نشریه جستارهای نوین ادبی
سال پنجاه و دوم شماره 4 (پیاپی 207، زمستان 1398)

Mostafa Mastour is among the great contemporary writers who has addressed serious aspects of human life in his works, and has raised essential questions on human and the nature of existence, and provided, to the extent of his ability, ideologically-unbiased answers to these questions through the words of the characters in his stories. One of the issues that strike the reader of Mastour’s stories is the similarity of the themes of his stories to the existentialist perspectives and existential concerns. In stories by Mastour, such topics as instability of the world, uncertainty in beliefs and faith, contemplation of the existence of God, human anxiety and loneliness, fear of death, and meaningfulness or meaninglessness of life are dealt with. Such issues have been constant concerns of human beings, regardless of their historical and geographical settings.The present research aims to investigate the existential concerns that have been expressed in stories by Mostafa Mastour and how the writer has answered those questions.

Existentialist thoughts took shape when Western scholars lost hope in the functionality of modernity in creating a better world. Existentialism has been divided into two schools, namely theistic and atheistic. In theistic existentialism, it is believed that faith in God will save mankind from concerns of life and grant him peace and tranquility. On the opposite side, atheistic existentialists hold that the world is not a place to give meaning to the existence of human being nor to bring him comfort. Existentialist perspectives have manifested noticeably in the works of several Iranian novelists, especially over the last few decades. Such writers have attempted to express existential concerns and find a way to give meaning to life, and have portrayed the anxieties and worries of the modern world in their works.

The present research takes a descriptive-analytical approach to investigating concerns such as questioning about the existence of God, questioning about the meaning of life, as well as death and its nature in the three stories by Mostafa Mansour.

Having analyzed the fictional works by Mostafa Mastour, we realize that the writer has introduced existential questions through the words of the characters of the story and has tried to answer those questions based on his own perspectives.The most important issue raised inروی ماه خداوند را ببوس  (Kiss the Lovely Face of God) is questioning about the existence of God and the manner of His presence among people, which is mostly expressed through the words of the protagonist of the story. Another aspect related to the manner of God’s presence is the passionate, faith-based attitude toward God. In "Kiss the Lovely Face of God”, the passionate, love-filled attitude toward God is expressed by Alireza. He has an irfanic (~ mystic / of true knowledge) perspective and his beliefs are similar to those of arefs (~ mystics / holders of true knowledge) and theistic existentialists. In the story من گنجشک نیستم  (I am not a Sparrow), an irfanic and aesthetic attitude toward life can be seen in the character Amir Mahan. With a perspective rooted in faith-based, irafnic thoughts, Amir Mahan regards discovering logical relationships between events and occurrences as futile and considers it as contributing to the separation of mankind from peace and certainty.In “Kiss the Lovely Face of God”, questioning about the meaning and nature of life is introduced as one of the main concerns of the characters in the story. Essential questions about the existence and the nature of life are also raised in the story استخوان خوک و دست های جذامی (Pig Bone and Leprous Hands). In the story “I am not a Sparrow”, Danial, failing to find answers to his questions, doubts the nature of existence and is faced with the crisis of meaninglessness of life.Mostafa Mastour attempts to introduce irfanic perspectives, in addition to the pessimistic attitude toward life, through the words of the characters in his stories, and creates a kind of polyphony. In “Kiss the Lovely Face of God”, one of the characters has reached a level of irfanic intuition and insight, thus has no complaints about any adverse event in the world. In the story, the protagonist fears the non-existence of God and nihilism in life. He is scared of death and nothingness afterward and tries to find a purpose in his worldly life to give his life meaning and purpose and keep his name alive.In “Pig Bone and Leprous Hands”, a few dialogues about death unfold between the characters. One of the characters has a refuge-seeking attitude toward death, since he believes that mankind will go to God after death, and “being with God” is a good place to be, so death must not be feared.Mastour has an irfanic perspective toward death in “Kiss the Lovely Face of God”. Arefs consider death to be a bridge to unity with the eternal beloved from whom the worldly life has separated mankind

