نشریه مطالعات منافع ملی
پیاپی 20 (تابستان 1399)

 The Middle East has become more critical in the 2010-2015 decade than ever before. This crisis has originated from issues such as the wave of democratization, increasing tensions between regional countries, ISIS and the Syrian crisis.  For this reason, relations as well as alliances and coalitions of regional countries have also undergone a transformation. One of these developments is the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime in recent years. The tactical proximity of Saudi Arabia as the axis of the Arab countries of the region and the Sunni world and the Zionist regime is of special importance. In this regard, we can mention the internal challenges of Saudi Arabia, increasing Iran's regional power, the crisis in Yemen, reducing Saudi regional influence, the Trump administration's pressure on Saudi officials, and so on. Of course, it should be said that the normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime is more tactical. Because the relations between the Zionist regime and Saudi Arabia cannot be considered strategic for reasons such as being the center of the Sunni world, Saudi Arabia is the main origin of extremism and anti-Zionist movements, the negative attitude of the Zionist leaders towards the Arab leaders. 

In the past, and especially in the 21st century, countries have adopted different methods to achieve national interests, especially in the field of economic development. Most countries have opted for privatization and reduced government ownership as the preferred governance strategy. In other words, by outsourcing and handing over economic and social affairs to the people, while realizing good governance, the national interests of the country are realized, on the other hand, the challenges of the state economy are solved. The main question and purpose of this study is what are the effects of privatization on non-governmental governance and national interests. In this regard, issues such as the capacities and weaknesses of privatization, outsourcing, the change in the management style of society in the third millennium, the assignment of affairs to the people, responsibility, public participation, transparency and the effects of these components in advancing Iran's national interests have been studied.

 The elements of identity are formulated in the historical transition, therefore, the identity of a society and an individual, while accepting dimensions of the components of the new identity, are inextricably linked with the socio-political life of citizens. As in the age of globalization, one-dimensional identity has lost its meaning and multidimensional identities have been formed. But this has not diminished the place of identity in people's lives, including the role of identity in creating security, meaning, support, transformation and lifestyle. Of course, it should be noted that indexing of identity is formed according to temporal and spatial elements. As in the information age, components such as indigenous identity, indigenous-global citizenship, postcolonial identity and gelatin have become more important than ever. The purpose of this study is to reevaluate the impact of Motahhari views on the identity of Iranians in the third millennium and the era of identity tensions and unrestrained. Using fundamental elements such as Iranianization, Motahhari formulated Islamic identity and democracy as a necessity of the time. In fact, the function of Motahhari’s point of views in the age of globalization can be considered in the identity of pluralism, non-ideological identity, Western studies, democratic Islam as political identity and women's rights. For this reason, considering the fundamental importance of identity in the age of globalization, we can use Motahhari's views to respond to identity and moral crises, alienation and one-dimensional human beings, social democracy. 

Constructivism and a structuralist approach to the world, international relations, and foreign policy in response to the mainstream of international studies have sought to understand the relationship between nations and states behavior with a behavioral and materialist approach. At a time when hard-line strategies have given way to software resources, and this change is becoming more and more progressive, it seems necessary to re-read this theory. In the present picture, an attempt is made to examine the new evolution of constructivism-constructivism in order to reconsider this important issue. In this research, the author tries to use the descriptive and analytical method and with the tools of libraries to collect data, to construct the world and to analyze and deconstruct the constructive foreign policy. In this article, we try to analyze foreign policy through a channel and a path for which no positivist ban is created. Development, evolution, fluidity, and multidimensional identity are the concepts applied in this research.

In the third millennium, much management and governance was left to the people themselves. In other words, in the age of globalization, except for specific issues such as foreign policy, it should be left to the people and civil institutions such as councils. Because on the one hand, the responsibility of the citizens increases, and on the other hand, the costs of managing the country are reduced, and also the government intervenes minimally in the affairs of the citizens. In this regard, city and village councils as a symbol of non-governmental governance in most countries, including Iran, is an objective form of existence. The main purpose and question of this article is the legal-political status of councils in Iran. In response to various institutional issues, the position of councils in the constitution, council resolutions, the relationship between councils and the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the supervisory role and how council resolutions are implemented, and managers' attitudes toward councils have been examined. It has also been addressed that the existence of ambiguity and legal and political challenges of the councils has caused the approvals of the councils to face challenges, at least at the macro level of management of the country and society.

Despite the different approaches to the study of foreign policy, it seems that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran cannot be matched with these approaches and the study of foreign policy of Islamic Iran by one of the existing approaches (idealism, real Orientalism and behaviorism) will not be useful. Therefore, in order to study the foreign policy of Seyyed Mohammad-Khatami and compare it with the foreign policy of Dr. Ahmadinejad, the author emphasizes the effects of regional, domestic, international factors, the intellectual roots, temperaments of statesmen and the foreign policy of the reformist government by the fundamentalist government. Considering the axis of justice, comparable in the context of the proposed issues. And these formal differences are also influenced by international, regional, domestic and mental factors of the men's government. But in general, the role and influence of intellectual space and mental roots governing the government of Iranian men is much greater than other factors. Therefore, it cannot be concluded that if Mr. Khatami and Mr. Ahmadinejad had succeeded each other as president, they would have made exactly the same decision that they have made now.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the policies of geopolitical theorists in advancing the policies of world powers over the past hundred years to establish peace and stability in different parts of the world, especially in areas with natural resources. Therefore, in this article, by using descriptive-analytical method and scientific-research sources, the question is how the global geopolitical space creates balance between allies and rivals. Meanwhile, maintaining the stability of their political space will be able to ensure the stability of peace while its existence always introduced by conflict and tension. It hypothesizes that the formation of peace with popular uprisings to reduce or eliminate the socio-economic gap which is due to the impact of the geopolitical concept in the minds of governments and industrial companies. It is in complete conflict, so geopolitics cannot have the tools to achieve peace.