out in the 1404 Vision Plan? The hypothesis to testing is that seemingly as much as the degree of involvement of Iran's foreign policy in environmental tensions increases, level of its functional adaptability with the objectives of the Vision Plan is diminished. There is a kind of convergence between the tension-surrounded foreign policy of the country and the developmental Plan. Therefore, the adaptability of these two needs requirements in the economic and political spheres. The method used to explain the relationship of the correlation between the mentioned variables is descriptive-analytic one. Since in this article the Vision Plan with a strategic goal is considered as the basis for Iran's foreign policy assessment, the theoretical framework is developmental foreign policy. In this regard, the "thripal model of foreign policy performance" was used as a criterion for measuring the foreign policy performance of Iran.

Oil as the main power source in economic and politics play an important role in political and economic changes in oil governments and in one of the most important factors of power. But it should be said that just owning oil in any case, will not cause economic growth and development. So, in this research, by comparison investigation of oil role in Norway and Iran economic, we will answer to this question that why oil income has not led to economic development in Iran but in Norway it has made economic development?  The hypothesis in the answer to this question which be examined in the context of this article is that differences in oil income management and policy making between Iran and Norway is the main reason of their differences in economic development. Research findings demonstrate that National dependence of Iran to petroleum and spending oil in line with government revenues and spending of current government have different consequences. On the contrary of Iran, Norway instead of emphasizing natural assets, focused on human development and use petroleum wealth as a support and development engine and by preventing the entry of oil revenues to the current state budget and saving it in foreign exchange reserves and by excellent management try to invest outside of the country and by avoiding turning the country and government into a rentier state, use this blessing in light of improving economical, political, social and cultural programs.

The emergence of the knowledge economy has been the result of numerous developments in the contemporary economy that are closely related to the expansion of the free market, the commoditization of mental work and the emergence of a system of intellectual property rights. In this paper, the context of the emergence of a knowledge-based economy for the recognition of its distinction historical role has been studied in order to maintain the continuity of the logic of contemporary economic system. In addition, while criticizing the views that put human knowledge to work as the main source of wealth, we have tried to refer to Karl Marx’s value-work theory, and focusing on the relationship between knowledge and value theory, prominent involvement of knowledge in the process of work and the labor productivity increase law pay attention, and to reach the conclusion that knowledge-based work is inseparable from the work of the producer of the goods, and even serves it. In other words, human knowledge can’t be separated it, but these two act as mental and labor work in the direction of changing the organic composition of capital and adding to its constant value. This leads to an increase in production capacity of communities that has always been an issue for economists.

China, as the world's second largest economy, has experienced decades of sustained and accelerating economic growth, and today, in order to continue its rise as a global power and to overcome the bottlenecks facing its export-oriented economy, is strongly dependent in securing imported energy supplies. In this regard, Beijing officials have been pursuing an international initiative for several years in the framework of the Silk Road revival to establish economic, commercial, infrastructure and energy links with dozens of countries around the world. The purpose of this study is to highlight Beijing's efforts to tackle the bottlenecks associated with energy supply and economic growth by promoting the Silk Road Revival Initiative, referred to as a One Belt One Road (OBOR). The main question is how does the Chinese government intend to pursue its goals of energy security and economic growth by promoting OBOR initiative? The answer given to as the hypothesis is that the Chinese government through Advancing the OBOR Initiative aims to improve the ability of its export-oriented economy while enhancing the affordability and availability of imported energy to the country. The paper suggests that OBOR initiative is seen as a complement to China's strategy of boosting China's energy security following the strategy of encouraging Chinese companies to invest in upstream sector of oil-rich countries. The research method is descriptive-explanatory.

One of the important dimensions of cooperation in the international area is regional integration in which framework, specific regional countries are moving towards more integration. The integration of countries begins with the Free Trade Area (or preferential trade) and ends with the completion of two stages in the trade union and the common market or the full economic (political) union. The main question is why, after more than five decades of ASEAN's formation, this regional institution has not yet reached full political-economic integration? The research findings indicate that the integration trend, although with slight fluctuations, shows growth and expansion. There is also evidence that ASEAN faced with challenges such as, not so self-sufficient economic strength, dependence on foreign trade, a significant difference in member capabilities and inadequate coordination or political differences which are important barriers to achieving ASEAN's more economic integration. The aforementioned items have prevented ASEAN from achieving full political-economic integration, and now, ASEAN is pursuing its goal of a common market, with the passage of stages such as the Preferential Trade, the Free Trade Area and the limited Customs Union (incomplete). The present study is a qualitative one which analyzes the hypothesis with a descriptive-analytic approach. The method of compiling the material is also a documentary.

The effective process and driving forces in realtion between Iran and Russia confront with different evoiutions,  which cause to new kind of cooperation. Russia opposed to The West during the last decade in different fields such as crisises in Ukraine, Kosovo, Georgia (separation of south Ossetia), deployment of Amrica’s Missile shield in Czech, expanding NATO to East, etc. Caspian (Khazar) Energy issue is one of the other challenges between Russia and the West. Gas pipeline from Caspian to Europe through Russia , Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and Nabucco pipeline are components which impress the relation between Russia and Europe. As Europe is looking for other energy sources, breaking dependence to Persian Golf energy, so Caspian energy sources are very important.Of course infiltration of America and Europe in Caspian domain, Caused to discord in their strategy of exporting energy. In this situation convergence between Iran and Russia –often are the same toward Europe– is too effective. So the processes and scenarios for would be convergence between Iran and     Russia –according to politic- economic evolutions and Caspian Energy Market – were clarified by the method of critical uncertainty

There is an inextricable link between foreign policy and the economic development at home and abroad. Therefore, the role of governments in achieving these mutual goals is very important and the main purpose of this research is explaining the role of the development-oriented foreign policy approach in the economic development process in Turkey. So the question is, what role did developmental foreign policy play in promoting Turkey's economic growth and development during the AKP's rule? The hypothesis of the study is that, the developmentist attitude of the AKP (2002-2017) has succeeded in creating interaction between economic development and foreign policy; and by 2023, it is seeking to make Turkey one of the top 10 economies in the world. The findings of the study indicate that Turkey stands in 13th place in the world in terms of GDP in 2017 (in terms of purchasing power parity) and it has not been achieved except by taking developmental approach in its foreign policy. As the title implies, the present article does not cover the financial crisis of Turkey in the period 2018-2019 and therefore does not cover the reasons for it. There is no doubt that the type of Turkish policy in the Syrian crisis and its political challenges with the US, Israel, Europe and Saudi Arabia have had an adverse impact on its economic development. But in overall, Turkey is a relative successful model in aligning foreign policy and economic development. This research has been done in descriptive-analytics way.

Following the approach of Donald Trump, US foreign policy faced an innovative orientation, especially in relation to international economics. In this context, the First American doctrine prescribes the necessity of increasing attention to Americanism against globalism; significant implications for the economy of this state; economic relations with other states, in particular China, Europe, ..., and The world economy. In fact, his protectionist policies have created a vague prospect for international trade, which reflects on its effects and features in the agenda of this paper. The main research question is: America foreign policy orientation in the course of Trump on the basis of "priority to the interests of America" (America First) during the period 2017-2019 has been how to affect international trade? In response, the hypothesis is that: the US foreign policy over the 2017-2019 period focuses on the priority of US interests by relying on economic nationalism and the adoption of supportive trade policies, the patterns of its commercial engagement with the core actors of the global business, especially China and Europe, are tense Which has had a negative impact on the growth of international trade in the short term.