نشریه جستارهای تاریخی
سال دهم شماره 2 (پاییز و زمستان 1398)

Politicians' actions have always been studied from various perspectives, but analysis of their personality and their political life has been evaluated less widely using the theories discussed in the field of psychology. Ahmad Ghavam is one of the influential politicians in Iran's contemporary era, with different, even contradictory judgments about him and his political performance. Thus, the question of this research is that, considering Ahmad Ghavam's diverse political behaviors and attitudes, and the various viewpoints about his political life, how his political character and performance can be analyzed in political psychology framework? In this research, we tried to analyze Ahmad Ghavam's personality and political life using the concepts discussed in Karen Horney's theory of social psychology. The findings of this research show that the most important reason for the rise and fall of the "aggressive" and "domineering" personality of Qawam, is a result of his efforts to provide a "Ideal Self " of himself in order to restore his suppressed "psychological security" and his need for power for "self-reliance" on power. This research also shows that interdisciplinary approaches, and in particular the use of political psychology, which has been formed from the link between psychology and politics, can provide a new gateway to the analysis of character and political life of politicians, and enhance our knowledge in the psychological analysis of the actors of the world of politics

the thesis of the Iranshahr County and Geospatial Moses Khourni are among the most important sources in addition to the various religious and administrative works of the Sasanian kingdom (Kaaba Zarathustra), the most comprehensive awareness of the province and the cities of the Sasanian era is available to researchers. the thesis of the Iranshahr County details of the province and cities do not provide details about the province and cities but the full division of Iranshahr to the four kust and mentioning cities and regions has expressed well. among the above-mentioned sources, the Iranian national epic Shah name, which in addition to talk about the history of Iranians from the mythological to historical, consist of historical context in which the author can be used as a reliable historical source; therefore, in the Sassanian Shah name, some kind of historical geography can be interpreted. the purpose of this study is comparative study of names in the three sources to clarify how historical names are matched with historical and archaeology evidences. the proposed method is an archaeology- historical method based on archaeology studies. the results showed that by studying the texts of Pahlavi language and geographical texts among all cities kust I Nemroz specified that the Persians of Sassanian province is of great importance to other states also by considering and comparing the three texts, there are contradictions between the three sources studied in the geographical directions of kust I Nemroz cities;

The Seljuks needed the help of Iranian bureaucrats because they did not have governing the country background. Khajeh Nizam ol-Molk, the minister of the second and third Seljuk rulers ((Alb Arsalan and Malekshah) for approximately three decades provided significant assistance to the Seljuks in governing the country. One of the topics that has been highlighted in the book of Siyar Al-Muluk (by Khajeh Nizam-ol-Molk) is the expression of the characteristics and duties of government employees. The aim of this study is to extract a competency model for selecting employees in Sierra Leone. The data collection method is library type. In data processing, content analysis was used to determine the dimensions of competency and its characteristics; the data were used in two ways after reviewing the course of the kingdom; first, describe and analyze them, in the next step, draw the frequency tables of the indicators and the competency model based on the content and data of Siyar Al-Muluk. The findings of this study show indicators such as having job skills and experience, being a job, obeying the king and being patient with people, (professionally), being fair, not having economic and administrative corruption, being generous and trustworthy (morally). Being a Hanafi or Shafi'i Sunni, being a Khorasanian and a man (individual) and being a scholar and a genius (knowledge) has been considered as the most important competencies of the employees in Siyar Al-Muluk.

The artistic ties between Iran and Europe were culminated in the 11th century AD, following the establishment of political and trade relations between the Safavid sultans, in particular, Shah Abbas I and the European countries, including the Habsburg Empire. Hence, the political and commercial delegations of the two empires came to the conclusion of political and commercial contracts. Of other events of the 11th century AD, one can refer to the arrival of European travelers to the Iran of the Safavid era, which played a significant role in making Iran known to Europeans by writing some reports on Iran and its historical monuments. Therefore, using a descriptive-analytical method and library resources, this research examines the historical backgrounds that led to cultural-civilization transactions, especially in the field of architecture between Iran and Austria during the Safavid period, and it also investigates the influences by which this art has exerted on the architecture of the city of Vienna, the capital of Austria. The research findings indicate that during the Safavid period, influenced by the ways of communicating with Europe, artistic themes, especially the art of Iran, through political delegations and the publication of travelogues of tourists in Europe, were transmitted to Europe. Accordingly, inspired by these architectural themes, some of the Austrian architects built such mansions as the Schönbrunn Palace, the Belvedere Palace, the Palace of the KlessHaim, and the Church of St. Charles gained from the architecture of Esfahan in Austria.

