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مطالعات ایرانی - پیاپی 37 (بهار و تابستان 1399)
  • پیاپی 37 (بهار و تابستان 1399)
  • تاریخ انتشار: 1399/06/22
  • تعداد عناوین: 12
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  • زهره احمدی پور اناری* صفحات 1-18

    مضامین عاشقانه غزل، اغلب مربوط به عاشق و معشوق است و به ندرت مضامینی درباره رقیب دیده می شود. مهم ترین مضامین غزل عاشقانه، توصیف عشق، احوال عاشق، وصف معشوق خوب رو و ممانعت ها و آزارهای رقیب است، اما در غزل های عاشقانه، خبری از مردم نیست یا حضور شان بسیار نادر است. در غزل سعدی مضامینی مشاهده می شود که در آن مردم حضور دارند، اما این مضامین در غزل دیگر شاعران، به ندرت دیده می شود. یکی از پرسش های مهم در بررسی شعر این است که چرا یک مضمون در شعر سخنوری کاربرد فراوان یافته است و علت آن در کدام یک از مقوله های زبانی، روانی، اجتماعی، فرهنگی و غیر آن باید جست وجو شود؟ در این تحقیق با روش تحلیلی- توصیفی، برخی ازمضامین و معانی غزل سعدی، بررسی می گردد تا معلوم گردد که دیدگاه جمع گرایانه سعدی، در آفرینش برخی مضامین موثر بوده است. بررسی غزل های سعدی نشان داد که مضمون های متعدد درباره اقوام، عوام، خویشان، همسایگان، ساربان و ورود و حضور معشوق در کوی و برزن و بازار و صحرا، از نشانه های توجه سعدی به مردم و اجتماع است.

    کلیدواژگان: غزل، سعدی، جمع گرایی، مضمون
  • حمیدرضا اردستانی رستمی* صفحات 19-42

    در این جستار می کوشیم تا ریشه های داستانی را که مانوش، سالار روم، برای کوش پیل-دندان می فرستد، در منابع ایرانی جست وجو کنیم. در این داستان نخست به پلاطس و نقشی که او در تصلیب عیسی داشته و به آسمان رفتن او اشاره شده است؛ سپس کین کشی «شمعون»، حواری عیسی، از یهودیان پیش کشیده شده و نهایتا از حیله دو حواری، «ادنی» و «متی»، برای مسیحی ساختن رومیان، سخن به میان آمده است. بخش نخست داستان (به آسمان رفتن عیسی) را در سخن مانویان و سرودهای بردارکردگی عیسی در مانویت می-بینیم. بخش دوم (انتقام شمعون از یهودیان) در تواریخ دوره اسلامی (تاریخ بلعمی) به پادشاهی از رومیان نسبت داده شده است. بخش سوم (حیله ساختن ادنی و متی برای مومن کردن رومیان) را مطابق با قصص الانبیای ابواسحاق نیشابوری، در کردار شمعون می بینیم؛ بنابراین، آنچه در کوش نامه آمده است، همان روایت مانوی/ایرانی، (آمیخته به عناصری اسلامی) است؛ با این تفاوت که در بخش دوم، جابه جایی و در بخش سوم، شکستگی در رخداد وجود دارد.

    کلیدواژگان: پلاطس، عیسی، بردارکردگی، جابه جایی، شکستگی
  • امین بنی طالبی*، اسماعیل صادقی صفحات 43-69

    ابن یمین فریومدی، یکی از شاعرانی است که اگرچه در زمینه قصیده، غزل، مثنوی و... جزء شاعران طراز اول زبان فارسی نیست؛ اما در زمینه قطعات اخلاقی، اندرزی و حکمی از جمله شاعران برجسته ایران محسوب می-شود. در این پژوهش، جنبه های گوناگون و برجسته معناشناختی و زیباشناختی قطعات این شاعر مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است؛ جنبه هایی که در آن بر ریشه یونانی «بوطیقا» تکیه می شود؛ یعنی استقلال و ویژگی-های ساختاری و قواعد زیباشناختی- معناشناختی اثر. نتیجه نشان می دهد که رابطه معنادار و استواری میان نگرش و نگارش شاعر وجود دارد و تسلط مفاهیم مرکزی همچون دنیاگریزی، اعتراض، بخشش، خردورزی و اغتنام فرصت بر ذهنیت و جهان بینی شاعر، سبب گرایش او به واژگان خاص و شگردهای ادبی ویژه ای از جمله تضاد، تشبیه، تمثیل، ایهام تناسب، تلمیح و جناس شده است. روش پژوهش، توصیفی است و نتایج با استفاده از تحلیل بیت ها، به شیوه کتابخانه ای و سندکاوی بررسی شده اند و در پایان، بسامدی از قلمروی زیباشناختی قطعات ابن یمین ارایه شده است.

    کلیدواژگان: قطعه، قلمروی معناشناختی، قلمروی زیباشناختی، ابن یمین فریومدی
  • عظیم جبّاره ناصرو* صفحات 71-82

    یکی از دشواری های فهم معانی ابیات در متون کهن، فهم معنای واژگان دشوار و اغلب کمیاب آن هاست. درنگی در شرح ها و تفسیرهای نوشته شده بر متون کهن، نشان دهنده شمار قابل توجهی از این واژگان است که مفسر و یا شارح نتوانسته به درک درستی از معنای آن ها برسد و اغلب به تاویل های ذوقی و حدس و گمان متوسل شده است. به نظر می رسد یکی از راه های کشف معنای درست این واژگان، بهره گیری از گویش های محلی و ادبیات عامیانه است که اغلب در پژوهش های در پیوند با تفسیر متون نادیده انگاشته می شوند. یکی از این ترکیب های بحث برانگیز، ترکیب «به کردار پل» است که در شاهنامه فردوسی با معنایی خاص به کار رفته و تاکنون معنایی درست و قابل قبول برای آن ارایه نشده است. نگارنده در این جستار کوشیده است نخست نتایج یافته های دیگران درباره این ابیات و ترکیب مورد نظر را بیان کند؛ سپس معنا و کاربرد این ترکیب را در گویش های ایرانی بررسی کند و سرانجام معنای ترکیب و بیت مورد بحث در شاهنامه ی فردوسی را روشن کند. یافته های پژوهش نشان می دهد واژه بحث برانگیز «پل« را باید به ضم بخوانیم و مصرع مورد بحث را این گونه معنا کنیم: بندی رومی که مانند گیسوی به هم بافته زنان است.