Existential concerns form an important part of the perspectives of the characters in the stories by Mastour, and the writer promotes the faith-based, irfanic perspective in order to answer such concerns. The characters in the stories by Mastour freely speak according to the perspective they hold toward the essential issues of existence, and the writer tries to portray nihilism, pessimism, rebellion, and chaos prevalent in the contemporary world through juxtaposing different voices in his works. Mastour considers superior the way and approach of those who submit to the will of God and cling to faith in God in order to free themselves from such concerns and problems, and he believes that the way to achieve peace in this restless world is to reach an irfanic understanding and to have a love-filled faith in God and His manifestations in the world of being.Rather than having a religious tint (in its traditional sense), Mastour’s stories show a type of irfanic perspective. Through creating polyphony in his works, he juxtaposes atheistic beliefs with irfanic beliefs, and while the voice of faith and irfan is more effective in his stories, the characters in the stories struggle with their questions and concerns until the end, questions and concerns that mankind has carried throughout history.

In cognitive approach, conceptual metaphor belongs to human cognitive system which has root in conceptual system of mind as the concept does not relate to literature and poems. The domain of emotions is a new approach in which language has dynamic and indivisible connection with science of cognition and emotions. According to Kovecces (2010) by studying frequent conceptual metaphors, one can attain the worldview of the language society. The present study studies grief conceptual metaphors in the works of Ahmad Mahmood and Simin Daneshvar on the basis of Kovecces (2010) and investigates the effect of time and gender in the use of metaphors. The goal of this study is to understand how the concept of grief in conceptual metaphors is conceived and on the basis which concepts in the source domain, the concept of grief is formed. Also this research tries to account for how changes of time and gender in using conceptual metaphors relating to grief in the aforementioned works are shown.

When a conceptual domain is understood on the basis of another domain, a conceptual metaphor is formed. This understanding is the result of systematic mappings or correspondences between two conceptual domains. As a result, conceptual metaphor is conceived as the conceptual domain in which A is the conceptual domain of B. Mapping is a set of correspondences in two sides of metaphor. According to Kovecses (2010), the most common sources are domains of human body, health and illness, animals, plants, buildings, units and tools, games and sports, trade, cooking and food, warmth and coldness, light and darkness, forces, movement and direction, and the common targets are feelings, willingness, ethics, thoughts, society/nation, politics, economy, human relation, relation, time, life and death, religion, events and actions. Social aspect includes  men’s talking style about women, women’s talking style about men, men and women’s talking style about women describing the world generally by men and women. Focusing one metaphor on one or more target metaphor is called highlighting. The necessity of highlighting metaphor is hiding, in which aspects of the target concept which is moved away from the focus, are hidden.. For example, if  one considers the conceptual metaphors of  the present investigation namely, “container, travelling, and war”  while focusing on different aspects of the discussion such as content, advance, and success, one can understand that one only a part of the concept of  discussion is bolded and is the focus of metaphor in each.

The method of this present study is discovery and research. The method to recognize the metaphor is called Pragglejaz group (2007). In this method, the analysis of conceptual metaphor is based on the linguistic metaphor. Metaphoric meaning is the indirect meaning of the word which is the result of comparing the contextual and the main meaning used in other contexts. In Iran, literature has a special realization in south and southwest of Iran in Khuzestan, Fars, and Bushehr attracting writers of the south and also other writers to these regions. The most important of the geographic story literature comes from the efforts of south writers. Stories which have originated from the culture and nature consisting writers who are in middle urban class. The works of the south writers describe poverty, depravities and rural oppressed people who are weak and helpless and workers who are wanderer.  In this research only the works of Mahmood and Daneshvar who have many works before and Islamic revolution are chosen.

This research aims at studying the mappings and source domains in the works of Mahmood and Daneshvar before and after Islamic revolution.  In the early works of Mahmood source domains of thing, death, illness, burden, and animal behavior had the most frequency. In the post Islamic revolution works of Mahmood, the source domains of barriers, destruction, death, matters in the container, things, matters, and water had the most  frequency. One can say that Mahmood has tried to show two representation of grief by changing the focus of metaphors as the two aspects of different extrovert’s and introvert’s worldview. Analyzing the grief emotion in early works, one can see an animal which has an external reaction to grief.  He considers grief as ‘’ undesirable food’’ which by eating it, one shows beasty reactions which has external reactions. Finally, he considers grief as burden which is dreadful. But in recent works, grief pictures show a scene from the introvert aspect.  Mahmood considers, in his recent works, borders which passing them is totally destructive. Although he in the works after Islamic revolution totally moves toward reducing expression and negative expressions. But it seems that in his worldview, negative effect of grief is more severe and destructive.In the prerevolutionary works of Daneshvar, the source domains of thing, fire, heat, illness, animal behavior, pressure, and compression have the most frequency. In recent works of Daneshvar, the source domains of thing, illness, barrier, destruction, fire/heat, and death have the most frequency in showing grief. It seems that Daneshvar in her first life felt grief completely and depicted the effects of grief more destructive than the second period. In her recent works by using more frequent domains of barrier, force and water, she considers grief as a force which is a beerier for happiness, health and pleasantness. In this period of her life, one can the see increasing capacity of Daneshvar facing this emotion.