The conquest of Iran by Muslim Arabs is one of the most important events in Iranian history that led to major developments and dramatic changes in the fate and future of this land. Accordingly, such an event has been repeatedly studied by scholars from various perspectives. Among the many issues and events that have followed this great and influential event for the history of this land that each of them  are of significant research importance, this article, based on the religious assumption, examines the aims of the Muslim Arabs invasion of Iran and also the legitimacy or illegitimacy of this invasion. However, most scholars based on narratives of the conquest of Muslim historians believe that the Arab invasion of Iran had a sacred purpose in promoting and spreading of Islam and rescuing the oppressed people of Sassanid rule, but this essay attempts to point out such views from a historical perspective by critically examining historical sources and comparing how the Arab invasion of Iran with the Prophet's military tradition and Jihadic commandments in the Quran.

The Umayyad and the Arabs, unable to put aside the Jahiliyyah’s thoughts thoroughly, entered Iran’s society via their conquests. As a result, they called the Iranian, of all classes and groups, Mawali. By depriving the nation of their social civil rights, they contributed to the formation of a criticizing and then conflicting group, i.e. Shu'ubiyya. Through their literal and political practices, and also disguising themselves in a variety of ideologies and manners, they were able to assist the Iranian underprivileged and wealthy groups to interact and attend in movements against Umayyad government, like Al-Harith ibn Surayj’s uprising, Al-Ash'ath ibn Qays’s uprising, and Khawarij. This study tried to investigate the role played by Shu'ubiyya in interaction and presence of Iranian underprivileged and wealthy classes in movements against Umayyad government by studying primary resources and using a historical research.

During the Ilkhani era, Tabriz became one of the major centers of the Sufism trend, and the graves of Mystics Sheikhs (Muftis) had been paid a significant attention for ages by the followers of these traditions. Following the triumph of the Safavids, an official paraphrase of Shia Islam was expanded and led to the decline of Sufism. Causes and factors such as opposing with the thoughts of Sofia, customs and rituals, gradual degradation of graves due to hostility, and natural disasters contributed the tombs in Tabriz to be drawn more attention as well as to be started writing books about them. These books as the only written sources involving the related information regarding the city's status are very important.

Every discourse of power organizes the spaces. The discourses of resistance in their struggle challenge the organized spatial of power and tried to control it. So, the spaces can used like an instrument of struggle by every social group. In spaces that the power and the resistance struggle each other, the violence is inevitable and will intertwined with the space. This study by descriptive-analytical approach and inspire Foucault's theories tries to research the violence-space in the fifth/sixth centuries AH and the struggles the rival discourses for seizing space. The conclusion showed the discourse of power by organize the spaces and use its the military-service employees and rely on the Symbolic violence and by construct of Heterotopias deviation" and "Crisis keeps itself and be permanent. In other hand, the exclusionary people and rebellion groups like beggars, criminals, thieves, corrupt people, nomadic tribes, and religious minorities such as the Ismailis tried to seize the spaces by settling, killing, assassinating, looting, and sometimes fighting. Although both of them failed to eliminate each other, but  they played an important role in weakening each other and creating the grounds for greater crises.