    کلیدواژگان: بند رومی، پل، شاهنامه، غُل، گیسو
  • زینب خسروی، سارا صادقی*، کریم حاجی زاده صفحات 83-109

    داده های باستان شناسی همواره زمینهء مناسبی برای مطالعهء ابعاد گوناگون زندگی گذشتگان را فراهم ساخته است. از دورهء هخامنشی آثاری برجای مانده که بیش از هر چیز ابزارهایی بودند که نهاد سیاسی آن ها را رسانه هایی در جهت نمایان سازی و به اجرا در آوردن اندیشه سیاسی خود می دانست. یکی از مهم ترین مفاهیمی که نهاد سیاسی هخامنشی کوشیده تا آن را از مجرای آثار هنری آشکار سازد، مفهوم قدرت است. با واکاوی آثار هنری این دوره همراه با کتیبه ها که جزو اسناد دسته اول محسوب می شوند، به سهولت می توان استنباط کرد که شاهان پارسی بر چه پایه و بنیان هایی قدرت خویش را استوار کرده بودند و برای نمایش آن می کوشیدند، این موضوع به ویژه با روی کار آمدن داریوش اول که در سازمان دهی و اداره جامعه بسیار موفق بود، بیشتر نمایان می شود. در این نوشتار که از روش تحلیل محتوا بهره برده و داده های آن از شیوهء مطالعات کتابخانه ای گردآوری شده است؛ آثار هنری خود جلوگاهی از قدرت و مشروعیت شاه می باشد که دارای نمادها و نگارهایی است که دیگر مبانی قدرت شاهان پارسی را، که همان ثروت امپراتوری یا خراج شهرب ها و نیروی نظامی است، به نمایش گذاشته است.

    کلیدواژگان: امپراتوری هخامنشی، قدرت، داده های باستان شناسی، شهرب، ارتش
  • رضا دریکوندی*، محمدعلی رنجبر صفحات 111-137

    سیاست اقتصادی شاه عباس اول و زیارت مشهد چکیده در دوره هایی که شهرهای مذهبی عراق در تصرف صفویان بود زوار ایرانی می توانستند با آسودگی به زیارت مشاهد متبرکه شیعه بروند و هزینه هایی که در طول سفر می کردند نیز درنهایت نصیب والیان صفوی می شد؛ اما در برهه هایی که عثمانی ها بر این شهرها چیره می شدند به بهانه های مختلف هزینه های گزافی از زوار ایرانی می گرفتند. این امر به همراه مبالغ کثیری که توسط حجاج در زیارت سالانه حج خرج می شد موجب خروج حجم عظیمی از نقدینگی از قلمرو صفویان می شد. پژوهش حاضر باهدف بررسی نحوه مواجهه شاه عباس با این مسیله به روش توصیفی – تحلیلی مبتنی بر متون کتابخانه ای انجام گرفته و درصدد پاسخ به این سوال است که شاه عباس برای جلوگیری از خروج سرمایه از قلمرو خود چه سیاستی در پیش گرفته است؟ بر اساس نتایج شاه عباس ازیک طرف شروط مالی سنگینی برای زوار و حجاج گذاشت و از جانب دیگر تلاش نمود تا با اقدامات تبلیغی و فعالیت های عمرانی مشهد را به کانون نخست زیارتی شیعیان تبدیل کند.

    کلیدواژگان: واژه های کلیدی: زیارت مشهد، شاه عباس اول، عتبات، اقتصاد، سیاست های مذهبی
  • آسیه ذبیح نیا عمران*، نجمه کریمی نژاد صفحات 139-162

    دوران زندیه (1750-1794م) از جمله دورانی است که درباره آداب و رسوم مردم و جشن های ایران کمتر نوشته ای وجود دارد. با آنکه کریم خان زند موسس این سلسله مردی بزرگ منش و مدافع فرهنگ بود و تا سال ها بعد از مرگ وی، از او به نیکی یاد می شد؛ ولی به دلیل حکومت کوتاه وی، جنگ های داخلی برای از بین بردن رقبا، محدودیت روابط با کشورهای اروپایی به ویژه انگلیس و فرانسه و بی کفایتی شاهان پس از وی اطلاعات کاملی درباره شیوه زندگی در این دوره وجود ندارد. از معدود سفرنامه های این دوره که به آداب و رسوم عهد زندیه اشاره می کند؛ سفرنامه ویلیام فرانکلین است. ویلیام فرانکلین شرق شناس و افسر ارتش انگلیس بود. وی به دلیل علاقه به فراگیری زبان فارسی و تاریخ و نحوه زیست مردم ایران در سال 1786م به ایران سفر کرد و به مدت هشت ماه، مهمان یک خانواده ایرانی در شیراز بود. پس از این سفر، در سال1788 م کتاب «مشاهدات سفر از بنگال به ایران» را منتشر کرد. این سفرنامه اطلاعات ارزشمندی از حیات دوره زندیه در اختیار قرار می دهد. این پژوهش، به شیوه توصیفی- تحلیلی و استواری بر چارچوب نظری می کوشد به این پرسش پاسخ دهد که شاخص ترین آداب و رسوم ایرانی در دوره زندیه که فرانکلین در سفرنامه خود به آن پرداخته است، کدام است؟ مطابق دستاوردهای تحقیق، مراسم و آداب و رسومی که بیش ترین بخش سفرنامه فرانکلین را در برمی گیرد، آداب و رسوم ازدواج و مراسم محرم است.