Researching the events of Ferdowsi's life is difficult; because the information about him is not clear. The available details to scholars, apart from Shahnameh, which is a cited recourse, are contradictory contents found in the Chahar Maqaleh (Four Discourses), Hajwnameh (verse lampoon) attributed to Ferdowsi, Introductions of Shahnameh and other sources, which all can easily confuse the researchers. It is therefore advisable to start with the context of Shahnameh which needs to be carefully analyzed and the result of this analysis can be considered as the basis for further research about this great Iranian poet.There are two dates that most scholars have now agreed on and both dates are based on the evidences presented in Shahnameh; one is Ferdowsi's birthday in 329 or 330 AH, and the other is the beginning of composing Shahnamehin 369 or 370 AH.At the end of some manuscripts of Shahnameh and in the translation of "Bondari Isfahani", the finishing date of Shahnameh is stated to be 384 AH, which isin contrast with what is mentioned inmost of other manuscripts (i.e., 400 AH). That year is related to the first compilation of Shahnameh, which was before Mahmoud Ghaznavi's throne in389 AH. Hence, if we accept it, Ferdowsi has written a part of Shahnamehbetween370 and384 AH (14 years). Three years later, shortly after 387 AH, when he was 58 years old, he began the composition of the second part of Shahnameh, when Mahmoud Ghaznavi reached the power and Ferdowsi, who realized it, decided to present Shahnameh to Mahmoud Ghaznavi. In the second phase of composing Shahnameh, Ferdowsi covered the remainder of Abu-Mansouri's Shahnameh. Some scholars believe that the praise of Mahmoud in Shahnameh had been done in 393 AH which is presented to Mahmoud in 400 AH. This is based on a date mentioned at the end of some manuscripts of Shahnameh, referring to the Ferdowsi's 25-year endeavor and his own age (i.e., 65), and praise of Mahmoud Ghaznavi at this age; therefore, some scholars have considered 394 or 395 AH as the year Shahnameh was presented to Mahmoud Ghaznavi.

Ferdowsi started that the composition of Shahnameh and finished some parts in his first edition, and after Mahmoud Ghaznavi's throne, he added some verses to the praises (second edition).It is not acceptable to consider composing of these verses only in 394 or 395 AH or after the finishing of Shahnamehin400 AH; These praises had been added during the composition of Shahnameh in the second edition in which Ferdowsi referred to his age; however, it is not acceptable to assert that Ferdowsi completed Shahnameh, and then included some verses to mention his own age. According to Shahnameh's content, it does not seem logical for Ferdowsi to mention his age as 58 years old in one verse, and 60, 61 or 65 in other verses, but on the contrary, during the process of composing Shahnameh, he mentioned his exact age. Therefore, the questions that arise are: at what year Ferdowsi composed each story, when was Mahmoud Ghaznavi praised, and what are the relationships between these two aspects? The following article, which is written in an analytical-documentary manner, attempts to determine the date of composing the second edited stories and the praise of Mahmoud Ghaznavi.