Various researches about Shahname have been written from literary form and historical views. Many interdisciplinary approaches such as political thoughts, psychological sciences or sociological views have studied Shahname. Significant point is that Ferdowsi's encounter with reasons of the fall of ancient Iranian civilization, has not been considered so far. Ferdowsi in different cases in Shahname mentioned this point and wrote his goal is finding answer for this problem. While we cannot find concept of decline in Iranian traditional historiography, and philosophers and priests do not have answer for Ferdowsi’s question, fatalism is only possible answer. Nevertheless consideration of fatalism in Shahname, This paper aims to by approach of philosophy of history , and emphasize on concept of decline, indicate that Ferdowsi sought to answer except fate for falling of ancient Iranian civilization and thought about reasons of falling of Iranian sociopolitical system.

One of the movements that took place during the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar and created a large scale and fear in the structure of the Qajar government was the movement of Sheikh Obaidullah Shamzini or Nahri (1880/1297). This movement was, in fact, an uprising of the lower classes against the status quo and a reformist attempt to show the inefficiency of the Qajar government. In relation to international politics, the Sheikh's lack of strategy and ignorance of the facts and requirements of international politics can be cited as factors in the movement's failure. Among foreign countries, the Russians played an important role in the failure of this political movement. This study seeks to answer the question of what role Russia played in the defeat of Sheikh Obaidullah's movement and how did it cause Sheikh Obaidullah's movement to fail? Based on the results of the present study; To further its interests, Russia opposed the movement and supported the Ottomans and Iran, as well as pursuing a policy of understanding and cooperation with the United Kingdom in the fight against the British movement, for fear of increasing British influence among the Kurds and jeopardizing its interests. The lack of political maturity of the leader of the movement in attracting the attention of the great powers, especially Russia, on the one hand, and the conflict between the formation of Kurdistan and Russia's Middle East strategy, on the other hand, made Russia play an important role in defeating Sheikh Obaidullah Shamzini's movement. Using first-hand and original sources and new research and Persian, Turkish and Kurdish documents and using descriptive-explanatory methods, this article seeks to provide a different analysis of Russia's role in the movement of Sheikh Obaidullah Shamzini.

The declaration of the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad in 1324, after the Russians refused to leave Iran during World War II, was an important event at that time that had a significant impact on both the development of the country and on the future. Kurdistan newspaper is one of the valuable resources for reviewing, analyzing and criticizing the events of this period. Meanwhile, Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi as editor of the newspaper has played an important role in the publication and orientation of the newspaper. Based on the qualitative discourse analysis model of Norman Fairclough, this article analyses the role and influence of Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi in the Kurdistan newspaper by analyseing five of his selected articles in Kurdistan. The key question is, what is the starting point of the issues that Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi raises in his articles? From the point of view of discourse, what discourse or discourses did Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi introduce or follow in his articles? Is it possible to infer from the discourse of Seyyed Mohammad Hamidi the discourse of government against the central government? The most important issues raised by Mr Hamidi are Kurdish and Iranian nationalism, and the discourses of freedom, democracy and Kurdish nationalism are the most important ones he has raised. In the texts reviewed, anti-government discourse cannot be deduced from the content of the articles.

The policy of Khwaja Nizam al-Molk is worthy of attention given to the political approaches and methods of exercising the power of Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi. What Khwaja Nizam al-Molk has gained from the Ghaznavids' political-governmental legacy is the result of the major concerns, ideals, and political aspirations that Khwaja is trying to theorize for King Seljuk. Khajeh's attempt to highlight some features of the sultanate of Mahmud's government, such as its Turkish-Ghulamite base, its type of confrontation with the court of the caliphate, its attempt to suppress what Khajeh Nizam al-Malik heretics, King Mahmoud's position as an example. Important than the truthfulness that played a crucial role in the ideological system of Khawaja, his authority as the most important goose on the Indian front, paying attention to the precise principles, along with the details of governance and bureaucracy, A special form of justice favored by Khawaja, and such components, the sultan Mahmoud's position in politics and in the entire political system- The ideological system of al-Malik emphasizes that the balance of narratives and anecdotes contained in the policy has a considerable weight in favor of Sultan Mahmoud. This research, in a descriptive-analytical way, seeks to find an answer to the reasons for this popularity. The underlying assumption in this study is that Sultan Mahmoud Ghaznavi's policy and governance style has almost all the components of Khaje's intended focus and consolidation of a particular type of ideological authoritarianism during this period. Was