    کلیدواژگان: دوره زندیه، ویلیام فرانکلین، سفرنامه، فرهنگ، مردم ایران
  • مصطفی سعادت*، احمدرضا خسروی صفحات 163-184

    در جمعیت‏های انسانی آمیختگی‏های قومیتی و همزمان با آن آمیختگی‏های فرهنگی به وفور رخ داده است. میزان مهاجرت بین دو جمعیت، تابعی از فاصله جغرافیایی بین آنهاست. از سوی دیگر نیز شرایط اجتماعی، اقتصادی و سیاسی جمعیت‏های نزدیک به هم، بسیار به هم شباهت دارد. انتظار می‏رود که روایت‏های مختلف یک داستان عامیانه به هم شباهت داشته باشد. به منظور بررسی درستی این فرضیه، در پژهش حاضر به بررسی فنتیکی 37 روایت از داستان عامیانه «سنگ صبور» در جمعیت‏های ایران و یک روایت از افغانستان پرداخته شد. در روایت‏های مورد استفاده مجموعا 40 ویژگی که برخی بیش از دو سطح داشتند استخراج شد. پس از تبدیل آنها به ویژگی‏های دو حالتی (صفر و یک)، در مجموع 53 ویژگی دو حالتی بدست آمد. اطلاعات وارد نرم ‏افزار آماری SPSS شد. خوشه‏بندی روایت‏ها با استفاده از «فاصله اقلیدسی» و آنالیز «پیوستگی درون‏گروه‏ها» انجام شد. همبستگی فاصله ‏های جغرافیایی و اقلیدسی معنی ‏دار می‏باشد (r=+0.197, df=701, P<0.001). با توجه به کوچک بودن شدت همبستگی، فاصله جغرافیایی نمی‏تواند توجیه کننده تفاوت‏های بین روایت‏ها باشد. روایت‏های مورد مطالعه در دو خوشه مجزا قرار گرفتند. خوشه اول تعداد 28 روایت و خوشه دوم 10 روایت را در خود جای داده است. خوشه اصلی دوم شامل 10 روایت است. روایت‏های خوشه‏ های اصلی تفاوت عمده ‏ای بویژه در ماجراهای ابتدای داستان با یکدیگر دارند. در تمامی روایت‏های خوشه اول، «پیشگویی» می‏شود که «قهرمان داستان» در آینده با مشکلات زیادی روبرو خواهد شد، در حالیکه در 9 مورد از ده روایت خوشه دوم، اشاره‏ای به پیشگویی برای آینده قهرمان داستان نشده است.

    کلیدواژگان: اوسنه‏ عامیانه، افسانه سنگ صبور، خوشه‏بندی، خوشه‏بندی فنتیکی، ایران
  • علی کامرانی مقدم*، پروین دخت جهان کهن صفحات 185-201

    ابتدای قرن دهم هجری مصادف با تاسیس دولت صفوی است. ایل افشار در تشکیل و استواری این دولت با تکیه بر ماهیت ایلی خود ایفاگر وظیفه ی مهمی شد. این ایل در تثبیت دولت صفوی، منازعات خارجی و در سرکوب شورش های داخلی نقش چشمگیری داشت. در زمان شاه طهماسب اول و محمد خدابنده همان مناصب نظامی و حکمرانی ایالات را برای خود حفظ کردند. افشارها در زمان تغییرات در راس هرم سلطنتی هم از دیگر طوایف عقب نماندند، به ویژه در دوره شاه عباس اول رضایت خاطر او را هم فراهم آوردند. گرچه در برخی کتاب ها و مقالات به صورت مستقیم و یا غیر مستقیم، گاهی به اختصار و گاهی به منظور دیگری به مطالعاتی پرداخته اند و از بعضی متغیرهای موجود در این پژوهش استفاده شده است؛ اما اهمیت این پژوهش در آن است که می خواهد نقش ایل افشار را در تشکیل و تثبیت دولت صفوی به صورت مستقل، با استفاده از روش تحقیق تاریخی و شیوه ی جمع آوری داده ها از منابع دست اول، مورد مطالعه قرار دهد. یافته های پژوهش حاکی از آن است که ایل افشار حول محور سلطنت به عملکرد نظامی خود ادامه دادند، در مقابل جایگاه آنان به عنوان حامی سلطنت، با گمارده شدن به مناصب اداری - سیاسی مورد عنایت قرار گرفت.