The correction of Khaleghi Motlagh has 49533 verses, and based on the evidences extracted from Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, it should be found that how many verses were composed from the time he was 58 years old or when he began the story of Siavash to the time he finished Shahnameh? It should be noted these verses are related to the second part of his work; once the number of verses of the second composition part have been determined, it can be concluded that the remaining verses had been done in the first part of his work.According to Shahnameh, when he was between 58 and60, Ferdowsi first composed Siavash's Story (2524 verses), and then Siavash's Revenge (490 verses).After that, Kingdom of Khosrow I (4517 verses) was composed at the ages of 61 and 62; After this part end, during the next two years (at the age of 62, until the end of his age of 64), he composed the Parthian kingdom part until the end of Kavad's reign (6566 verses). Afterwards, at the age of 65, he started the Great War of Kay Khosrow (3141 verses) and right after finishing this part, he has resumed the Sassanid kingdom and composed Khosrow Parviz Kingdom (4107verses) when he was between66 and68.Ferdowsi probably during the time he was between 68 and 71 years old, had composed The Story of Shirouyeh and Yazdegerd IIIKingdom (1657 verses), along with scattered sections such as The Story of Hormizd IV (1926 verses), with a total of 3583 verses. Therefore, it can be said that Ferdowsi composed a total of 24,928 verses in the second edition. If we reduce 24928 verses of Shahnameh from a total of49533 verses, 24605 verses will remain, and after reducing 1028 verses of Daqiqi, 23577 verses will remain that are probably the result of the first edition of Shahnameh. Ferdowsi composed the first edited part (23577 verses) between370 and384 AH (14 years), and the second edited part of Shahnameh (24928 verses) between387 and400 AH (13 years). Considering the dates, it can be concluded that Ferdowsi have not been disciplined in composing the stories of its source (Shahnameh of Abu-Mansouri). As a matter of fact, Daqiqihas begun composing Shahnameh from middle of stories (the story of the Goshtasp kingdom). In fact, it is normal that Ferdowsi composes a story according to the poetic nature, studies and conditions of his life and social and historical events of its time.Based on the evidences, Ferdowsi praised Mahmoud Ghaznavi at the same time he composedthe second edited stories and added some to the first edited section including praising Mahmoud in the introduction. The word of Daqiqi and The word of Ferdowsi were probably added in 390 AH during the composition of Khosrow I Kingdom. On the other hand, 394 AH is the year Ferdowsi decided to send Shahnameh to the court of Ghaznah at the age of 66 after composing The Great War of Kay Khosrow. Although Shahnameh had not been finished on that date, Ferdowsi first sent the incomplete book to the king, and after becoming aware of Mahmoud Ghaznavi's not paying attention, and because of misconduct and jealousy of some courtiers, he had mentioned this disappointment in some verses of Khosrow Parviz story.When Ferdowsi was 61 years old in 391 AH, during composing Parthian Kingdom, he refers to the half tax pardon which the scholars mistakenly attribute to the famine of Khorasan 401 AH. But Ferdowsi, in the praise of Mahmoud Ghaznavi and his younger brother Abu al-Muzaffar Nasr ibn Nasr al-Din, did not mention the famine and problems of the people of Tus, Neyshabur and Khorasanat the beginning of this story, which contradicts with Ferdowsi's text in other Shahnameh stories. Therefore, with the evidences in historical texts, such as The History of Beyhaqi, it is better to regard the tax pardon as one of Mahmoud Ghaznavi's political actions to satisfy the people of Khorasan, which happened before 400 AH.

Ferdowsi mentioned his age in Shahnameh which indicates he had not composed the stories in a specific order. In the first edition of Shahnameh (370 to 384 AH), he mostly composed myth and epic's stories, but also some historical stories can be found such as The Kingdom of Alexander. The praise of Mahmoud Ghaznavi also was not included in the first edition. The second edition (387 to 400 AH) contains historical stories of Parthians and Sassanians, except for three sections: The Story of Siavash, The Story of Siavash's Revenge and The Great War of Kay Khosrow. It is the part that Ferdowsi praised Mahmoud Ghaznaviand mentioned his own exact age in the verses, and also he has added some praises of Mahmoud Ghaznavi to the first edition. He composed The Kingdom of Khosrow I in 390 AH and at the same time, Mahmoud Ghaznavi's praise was added to the Introduction, The word of Daqiqi and The word of Ferdowsi and it seems Ferdowsi made the final decision to donate Shahnameh to Mahmoud Ghaznavi in that year. Ferdowsi in 391 AH, when he was 62, in the part of Mahmoud Ghaznavi's praise mentioned the half tax pardon in the 14 Shawals that probably Mahmoud Ghaznavi made this decision because of conquer of Neyshabur and dominating Khorasanand it should not be attributed to 400 or 401 AH.In392 AH and at the age of 63, Ferdowsi composed Mahmoud Ghaznavi's praise at the same time he composed the stories of Shapur Son of Ardeshir I and Bahram IS on of Shapur.In394 and at the age of 65, Ferdowsi composed Mahmoud Ghaznavi's praise at the beginning of the story of the Great War of Kay Khosrow which seems that he decided to send Shahnameh to Ghazni after the story ended, and Ferdowsi's reference to jealousy of courtiers in the story of Khosrow Parviz kingdom indicates that Shahnameh has already been sent to Ghazna. In the same story, and at the end of Shahnameh in 400 AH, he praised Hayat Qatibah, who was the person in charge of the tax in Tus, and except of the few verses that appear in the end of the Shahnameh, there is no more praise about Mahmoud Ghaznavi. Therefore, there is not any date in Shahnameh after 400 AH and nothing should be attributed to it after 400 AH.

