فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 32 (بهار 1399)

This research attempts to answer this questions that what is the ratio between ideology and pragmatism in the Iran's Foreign Policy? And, which of this is more authentic in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result showed that although in many countries values and ideologies are influential in some way in the practice of foreign policy, these values and ideologies ​​have a significant contribution to the policy and implementation of the foreign policy of Iran. In fact, despite the prevailing view that Iran's foreign policy is a pragmatic policy, the main hypothesis of this study is that the essence of Iran's foreign policy is ideological and the pragmatic approach to foreign policy -is based on the existence of conflicting interests in the international system and the constraints in national power sources- can be comprehend based on a tactical approach rather than strategic approach. This research with using a descriptive analytical method and library resources seek to examine the ratio of ideology and pragmatism in Iran's foreign policy behavior in the framework of a triple interactive model including national interests, ideological preferences, and the nature and structure of the international system.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has experienced three levels of movement-movement, government-movement, and government-government relationship with Muslim Brotherhood. Although it is believed that Muslim Brotherhood have established good relationships with the Islamic Republic after its coming into power, but in the regional affairs stood against the policies of Islamic Republic of Iran. Many political and academic societies of Iran, with emphasizing on the development of relations, recommend a change in the strategy of supporting Muslim Brotherhood in Sunni world. The present paper uses library method along with a descriptive-analytical approach in order to answer the question that: at which level should the most suitable level of relations and Strategy between Islamic Republic and the Muslim Brotherhood be defined? Here is the research finding Findings show that due to the ideological nature of the political system resulting from the Shiite movement in Iran and the Sunni movement of the Muslim Brotherhood and its rivalries and frictions, the most desirable level of relations between the Islamic Republic and the Muslim Brotherhood should be defined and pursued at the "government-movement" level" and based on the "state refusal, movement continuation" strategy.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has had widespread reflections in the region and in the world. Despite the fact that the greatest impact of the Islamic Revolution took place in the region and in Iran's neighbors, some evidence implying that the extent of the impact of the Iranian revolution on Central Asia countries has been limited. This research seeks to answer the question why the Islamic Revolution failed to have an outstanding effect on the region? The hypothesis of the research points to the existence of problems in the political structure of the Central Asian countries in accepting the revolution, as well as the problems inside Iran to export the revolution. For this purpose, causative method and diffusion theory have been used. The findings of the research show that Some problems in the Origin and destination of the diffusion, including the lack of proper attention of Iran to the region of Central Asia, the pragmatic approach of Iran's foreign policy, the existence of authoritarian governments in the above region, the existence of regional and transnational rivals and etc. have been the most important reasons for Iran's failure to export its revolution to the central Asian countries.

Due to the Islamic Republic of Iran's approach to the West, and especially to the United States, Iran has been recognized as a threatening actor and has found an important place in NATO's security approach. NATO's concern over Iran's growing influence in the Arab world, as exemplified by its influence in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Palestine, has led to policies such as NATO's expansion into Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, and close security and intelligence and economic cooperation with the Arab countries and the fringe of the Persian Gulf countries. This article tries to answer this question: "What is NATO's approach to confronting the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East?" by using an analytical-descriptive method. The findings show that NATO's expansion to the east, while having a negative impact on Iran's relations with the European Union, the Central Asian and Caucasus republics and the Gulf Cooperation Council, will make West, and the United States  put more pressure on Iran. NATO seeks to reduce Iran's role and influence in the region with strategically controlling controlling energy and transportation routes and controlling ethnic, political and ideological movements.

The South Caucasus is one of the areas where, since the end of the Cold War, and the crises caused by geopolitical and geostrategic developments, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have been rivalries and bargaining of major regional and sub-regional powers. In recent years, The presence of the Zionist regime as one of the supranational powers in the South Caucasus as the periphery of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its strategic partnership with the countries of the region, and the further expansion of the field of cooperation and strategic plans with them, has created a serious challenge to our country's vital interests. The continuation of this presence has brought about a clear opposition in various political, security, economic and cultural spheres, which, in proportion to the emergence and level of cooperation and hostilities of the states of the region, in the absence of the maintenance of the ruling states of the region could spark a conflict Cause. The methodology of this research is based on an argumentative approach and its research methodology has a descriptive-analytic character.

The present article seeks to explain the Iraqi Kurdistan independence from the perspective of the interests and strategy of the effective actors, and utilizes the Actor Analysis Approach and MACTOR method. In this regard the main question is: what is the main convergences between interests and strategies of the main actors in Iraqi Kurdistan, and this circumstances how affects Kurdish independence? MACTOR method explicitly analyzes the relationships between actors and evaluates the relationships between actors and strategies. The main actors and strategies - including 11 main actors and 14 key strategies- were identified and then graphs were analyzed. The most important results regarding the Kurdistan independence are: the most influential actors in the subject; the actors competitiveness in the Kurdish independence; the most sensitive strategies; and the degree of convergence and divergence of actors regarding the strategies under consideration. The important result is that the sensitivity of the key actors and their relative consensus to disagree about establishment of Kurdish state and disintegration of Iraq and  also concerns about creation of great Kurdistan state and as a result Increasing instability and Insecurity in the region, means that there are serious obstacles to ahead of Iraqi  Kurds.

The classical discourse of the monarchy dominated the political arena of Iran for more than a thousand years. In this discourse, the king is a Nodal point, freedom is not a place, and the concept of justice is also based on the king's personality. But in the pre constitutional era, the anti-discourse of the monarchy is gradually taking shape in Iran. Accordingly, the question to be discussed in this study is: What contributed to the collapse of the classical discourse of monarchy and the formulation of constitutional discourse? This article seeks to show that the general crisis and disorder in Qajar Iran on the one hand and the familiarity of Iranians with the Constitutionalist discourse in the West and the moments of its discourse, such as justice and freedom, the field of marginalization of the classical discourse of monarchy and the rejection of the earlier meanings of justice and caused freedom. To achieve this, this article uses the methodology of the discourses of Laclau and Mouffe.

Sheikh Ismail Mahallati, known as a modernist scholar in Najaf, supported and defended the constitution with the beginning of the constitutional movement and after its establishment in Iran, along with other prominent scholars of that seminary, such as Akhund Khorasani, Mazandarani, Naeini and Tehrani. Coinciding with the establishment of the first term parliament and about a year before of Naini's book "Tanbih-al-ummah and Tanzih-al-mellah", he wrote a treatise entitled "Leali al-Marbutah in the Necessity of the Constitution", all of which was in defense of the Constitution and in response to its religious opponents. Sheikh Ismail Mahallati's main concern was how to overthrow the authoritarian regime and then control and monitor the government's performance. The discourse of local political thought in this treatise is formed around three basic axes: limiting the power, power of the nation and religion and rationality. Each of the above three components have elements that can be combined to overlap the nature of each component. In total, these components have eleven basic elements. With a historical and analytical approach, this article seeks to explain various aspects of neighborhood political thought in defense of the Iranian constitutional movement.