    کلیدواژگان: ایل افشار، دولت صفوی، قدرت نظامی، ایلات، مناصب دولتی
  • محسن میرزایی* صفحات 203-218

    در بررسی دست نویس های متون تورفانی مانوی، به واسطه عوامل متعدد، همواره نمی توان برای تشخیص معنی کلمات شواهد مکرر و یا محکمی یافت. در این گونه موارد، پژوهشگر به ناچار برای درک کلام باید معنی و نقش واژه های تک آمد را بر اساس تحلیل جملات و بافت کلی کلام حدس بزند. گاه برخی از این موارد تا حدی بر اساس شواهد موجود در دیگر زبان ها و یا آثار مرتبط، قابل تشخیص است؛ در غیر این صورت، تنها راه ممکن، تکیه بر محور همنشینی کلام خواهد بود. علاوه بر این، گاه کلماتی که مشخصا «تک آمد» به شمار نمی آیند همان خصوصیات تک آمد را دارند. برای نمونه، معنی و حتی نقش نحوی واژه pdm’d(g)، علی رغم وجود چند شاهد در پارتی و یک شاهد در فارسی میانه مانوی، به دلایلی که در این مقاله بدان اشاره شده، همچنان مبهم مانده و این کلمه به نوعی در حکم واژه تک آمد است. مقاله حاضر سعی دارد ابهام نحوی و معنایی این کلمه را با تحلیل نقش اجزای متن و تامل در بافت کلی کلام مرتفع سازد و بر همین اساس، معانی ای نظیر نشانده، آراسته، مزین و مانند آن برای این کلمه پیشنهاد می گردد.

    کلیدواژگان: پهلوی اشکانی، متون مانوی، M538 (verso)، تک آمد، pdm’dg
  • سعید نجفی نژاد* صفحات 219-247

    ظهور صفویان علاوه بر تحولات سیاسی، تحولات فرهنگی زیادی نیز در ایران پدید آورد. یکی از این دگرگونی ها در زمینه تاریخ نگاری اتفاق افتاد که نه به لحاظ ظاهری، بلکه از حیث محتوایی، سمت و سوی قلم تاریخ نگاران را تغییر داد. ترویج مذهب تشیع اثناعشری مهمترین موضوعی بود که مورخان دوره صفوی در آثارشان مدنظر قرار داده اند. در این بین، شخصیت امیرالمومنین علیه السلام به عنوان فردی که الگوی مشترک شیعیان و صوفیان بود، در تاریخ نگاری این عصر از جنبه های مختلفی مورد توجه واقع شده است. در این پژوهش تلاش بر این خواهد بود که با بررسی علل توجه تاریخ نگاران عصر صفوی و ابعاد مختلفی که در رابطه با حضرت علی علیه السلام در نوشته های خود مدنظر قرار دادند، سیمای کلی امیرالمومنین علیه السلام در تاریخ نگاری عصر صفوی به گونه ای منطقی و دور از احساسات شیعی ترسیم گردد. به نظر می رسد دلیل اصلی تمرکز تاریخ نگاران دوره صفوی بر انعکاس مطالب با موضوع اهل بیت علیهم السلام با محوریت امام اول شیعیان، باور قلبی تاریخ نگاران این دوره به مذهب تشیع اثناعشری و در وهله دوم، تمجید از پادشاهان صفوی به عنوان احیاءگران این مذهب در ایران بوده است. در این تحقیق با جمع آوری داده های کتابخانه ای و ارایه تحلیل هایی در رابطه با آنها، ضمن ارایه شواهدی در این خصوص، ابعاد مبهم قضیه را روشن تر سازد.

    کلیدواژگان: امیرالمومنین علیه السلام، تاریخ نگاری، صفویه، مورخان
  • مهرداد نصرتی* صفحات 249-274

    ملامحمدقاسم مشهدی، معروف به دیوانه، شاعر اوایل سده یازدهم، حلقه واسطه مفقود، میان صایب تبریزی، استاد مستقیم او، و بیدل دهلوی، شاگرد مکتب اوست. دیوان ملاقاسم که اخیرا تصحیح و منتشر شده، حاوی سه هزار بیت، شامل پنج دفتر است: خانه سخن(غزلیات)؛ سلسله شعله(غزل واره ها)؛ بال نگاه(رباعیات)؛ شاگرد خاموشی(دوبیتی ها)؛ ناوک آه(مفردات). مساله اصلی این پژوهش، تعیین ویژگی های سبکی قاسم مشهدی، مبتنی بر نظریات سبک شناسی مدرن، بویژه، آرای کارل فوسلر، محقق و زبان شناس معاصر آلمانی است. نزد فوسلر بررسی کاربرد زبان در ادبیات باید با در نظر داشتن همه خصوصیات زبان صورت بپذیرد. از این رو دامنه بررسی ها در سبک شناسی بسیار گسترده تر از آن چیزی خواهد بود که شکل گرایان معرفی می کردند. مطالعه سبک قاسم از منظر آرای فوسلر علاوه بر آن که جزییات دقیق تری از سبک دوره او را نشان می دهد، موجب معرفی شاعری است که پیونددهنده دو نسل از شاعران سبک هندی است. قاسم از جمله شاعرانی است که ظرفیت های بالقوه سبک هندی را بخوبی درک کرده و از ابزارهایی که این سبک در اختیار شاعر قرار می دهد، به نیکی استفاده کرده است. او بدون آن که در دام صنعت زدگی بیفتد، از موسیقی لفظی و معنوی بهره فراوان برده و تصویرسازی های او بدیع و استوار است. عشق در شعر قاسم بیشتر جنبه زمینی دارد و در اثنای سرایش شعر، به نقد خویشتن از مناظر روحی و جسمی علاقه نشان داده است.