Correcting Shahnameh in a seamless manner and delivering this text in all aspects to what exactly is Ferdowsi's hymn, makes it difficult and even impossible to do with the current means. However, the editors of Shahnameh in recent decades have attempted to bring the text closer to the poet's original hymn by relying to the critical writing of this book and using the scientific methods. However, the research in the context of Shahnameh has not been completed at all, and the accuracy of this book has led to many studies. Now that the critical text of Shahnameh has come to be known as the final (until now) text of the book, the accuracy and deliberation of its writings and its spurious writing can render the writings in need of revision to a final, acceptable one. Accordingly, in this article, the writing of "nadido" in the Siavash's story and the writing of "Be golshahr goft Ank Khoram Behesht/ nadid o nadanad ke dehghan che kesht" in the story of the "Beresan Shir/ Koja posht fil avardi be zir" from the story of Great War of Keykhosrov were examined. Then, in addition to criticizing the previous theories about these writings, a careful study of Shahnameh script, Ferdowsi’s storytelling method, and the logic of the story and the help of Shahnameh manuscripts have been suggested the forms of "nadidu" and "Bastaam Shir" instead of the two writings that are above mentioned

In this essay, we have tried to gain a better understanding of the two writings in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh by carefully examining and criticizing the previous views with a careful view of the texts and by considering the scientific principles and rules of text correction. Rules of text correction and prudent help from other features that make the text of Shahnameh clearer, have been the general framework of our work in this research.

Accuracy in the writings of purified Shahnameh of Khaleghi Motlagh and the reflection of the spurious versions were not the basis of his work, and the attention given to other Shahnameh publications and the use of lateral sources and marginal references are one of the most scientific areas of research of Shahnameh text that helps to purify it. Thus, with a critical emphasis on manuscripts, and with a view to the past principles of Persian writing, accuracy in storytelling, and Ferdowsi's style of storytelling, we have endeavored to examine two writings of Shahnameh and our edited versions.

Siavash, after going to Tooran, builds a city there and calls it Siavakhshgerd. It is so magnificent that it dazzles the viewers. After visiting that city, Piran goes to his wife, Golshahr, and says this to Siavakhshgerd:
 
به گلشهر گفت: آنک خرم بهشت،
چو خورشید بر کاخ فرخ سروش،
به رامش بپیمای لختی زمین،

ندید و نداند که دهقان چه کشت،
نشیند به آیین و با فر و هوش،
برو شارستان سیاوش ببین

The second constellation of the first line does not make perfect sense now. The intellectuals and commentators of Shahnameh have tried to solve this problem in some way. Khaleghi Motlagh has added a note to the above set of verses that does not help to eliminate the ambiguity of the line. Kazazi called "ندید و" with the help of Florentine manuscript "ندیده", and Joveini offered "نه دید" with reference to the ancient Persian script and using the Florentine manuscript. None of these suggestions will help to fix the problem of this line.In our opinion, the problem of this line is due to a feature of the Persian script. Therefore, the recorded correction must be the same as that found in the version of Khaleghi Motlagh, albeit with a slight change in the writing and the writing of "ندید "and " و " in the narrow and in the form of “ندیدو”. In other words, the elimination of the conjunction of the pronoun "او", which also falls in the omission, has caused the pronoun to be mistaken for "و" after the verb "ندید" and such problems may arise to see “و”. On the other hand, the word "و" and “ندید” must be narrowed down to "see" in order to solve this problem, because "و" is the shortened line of "او", the subject of the sentence.At the beginning of the Great Keykhosrow War, many kings of the kingdom come to help him and they are all introduced with some defined short names. One of these lands is Gharjistan, which, according to the authorship of Khaleghi Motlagh, the king has thus been introduced in the following way:
شه غرچگان بود برسان شیر

