نشریه جستارهای سیاسی معاصر
سال دهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 34، زمستان 1398)

Nowadays public diplomacy is one of the effective tools of foreign policy. This aspect of diplomacy with its wide range of audience from the ruling elite to the general public is becoming increasingly important. Improving Iran's image and attracting the public opinion of the neighbouring nations is one of the preconditions of a successful neighbourhood policy. On the other hand, this policy also paves the way for promoting Iran's credibility and reputation in the eyes of the people of neighbouring countries. Given the complexity and importance of Iran's Caucasian relations, the South Caucasus region and especially the Republic of Azerbaijan are extremely relevant for Iran's public diplomacy and the neighbourhood policy. This study investigates the capacities and tools which Iran can use to conduct its public diplomacy and bolster its relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan. The authors also address the main obstacles to the successful implementation of Iran's public diplomacy towards republic of Azerbaijan. This study holds that "Iran has not been able to implement a successful foreign policy towards Baku despite its significant capabilities." In this essay, in addition to the capacities and the obstacles to the success of Iran's public diplomacy in the Republic of Azerbaijan, some solutions to mitigate these obstacles have been presented.

With the start of political protests in Syria, regional and trans-regional actors, each in line with their own interests, have taken a different approach to the country, which is of particular strategic importance in the Middle East. Efforts by governments such as the United States and Saudi Arabia to overthrow Bashar al-Assad's government were evident in the intervention of external actors in the crisis, as opposed to the approach taken by governments such as Iran, Iraq and Russia in the Syrian crisis. The conflict of interest between these powers has prolonged the crisis, and its effects are still visible almost a decade after the protests began.The main question of the article is the regional goals of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria, focusing on the approach of Saudi Arabia, the United States and the Zionist regime. The findings suggest that the US, Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime's three axes overlap over the weakening position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria. In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Iran seeks to eliminate its regional and security threats from Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United States by participating in Syria and its strategic alliance with the central government of this country.

Although different aspects of rise and fall of the the ISIS have been explored in variety of studies, its consequences for political prestige of the Kurds in Iraq and Syria have properly been unexplored. Focusing on the aftermaths of this process for Kurds in the countries, the present study attempts to articulate what have they either obtain or lose in political aspects due to its presence or absence. As the study shows, the Syrian Kurds could use the rise of ISIS as an opportunity to position their claim for autonomy in the Kurdish regions. On the other hand, Kurdish state in Iragi Kurdistan primarily benefited the challenges between the central state and the ISIS as an opportunity to expand their autonomous region over Kirkuk and also to hold Referendum for independence. However, due to interior and international reactions has failed in both prospects. In Syria too, the Turkish invasion of the northern Kurdish regions, and other national and international factors, have obscured the horizon for Kurdish autonomy (just like Iraq).

Political parties are on the one hand political power and on the other are rooted in human societies and civil society activities, and in both respects, political parties have reasons for continuity or continuity. The left as the largest and most persistent political party in contemporary Iranian history is no exception. This research attempts to compare the origins and causes of the continuation of the Left parties in the period 1332 to 1362, and to do so through the examination of their parties' intra-party documents. The main question of this research is what are the main reasons for the continuation of the left parties from 1332 to 1362 from the perspective of political sociology? Therefore, this research seeks to test the main hypothesis based on the documentary method. The hypothesis of this study suggests that the social base of left-wing leaders, corruption of the court, the fight against imperialism and the support of the Soviet Union within the framework of a rigid bipolar system as the main causes and causes of the continuation of leftist parties in Iran during the period It counts.

The stability of people's governments is due to a process called political education. Political education, which provides the basis for the transfer of sovereign values ​​from one generation to the next, is the most important process before any government of the people. Therefore, the rule of Shiite political jurisprudence, which considers itself a claimant of a people's government under the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih, will not be an exception to this general rule. Therefore, the necessity of continuing and maintaining the Islamic Revolution is due to the success of political education. This fundamental research, which has been done using an analytical method and using documentary study tools and libraries, shows that Shiite political jurisprudence with a new crystallization in the Imamate of Imam Khomeini's ijtihad school as a two-way right for the nation. And the government respects and considers the realization of civil society as an evolutionary pillar of political education.

 In the context of Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse, this article seeks to examine Dariush Shaygan's original discourse in his two books, Mental Idols and Eternal Memory and Asia Against the West(in the first period of his scientific life).The discourses of originality, in a range from critical to anti-Western antiquity, were formulated in Iran in the 1340s and 1350s with a breakdown in the hegemony of Western civilization and modernity. The basis of the discourses of originality is based on a picture of the gaps and gaps of indigenous identity that, with the influence of modern Western culture, the "self" with the presence of "other" and "other" has been driven to a shaky position of values and relations. Scattered and disintegrated, it has found a place devoid of historical prestige and prestige. By rejecting Heidegger's instrumental intellect, under the influence of Heidegger, and by reconstructing tradition and by creating philosophical concepts and metaphors, Shaygan's narrative of authenticity provides a theoretical basis for the discourse of originality, and paves the way for the dissemination of ideological discourses among the intellectual generation of the 1350s. In opposition to the West, imperialism and its puppet tyranny were formulated as ideals of "return to self" and religious roots, preparing Iran for the establishment of a government of originality.

The debate over good governance has become a central issue in the literature of development and reports of international organizations in recent decades. But there is little consensus on the definition and indicators of it among researchers and international organizations. The realization of good governance indicators, which also overlaps with democratic governance indicators, requires some economic, social and political preconditions. In addition to these preconditions, political culture, and in particular the political culture of the elite, plays an important role in the institutionalization of good governance elements, especially in developing countries; this has been the focus of some researchers of good governance in recent decades. This study is a descriptive-analytic research and uses a documentary study to investigate the relationship between the political culture of the political elite in the Islamic Republic and the institutionalization of good governance indicators in the reform government (76-84). The findings of the present study show that the democratic political discourse and culture of the political elite in the reform government, unlike the ones before and after it, has played an important role in institutionalizing some of the indicators of good governance.