    کلیدواژگان: ملامحمدقاسم مشهدی، دیوان قاسم دیوانه، سبک هندی
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  • Zohreh Ahmadipoor * Pages 1-18
    Introduction

    The lyric is so intertwined with love that it seems this poetic form is specific to the expression of romantic themes. This is true for most Iranian lyric poets, from Rudaki to the poets of the contemporary period. Sometimes, among lyricists, a committed poet such as Hafez has turned to social satire and opposed with hypocritical claimants; or, a poet like Farrokhi Yazdi makes social criticism, and of course, Persian lyric poetry has had one of these types of social lyric poems in different periods. So far, no one has said that there are social issues or themes in Sa'di’s love lyrics. The author does not intend to prove that there are social issues in Sa'di’s lyrics; but, the purpose is to show signs of social life in his lyrics. The present study is not socio-literature because "socio-literature scientifically studies the social essence of literary works, the conditions and requirements of the social context of poets and writers, their ideological, intellectual and cultural position, topics, issues and social orders considered in literary works" (Torabi, 2006, 5) and also "expresses the prevailing socio-cultural condition in that period "(Sotoudeh, 2002, 57). While in this study, only the effect of Sa'di’s collectivist mentality on the content of romantic lyric poetry is examined. A critic says, "some works are good to be criticized by a sociologist, but contrary to some works, the sociologist critic has nothing to say "because the hero has become animated from a poetic feeling, not from society" (Diches, 2009, 562); but, the sociologist reading Sa'di’s sonnets finds a lot of points to be said as it originates from the society and contains social life properties.

    Methodology

    This study was carried out in a descriptive-analytical method. First, themes that were about social life were extracted. Then, they were studied and counted for their frequencies.   

    Discussion

    Sa'di’s lyrics, which are called "the paragon of Persian lyric poetry" (Shamisa, 2006: 210), has social strong properties in two respects: first, Sa'di’s lyrics, as creative poetry and art, has been derived from a sense of social individuality, and the other is that these sonnets contain public perception of beauty and perfection (Ebadian, 1993, 102). Love is the treasure of Sa'di’s lyric poetry; but, the origin of all the issues in his poetry is social and popular (Rastegar Fasaei, 2000, 10). The lover's territory has more signs of social life in Sa'di’s sonnet, and in addition to lover, beloved and rivals, people who are in a society are also mentioned. The first social institution is family; Sa'di is one of the few lyricists who refers to family and speaks of parents (Sa'di, 2006, 228, 278, 281), children (ibid., 268), relatives (ibid., 136), acquaintances and strangers (ibid., 181) in the lyrics. In Sa'di’s lyrics, the voices of the people are heard a lot as 20 verses of Sa'di’s lyrics begin with the phrase “it is said ˮ and then quotes from people are given (Sa'di, 2006, 195, 329, 96, 79) 327, 328, 313, 59, 58, 181, 312, 116, 289, 57, 125, 96, 59, 95, 51, 37, 37). More than 50 verses pf his poems begin with 'the person' (kas) 'a person' (kasi) and 'People' (kasan) and then, a point or quote from people about love and beloved is brought. Romantic scenes are present in Sa'di’s lyrics. It is people who, with their presence, make the sonnet real, so that the reader does not ask himself then where are people? The lover has a house, a neighbor, his own relatives and he makes love in a setting that seems more real than the setting in other poets’ lyrics. In lyrics, it is often difficult to believe romantic words and the exaggerated actions of lover and beloved, and mostly metaphors and symbols, and in general, the virtual language are interpreted and justified. In Sa'di’s lyrics, there are signs of the poet’s sense of originality, which, of course, is almost impossible to be proved scientifically; and, the reader thinks that Sa'di’s has spoken his heart out and that what he says is the reality of his life, and perhaps he has experienced love, and his sonnets are a collection of his romantic experiences. It seems that his collectivism has influenced and strengthened the romantic narration and made it believable in Sa'di’s sonnet. In Sa'di’s lyric poetry, many verses about the beloved are compared with other beauties. The comparison of the beloved with the benevolent also shows Sa'di’s collectivist view; Sa'di doesn't just see his lover; He also considers other good people.

    Conclusion

    Sa'di’s lyrics are romantic and do not consider political and social issues, but the king of the speech territory has been influenced by his collectivist view in creating themes and meaning of the sonnet, and in many cases, has introduced people in his lyrics. Some recurring themes in Sa'di’s lyrics make it clear that: 1- The presence of groups and personalities such as the public (19 times), cameleer (13 times), neighbor (6 times), relatives, old neighborhood, muezzin, acquaintance, capitalists, etc., shows Sa'di’s collectivism. 2- In many of Sa'di’s lyrics, people talk to the poet and often scold and advise him. Sa'di’s collectivist mind shows the society's perception and attitude towards love by quoting people ʼ speeches. 3- The presence of people in a considerable number of Sa'di’s lyrics has made them romantic to some extent and given a realistic atmosphere to them. 4- Sa'di’s collectivism in lyrics has increased the credibility of lyric themes; describing people's condition in the sonnets, comparing the lover with people and beloved with other beloved has made Sa'di’s sonnets more plausible and pleasant.    

     

    Keywords: “lyric”, “Sa'di”, “pluralism”, “content”
  • Hamid Ardestani Rostami * Pages 19-42
    Introduction 

    In this essay, we try to find the roots of the story, which Manosh, Roman commander, sends for Kush the tusked in Iranian sources. In this story, first, we consider Pilate and the role he played in the crucifixion of Jesus and his ascension, then the cynicism of the 'Simon', an apostle of Jesus, was drawn from the Jews, and finally, the tricks of the two apostles, 'Adnies' and 'Matthew', in the Christianization of the Romans are referred to. The first part of the story (Jesus' ascension) is in Manichaean's words and the sermons of the hymns about the crucifixion of Jesus in Manichaeism. The second part (Simon's revenge of the Jews) has been attributed to the kingdom of the Romans in the history of the Islamic era (History of Bala'mi). The third part (Adni and Matthew's trick for Christianization the Romans), according to Abu Ishaq Neishaburi’s Ghisas al- Anbia, is observed in the acts of Simon.