کجا پشت پیل آوریدی به زیر

Records in Moscow version, Jeihooni, Jules Mull and Second Edition of Khaleghi Motlagh’s correction are like the recording of Khaleghi Motlagh in the first edition. The first issue that can be raised here is that Ferdowsi also mentions the kings of other lands he introduces before and after King Gharjistan, but he does not say the name of King Gharjistan based on the correction of Khaleghi Motlagh and other authorized and semi-valid corrections. This caused Kazazi to put Florence's simple and unique writing in the text. Among the various writings cited in Shahnameh manuscripts, "Bastaam" is of relative importance although not all of them may be a search for another manuscript that cannot be reached with the present possibilities. However, in such a situation Bastaam's writing can be credited with a relative certainty. But the examination does not end at this stage, but we think that the writing of Shir after Bastaam can also mean King Gharjistan, and if we do not accept it, we can accept Lion in its famous sense.

In this article, we examined and corrected two writings of Shahnameh. First, a review of Siavash's story was examined and found in all the editions of Shahnameh except for Jules Mull. In this writing, the verb of “Nadid” word is seen with a hyphen next to the letter "va" and is translated as "ندید و" in the text. Consequently, there is a disturbance in the meaning of the lines and verses afterwards. We have shown that the correct face of this writing is "ندیدو", which should be shortened to "ندید او", given in the Persian script and the elimination of h in writing and with the help of Shahnameh manuscripts, as well as the Ferdowsi storytelling style.  In this reading, where the verb of “ندید” stands beside its subject, the pronoun "او", the line also finds an independent meaning, and the subsequent passages will remain true. Another writing was "Barsaan e Shir". Since Ferdowsi in the lines before and after this line of every territory he names, the king also mentions it by name, it is also better in this line to carefully record the manuscripts and the chaos that includes the king's name. It's weird, let's get to the text. So we took "Bastaam" instead of “Barsaan”, and gave two justifications for writing "Shir". We first saw "Shir" in this general title of the kings of Gharjistan. By accepting this argument, one can guess that the meaning of "Shir" was unknown to the scribe, and hence it was taken in the same sense as its predecessor, the predatory animal, and also from "Bastaam" to the king's name. Another aspect we considered in this line for "Shir" is the same well-known meaning of the word, the predatory animal, which can also be justified in the context of Ferdowsi's word in this line. However, whether in the first case or in the second case, Bastaam e Shir's writing is superior to "Barsaan e Shir", and is better to be left out of context.

In capturing the meaning of words and describing literary works, the mere trust in the opinions of the past and the repetition of what cultural writers have said, without regard to the content of a literary text, is a trap sometimes entangled by scholars of Persian literature. On the other hand, given the researchers' mental background of the familiar meaning of words, the use of words in a position contrary to what is expected also confuses commentators and researchers, which, in this case, may lead to scattered and unsubstantiated opinions. That in this case, it can result in presenting scattered and documentary comments, or leading to silence and neglect. So, it is necessary to pay attention to the origin of vocabularies that is indeed prose and poetry texts survivor of ancient heritage in vocabulary researches more than ever and knew receiving the meaning of each word provided that studying and accuracy in written works. One of the most common words in cultures is the word "Table Baz." Although the concept of the word in the dictionaries is correct, given its evidence, the discrepancy between its famous meaning and the following verse is due to the silence, ambiguity, and misreporting of Shahnameh’s commentators. It made the writer to resume a new research with planning of this word of once more and with studying of   historical and literal texts, find out a different use of mentioned word in this couplet of Shahnameh. The word "Table Baz" is used only once in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh, which is recorded in the creator-absolute edition as follows:
When the sun shines on the wheel, the secret )When the moon rises). Martial Champion beat Tabl baz (Ferdowsi, 2007: 8/153)

