International Journal of Political Science
Volume:9 Issue: 3, Autumn 2019

The India-Pakistan conflict is one of the longest disputes in the Indian subcontinent, dating back to 1948. During this period, the dispute between the two countries has many times been to the brink of a war, and has led to it four times. The deterioration of the conflict required that several meas-ures be taken at various levels of diplomacy to resolve it. Simultaneously with the activities in the field of official diplomacy, and even at the time of the severance of official relations between the two countries, Track two activities have been running between the elites along the borders. The article will briefly review the most important activities of Track Two Diplomacy to resolve this dispute, one of the most important of which is the activities of the Pakistan-India Peoples' Forum for Peace and Democracy. This activity was successful to show a different dimension of the con-flict to public and elites along the borders, however, was not able to manifest long lasting peace. The most important achievement to be counted for PIPFPD is reducing the tensions, especially at the time of diplomatic deadlocks. The article answers to the question of why PIPFPD has failed to achieve some of its defined goals after nearly 25 years’ activity? Describing various aspects of the conflict, besides limitations PIPDPD has been faced, the article concludes that complexity of the dispute caused by the multiplicity of actors and interest which is affected by regional and interna-tional issues won’t let the conflict ripen. Sinceactors involved in the conflict don’t come to this logic that consensus over resolving dispute is more beneficial than continuing it.

After the Soviet Union fragmentation, the Caspian basin, containing considerable resourcesespecially oil and gas reserves, has gained more geopolitical importance. Iran enjoys a distinguished position in the Caspian region, while deprived from advantages of this position. US tends to isolate the Islamic Republic of Iran because its anti-dominance struggle prevents Iran from enjoying its geo-strategic and geo-economic privileged op-portunities including its unique transit situation. Iran's energy diplomacy in the Caspian basin has failed becauseof Iran-US antagonism and US efforts to reduce Iran's geostra-tegic position by exerting pressure on the Caspian states to transport energy from routes other than Iran.In this article, we intend to examine which of these two are more impor-tant and influential. The hypothesis we are going to discuss in this paper is: The discre-pancy of Caspian states‟ diplomacy and discourse has been one of the main factors of the failure in Iran‟s energy diplomacy. Therefore, the main question is: Why Iran's energy diplomacy has not been successful in Caspian Basin?

This paper tries to investigate the association between effectiveness and legitimacy in different political systems, applying a documentary method. To do so, firstly the notion of effectiveness is introduced followed by the notion of legitimacy and then their asso-ciation is discussed. Since the political literature of states’ effectiveness is scarce, this term was defined through its opposite terms like ineffectiveness and crisis. The legiti-macy of political systems in this paper contains different types of legitimacy including divine, popular and combined legitimacy. The paper concludes that the main problem of the states is not the challenges to legitimacy and effectiveness but the real challenge is to draw the trajectory of goals andlimitations in policy making and decision making.

International Relations Science has been developed to find an answer to the order puz-zle. The most important subject of processing theories of this field of study is providing an order paradigm between actors ofthe international system area. This paper aims at determining theories of international relations pertaining to order issue in the post-cold war international system. It seems that the field of international relations is confronted with too many paradigmsfor an explanation of its subject (order) because of the evolu-tion of its functional framework i.e. international system. Therefore, in reply to reasons of disorders and order issues, some important strategies like balance-driven order, insti-tution-based order, idea-based order, and justice-based order are presented, all of which are described. By the end, it has been tried to present appropriate paradigm indices of order in the current international system

Being dealt with now, the need for the presence of a leader and a jurisprudent who is wise and righteous is being felt a lot, and this question has been asked and some scho-lars have examined the cause of the need for the jurisprudent and the velayat-e faqih. Regarding this, Imam Khomeini's thoughts as the first person who presented the abso-lute velayat-e faqih has a special place and Ayatollah Javadi Amoli as one of Imam Khomeini's students who continued the views of Imam Khomeini on velayat-e faqih. This research has been conducted in the form of documentary and library reviews and has examined the views and thoughts of these two great Islamic scholars in the field of velayat-e faqih and the need for the presence of the province in society.

Being dealt with now, the need for the presence of a leader and a jurisprudent who is wise and righteous is being felt a lot, and this question has been asked and some scho-lars have examined the cause of the need for the jurisprudent and the velayat-e faqih. Regarding this, Imam Khomeini's thoughts as the first person who presented the abso-lute velayat-e faqih has a special place and Ayatollah Javadi Amoli as one of Imam Khomeini's students who continued the views of Imam Khomeini on velayat-e faqih. This research has been conducted in the form of documentary and library reviews and has examined the views and thoughts of these two great Islamic scholars in the field of velayat-e faqih and the need for the presence of the province in society.