    Methodology 

    In the present descriptive–analytical study, the researcher aimed at reaching the likely reference(s) used by Iranshan bin Abu al-Khair in writing the story of Pilatus in Kush-Nama considering its three mentioned parts, i.e., Jesus' crucification, simon's vengeance, and the Christianization of Romans by Adina and matthew along with other Persian texts such as Manichaean texts (based on Islamic culture), historical texts written in Islamic era (influenced by Persian culture and myths) and stories related to prophets (developed in Islamic culture). Also the researcher has tried to answer this question: did Iranshan wrote Pilatus being influence by only old Persian narratives or was he also influenced by semitic or Islamic stories?

    Discussion

      In kush-Nama, Manush, the Roman commander, sends five stories of kings to kush the tusked. One of the stories was related to pilatus and his role in Jesus' crucifixion. Also, it contained Simon's vengeance and the role of his two apostles in the Christianization of Romans. In this study the researcher has tried to provide references from Persian sources for the mentioned three parts. The first part, Jesus' ascension, is found in Manichaean texts like Juses' crucifixion hymns, such as M18+M2753. In this article, first, the disclaim of Pilatus and appointing Jewish to kill Jesus are referred to. After crucifixion, they buried him. They wanted to wash his body with perfumery to prevent its decay but it was Saturday and it was impossible to do anything on this day based on Jewish beliefs. On Sunday, Mary Magdalene along with two other people went to Jesus' tomb at dawn to perfume his body, but they did not find him. Two angels told Mary to look for him alive among the dead. They remind her of Jesus' words that he would be resurrected three days after crucifixion. Then, they asked Mary to inform Simon about the presence of Jesus. The second part, i.e., Simon's vengeance, was attributed to a Roman king in post Islamic history texts, such as History of Bala'mi. The third part, the trick of Adna and Matthew to Christianize Romans, is found in Qisas al-Anbiya (stories of the prophets written by Abu Ishag Neyshaburi). Thus, what is seen in Kush-Nama is the same Manichean or Persian story (intertwined with some Islamic elements). It is worth mentioning that in the second part, displacement was used (from Simon to king of Rome), and in the third part, there is a breakage component, i.e., what Simon did was broken in two other people or repeated by two other people.

    Conclusion

    It is concluded that Pilatus story in Kush-Nama and Jesus' crucifixion have a theme similar to that of Manichaean text M18+M2753. What is said about Simon's vengeance through Jesus execution by king of Rome in History of Bala'mi, which is a translation of Al-Tabari’s History and books of lords from Sassanid era, is transferred to Simon in Kush-Nama. Also the cunning of Simon in Qisas al–Anbiya written by Abu-Ishaq Neyshabouri for Christianization of Romans is broken into Adna and Matthew. Therefore, it could be said that Iranshan bin Abu al-Khair also used some Semitic and Islamic elements in Kush-Nama; however, he retained the original theme of Manichaean story as a part of Persian mythological references.

    Keywords: Keywords Pilatus, Jesus, Crucifixion, Simon, Adni, Matthew, Breakage, Transfer
  • Amin Banitalebi *, Esmael Sadeghi Pages 43-69
    Introduction 

    Faryoumadi Ibn Yaman is one of the eminent poets of the eighth century; however, in the field of ode, lyric, elegiac poems, etc., is not the first-ranked poet among other poets of Persian language, but the distinctive point about this poet compared with other poets is his poetic style on ethical and doctrinal themes that often are reflected in his stanzas. Because in Iranian society, especially after the Mongol invasion and afterwards, such poems were so popular, and in a way, traced and revived the ethics of the Iranian damaged society, the audience and critics have given them special value. Allameh Shabli Naamani has said about the value of Ibn Yamin’s poetic style: “Ibn Yamin expresses moral poems so well that to this day nobody has come up with such poems, and because of his style, effects on the singer so that these effects are not in the words of others” (Naimani, 1984, 200). Therefore, based on various theories, it is necessary to examine the causes of the effectiveness and power of Ibn Yamin’s stanzas. One of these methods and theories is evaluating the poetics of his stanzas. Poetics has a Greek descent, and is the Arabic title of the famous treatise of Aristotle. “In the poetics conceptualization of a work, autonomy and features of its structures has fundamental importance that each work can have its special aesthetic-semantic rules. These special rules, of course, are obtained carefully examining the effect in a holistic glance” (Tavakoli, 2004, 73). In this research, we seek to study and analyze the most important and prominent components in the two aesthetic and semantic realms of Ibn Yamin’s stanzas so that the audience aware when confronted with the poems of such poet, his dominant attitude and worldview, as well as the effect rate of environmental factors on his mind and words.

    Methodology 

    In this article, by using a descriptive-analytical method, first, with a general and comprehensive look investigates all stanzas of Faryoumadi Ibn Yamin, then, with a careful look carried out to note and point out the most important and pivotal meanings of poetry and literal device of the poet that has the most frequency and reduplication. Finally, the link between the semantic and aesthetic realms of Ibn Yamin’s stanzas as well as the relationships between these realms with the environment and socio-political situation were analyzed and studied.