Take a look at the dictionaries What emerges from the study of the cultures and books of the revelation about the Table Baz are the features mentioned: 1. It was a small drum that was hung in front of the saddle. 2. The percussion instrument made of leather and being taped to it. It has been used in hunting grounds for small birds and birds of prey. They usually had their carriers and inspectors with them.5. It is so named because the drum is used to teach "Baz = bird of prey" and when it comes to playing the drum and flying birds, it is still used to hunt those birds. In examining the book Culture of Shahnameh, considering the darkening of the cowardice and creating a gap between the drum and the Baz in the testimony of the desired verse, it can be said that Ali Ravaghi probably used the word "drum" and the word "Baz" in their general sense. It knew the word “Baz” as “adverb” in grammatical role.  Otherwise, a separate entry for the word "Table Baz" would have to be considered and explained.The absolute creator of this word has remained silent, far from scattered comments. Kazazi first considered Table Baz to be equivalent to the "return drum" and went on to say that Table Baz was not used to hunt birds. It is said that the use of this word in the verse in question was ambiguous for him and entails the investigation of various opinions in this regard. In response to Kazazi's opinion, it should be said that: 1. There is no evidence in the cultures and literary texts that Table Baz means "drum and return". The word "Baz" probably evoked the meaning of return in his mind, or the phrase "I came back" in a verse testified by Rumi caused such  a speculation. 2. As he himself has pointed out, the drum of "return" was performed at night to bring the army back from the camp, while it is clear from the content of the verse that Bahram hit the drum again in the morning to move the troops, they was beaten. Tawfiq Sobhani did not have a clear reference to the drum-bar and explained the whole verse. What is clear from the footnotes of his editorial text is that he meant the drum of war (equivalent to "War drums" in Arabic), generally any type of drum that was used in wars and when the battle begins. The purpose of the word “war drum” was a drum in general that has been used in wars and in the beginning of war. So, it can say that the view of Tofigh Sobhani to Baz drum wasn’t as an instrument or independent essence and concept.

In this section, an attempt has been made to prove that "Table Baz" additionally is being used in hunting grounds based on the available texts of Persian and Arabic literature, prose and presenting documentary evidence, as well as quoting ancient Shahnameh drawings. It has also been used for various purposes in the battlefield and its location. The placement of this word in the verse under study has not been inconsistent with the content of this part of the Shahnameh.The first example is a story recorded in the history of Tabarestan as follows: "Four thousand people of men and women gathered while each being given a dowry. He said, 'I will go out with a hundred men.' And he threw himself into the fray. When they see I have turned back, they will come to our rescue in hope of victory. You be quite still as the same way you stand the queue on both sides, he came to ambush. When I beat the Ban drum, you start to beat four hundred drums and horns. As he said, he ambushed Farasheh with his army, and when the songs of drums, ax, and dahreh were heard from both sides at once, they became confused and panicked, and it became known that it was the light of the Day of Judgment (Ibn Esfandiar, 2010).In the book of Abu Muslimnameh, a document was found which indicates the use of Table Baz in the battlefield: A foreigner came to the square who called himself Salem Tabal. The drum was closed, and when he came to the field,  the drum was struck again. Farazdagh said: what is this bowl cup that you are closed in front of the saddle and flaunt. Show your ability and courage, Salem said: say This Baz drum and my father was a drummer and got a lot of ducks and partridges. Now I steal you as a partridge from behind the saddle. Now I will kidnap you like a partridge from behind a saddle (Tarsusi, 2001).Another important piece of evidence that can confirm the secondary function of Table Baz in the battlefield is the mention of the name of this drum in the book Etiquette of War and Courage along with other war musical instruments. In part of the book, we read: "And this is what should be done in playing the fence. Lifin, Rismani, Kanb, Sarchangal, Kharkak, Khak, Mers, Deh Manjaniq, Aradeh Gardan ... and other drums, drums, drums, bowls, trumpets, cymbals, Table Bazes, drums, drums, trumpets and sticks. And … ”(Fakhr Modabar, 1967).The author's other citation is a part of Zafarnameh, a play in which he refers to playing the drums again at the time of attack. "And every time you attack the enemy and go out, he throws a drum in front of his horse" (Shami, 1956).Another useful and interesting point is that the drum is again depicted in some of the ancient drawings of Shahnameh. In these paintings which are related to the battle scenes in Shahnameh, one can see Table Baz with the saddle of warriors and fighters.

A review of the provided documents and evidence shows that " Table Baz" had other uses and meanings in addition to what cultural scholars have written about the term. According to what has been said, we have found that Table Baz has not only been used in hunting grounds, but has also been used in the battlefield with a different function and a secondary function. According to the documents of this article, it can be said that the warriors have used the drum with motivation, goals, and in the following different situations: ambushing, winning, gathering, and moving troops. Morality and cheerfulness in the companions and fear and anxiety in the enemies along with performance and fighting shows the terror and glory of kings and fighters as well as fighting sometimes for divination and good news. Apparently, its function was more ambiguous in that the fighters while attacking the enemy's camp, suddenly started playing the drum in the name of the king and his commanders and chanting slogans such as "Piroozbad and Zandeh bad") cause confusion and disorder in the opposing army.The introduction of this word with its secondary meaning in Arabic literature and the recording of its image by the painters of Shahnameh, is another valid reason and document of the author in confirming the statement that the drum was used for war and battle. With these hints, it is found that the choice of this word in the verse in question by Ferdowsi was quite justified and logical as it was said This drum was included as one of the weapons and instruments as one of glory and solemnity.That every warrior and kingdom including Bahram Chochineh could have had. In addition, it should be noted that in previous sections of the study, Bahram Choobineh's ambush on Khosro Parviz has been discussed; therefore, due to the use of drums again in Shabikhoon, accompanying the drums again with Bahram is inconsistent with this part of Shahnameh.

In Dari Persian words, the letter D comes either at the beginning of the word or after a consonant, and the letter Dh always comes after a vowel. This rule is specific to singular words. In compound words, however, the first letter of the second segment cannot be Dh and only a D letter must be used. It is because the preceding vowel is not a part of the morpheme itself, but belongs to the preceding morpheme. Therefore, the second segment of compound words is subject to the same rule that applies to the singular words. According to this rule, singular words such as Badheh and Nabidh have the letter Dh, and compound words such as Padash and Sotudan have the letter D in their structure.

Persian scholars such as Shams Qais Razi, Ibn Yamin Fariumdi, and Sharaf al-Din Ali Yazdi have described how Dari Persian distinguishes between the two Persian letters, D and Dh. As they have noted, in Dari Persian, when this letter comes after a constant and a vowel phoneme, it constitutes a D and Dh, respectively. This rule only applies to singular words, and in the case of compound words, each segment of the compound represents a singular word, so the rule in question would not be applicable. For example, the word Bidhar has the letter Dh and the word Bidadh has the letter D in their structure as the third letter.  It is because Bidhar is a single word and Bidadh is a compound word. It is true that the phoneme preceding the first D in Bidadh is a vowel, but this phoneme, rather than being a part of the original morpheme, is a part of the preceding morpheme, “B”. Therefore, the third letter in the word Bidadh is not Dh. However, the last letter is Dh because Dadh morpheme is singular and the vowel preceding Dh is part of the morpheme itself.

Some interesting results and conclusion can be obtained about the linguistics in the past by examining ancient manuscripts written until the end of the eighth century, especially through a meticulous analysis of how D and Dh letters have been recorded. The difference between D and Dh in writing can indicate the pronunciation and grammatical structure of a word. The first letter of the word is always a D, but if the second or other letters are a D, one of these two conditions would be applicable. In the first case, the preceding phoneme is a consonant, and in the second case, the preceding letter (s) is a separate morpheme incorporated in the structure of the word.

The analysis of evidence in manuscripts provided the following

The word Padash is a compound that consists of two morphemes, Pa+dash. The lack of a dot in the second letter in this word suggests that Pa is a separate morpheme. The word Badidh is a compound that consists of two morphemes, Be+didh. The lack of a dot in the second letter of this word leads us to the conclusion that Be is an independent morpheme. The word Bedhast, meaning palm, is a singular word. The existence of a dot on the second letter of this word suggests that the word in question consists of one morpheme. The ancient manuscripts differ in how they have recorded the word Sotudan. Some versions have recorded it with a D and others with a Dh. Yet, others have adopted a dual approach, using D and Dh alternatively. The scientific evidence suggests that the word is made up of two morphemes, “Sotu+Dan”. Thus, we consider manuscripts that have recorded the word with D letter as the reference. Considering how letters D and Dh are dotted in this verse of Shahnameh, we can figure out whether the word used in the Florentine version is Bidar or Bidad:
ورا کندرو خواندندی به نام                      به کندی زذی پیش بیذار گام

A meticulous analysis of the writing style of D and Dh letters in ancient texts reveals that appropriate writing of these two letters requires some background knowledge in Persian inflection and etymology. The scribers, who have recorded D and Dh correctly, have demonstrated the level of their awareness and linguistic knowledge at their time and place of living. Today, the correct reading of manuscripts requires knowledge of rules such as D and Dh rule. Some of the editors and correctors, oblivious to this rule, have erred in reading the old versions.