    Discussion

    3.1. The semantic realm of Ibn Yamin’s stanzas Persian poetry has been rich since its first evolution and progressive period in terms of possessing precious themes. It is believed that this was the result of the existence of such sources and references in the Pahlavi language and the attention of Persian poets to them (Mahjub, 1993, 89). Also, the interaction with other tribes and the richness of the religious works and sources of the moral and doctrinal themes that their effects have been known since the advent of Persian writings works until the eighth century, has led to the formation of various types of moral and doctrinal poetry in various fields. In the following, we will examine the most significant and prominent meanings of Ibn Yamin's poems. 3.1.1. Abstemiousness and world instability The most important reasons for this motif is that “this famous speaker was in one of the most turbulent historical periods in Iran, and perhaps his place of life was more turbulent than other provinces in this land” (Khanlari, 1968, 3) and the difficulty of the poet’s era and the reversal of the norms of society has caused the poet to get away from the world and its criticism. One of the most frequent effects of the world’s instability is the transient of pleasures and troubles that the poet constantly conveys himself to the instability of this situation and not taking seriously the happy and sadness of the world, and this is psychologically a kind of reaction to endure hardship and psychological counterpart with them. Also, addressing the issue of “death” in the criticism of the world is evident in the poem of Ibn Yamin, which has often been viewed by social and doctrinal approach and by hoping to overcome the hardships and transient of the world, accepts the world’s instability. 3.1.2.Complaint and Criticism Criticism makes the main core of Ibn Yamin’s theories and teachings. Ibn Yamin’s criticisms present the living and alive images of the circumstances of his life. Also, Ibn Yamin’s criticisms are pervasive, sophisticated, and ironic; pervasive because the content of his critical stanzas is remarkable, as well as his critique does not include one person or a particular person, but includes most people in his society and era, which is found a typically state. His criticisms and complaints include criticisms and complaints of the era and fortunes; of ungratefulness the people of highbrow and the prosperity of market the artless people; complaining and criticizing the presence of the envious, the gibers and the enemies; even the complaint and critique of the admirers. 3.1.3. Forgiveness and enviousness The lack of generosity and forgiveness is one of the main weaknesses and disadvantages of the poet’s era. The reasons for addressing this issue in Ibn Yamin’s praiseworthy stanzas is that one of the most frequent commendable traits, which the poet always deals with, is his generosity and forgiveness that he, like others, is deprived of such a trait. In these stanzas, on the one hand, in the poet’s mind are depicted the utopia and the ideal city, and on the other hand, social movements are reflected in the depths of history and his era. 3.1.4. Reason and rationalism Reason and wisdom are very valuable to Ibn Yamin, and he can be called “admirer the intellect” and “rational poet”, but in the poet’s turbulent era in which “Iranian have suffered as much as their past and future history” (Safa, 1991, 1), rationalism is associated with sadness and discomfort and has lost its efficiency and effectiveness. 3.1.5. Taking the opportunity and worth of living Thinking about taking opportunity and benefit of the world’s opportunities and spending moments of life on pleasure and jollification and unsuspecting yourself from where its beginning and outcome are not apparent, Ibn Yamin’s views on death and ignoring consciously sadness has become the dominant motif of his stanzas, that is, it is due to his rational attitude to the realities of life and how it is easier to go. 3.2. The Aesthetic Realm of Ibn Yamin Stanzas Poetry, apart from what it says, how it says is tuned with beauty in everything. According to Roland Barth, the literary text is a semiotic device based on a secondary system; the literary text of semiotic device uses the primary system to create a semiotic structure at higher and more complex levels (Shamsa, 2009, 21). In fact, this field is the realm of rhetoric, in which the poet’s efficient and effective literary device should be addressed. 3.2.1. Paradox The most prominent device used in stanzas of Ibn Yemin is paradox and confrontation. The function of this device is in many cases natural and accessible to the content of poetry and has been covered in all aspects of poetry such as name, verb, adjective, adverb, phrases and sentence structure. One of the reasons for this element returns to its social environment and the poet era; the society that has become anomalous to the norm and worthy of worthlessness. 3.2.2. Simile and allegory Ibn Yamin in his moral stanzas often expresses the basics and results of practical wisdom in the form of correct allegorical and analogies with rich and stable words and expressions. Most of the similes of Ibn Yamin or “sensible analogies” are that they should be considered as the images of the depth, because they refer to facts beyond the nature, and their application has had the influence, the image authority, and giving depth to them; Or "Sensory analogies" that are taken from the areas of nature, war, astronomy, aristocratic and mystical elements, respectively. On the other hand, the use of allegory and in some cases fictional parables in the poetry stanzas express the expansive structure of the virtual image that Ibn Yamin uses to explain the thoughts, teach ethics, inform, and prove his claims. 3.2.3. Ambiguity Another one of the most prominent literary techniques of Ibn Yamin, like other poets of his era, especially Hafiz used artistically and skillfully in his poetry, is “ambiguity”, especially “balanced ambiguity” that the poet uses it to seek a multilateral and stable link between the speech words of his consistent and congruence attitude from several aspects of the audience mind to the considered subject. 3.2.4. Allusion Ibn Yamin has been using the allusion to create the new meanings, imagine and enrich the poetic images, as well as to expend and promote the principles of Islam especially Shi’a, and on the other hand, he has used the religious and epic elements for his petty purposes and interests, such as the praising of admirer, or for a superficial allegory. His allusions are two groups: a) Religious and Qur’an allusions: In the eighth century, with regard to Shi’a movements and the availability of open spaces for the tendency toward Islam specially Shi’a, a poet like Ibn Yamin adapts and arranges verses and anecdotes that this adaptation of the Qur’an, sometimes in the form of words, sometimes covered the Qur’an themes with the theme of Persian poetry, and once had had the allusion to verses and Quran anecdotes that, in addition to the structure of the poetry world created the context of guiding people and strong stimulus for the Shi’a movements, including the leaders. B. National and mythological allusions: Among national and mythological names and personalities, Ibn Yamin refers to Hatam Ta’ei (who is grateful for forgiveness and enviousness) due to the pivotal nature of the issue of forgiveness in stanzas, and Rustam (who personifies power and strength) is specially reminded due to the fatalism and many praises; because the poet speaks of the power and strength of omen and fortune, and the admirers that outstand in warfare and prowess. 3.2.5. Alliteration Such device focused on the poet mind, which uses it across multiple stanzas to match his rhymes with other couplet words. Among these congruous words, Ibn Yamin repeats some of the words more than others. For example, absolute pun between the two words “world (universe) and the world (alive)”, which have the central concept of the world’s instability and temporality, or the excessive pun between the two words “Gardon and Don”, which denotes abstemiousness. 

    Conclusion

    The central concepts of Ibn Yamin in the semantic realm are the abstemiousness and unstable of the world that one of the most important reasons for this tendency is the unfavorable condition of society. Another notable concept is the lack of forgiveness; it is one of the main weaknesses and disadvantages of the poet’s era. Another concept is the complaints and criticism, which include complaints and criticisms of the era and fortunes, ungratefulness the people of highbrow and the prosperity of market the artless people, the presence of the envious, the gibers and the enemies; even the admirers. Another issue is the rationalism of Ibn Yamin that he can be called the “admirer of the intellect” and “rational poet”, and ultimately, the time spending and taking the opportunity. The most pivotal elements of rhetoric in the aesthetic realm of Ibn Yamin are: Paradox, which has been mentioned consciously and skillfully in all aspects of Ibn yamin’s poetry. The purpose of Ibn Yamin in the field of simile and allegory is informing, teaching, preaching, explaining the thoughts, and proving the claims. Among all sorts of ambiguity, “balanced ambiguity” is often used to create artistic ambiguity in poetry, to integrate into the horizontal axis of poetry, to highlight meaning, and to decorate and modernize the word. Ibn Yamin’s allusion is often based on the religion of Islam and Qur'an, and besides that, the national and mythological allusions are also impressive. His goal to use the allusion device is to create new meanings and to fancy and enrich the poetic images as well as to promote the principles of Islam, especially Shi’a. Finally, Ibn Yamin uses the phonological and musical proportions of words especially alliteration to increase the musical aspect of his speech, creates a meaningful relationship between such phonetic proportions with the desired content.

    Keywords: Stanza, Semantic realm, Aesthetic realm, Faryuomadi Ibn Yamin
  • Azim Jabbareh Naserou * Pages 71-82
    Introduction

    One of the difficulties of old texts is understanding underused words that have no trace in dictionaries. One of such texts is Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, that despite the efforts of researchers, the number of couplets and words with no clear meaning is innumerable. The investigations conducted considering such types of words and couplets show that researchers resort to the study of cultures and old texts to discover the meaning and attempt to refer to texts contemporaneous with that work and trace the words in other works or old cultures to get to the closest meaning; however, there are words and combinations that have no trace in the old and classic cultures. It seems that there is another way to get to the correct meaning of the words that are often ignored in the research. This method is taking advantage of Iran’s classic dialects for finding the correct meaning of the words and unfamiliar combinations that are still ignored. The investigations show that many of such dialects, despite considerable changes and transformations, have preserved many of the old words and idioms.

    Methodology 

    This article has been written based on content analysis and library method. The researcher, first, refers to the results of the findings of other researchers as regards the combination be kerdare pol, then, he investigates this combination in Iran’s different dialects via current dictionaries and offers new meanings after having rejected previous theories. 

    Discussion

    The seemingly difficult and complex phrase be kerdare pol is used in two different parts of Shahnameh: first, in the story of Bijan and Manijeh, and second, in the story of Esfandiar’s escape from his father’s lasso. Sajjad Aidenloo considers this combination to be one the most ambiguous similes in Shahnameh (Aidenloo, 2012, 874). Kazazi considers this simile to be raw and beyond one’s ken (Kazazi, 2007, 364). As far as the studies done by the researcher show, no meaning has been found for this combination. Khaleghi Motlagh writes about this word: "it seems the way of this bande rumi zadan was called pol (bridge) with the circumstances of it unclear to the researcher (Khaleghi otlagh 2006, 99). Kazazi writes: "maybe bande rumi has been likened to pol (bridge) as it unites the two hands which unite the banks of two rivers" (Kazaazi 2007, 364). He adds "maybe the word is read as pal which is a short form of paal that has found its use in paalhang which is a wooden arrow placed on a rope with the hands open tied from the two sides (ibid., 364). The writings of this word has not been the same. In a version from Moskow, this word is registered as mal (Ferdowsi, 2004, 32). In some versions, it is bal (Ferdowsi, 2007, 333 footnote). Having reviewed previous statements, Reza Ghafoori, ultimately, comes to this conclusion that, in investigating this ambiguous simile we should not conceive pol in its current meaning. What is meant by this word is a tool for fastening the prisoners and, probably, torture. Besides, because in Shahnameh, Bijan and Esfandiar are tied to Roman chains like pol and, also, in two Persian epics, namely, Saamnameh and Daftare Delgosha, Saam and Ataabak are tied to pol, therefore, this probability exists that pol was a tool not used for all prisoners but for those strong heroes who might tear the fetters apart and escape (Ghafoori 2016, 110). All these findings are based on guesses and assumptions. The questions that still remain unanswered are that what is the exact meaning of pol? what is the meaning of be kerdare pol? The researcher has resorted to all current dictionaries from the Iranian dialect to answer these questions. It seems that the meaning of the hemistich is clear considering the following points: a) this word in the dialects of davani (a language of southeastern Fars), abduyi (a northwestern Iranian language), konde dialect and Mamasani luri (a dialect of luri language common among the lurs of Mamasani) (Salaami 2005, 70-1), banafi, papuni, dosirani, richi, somghani, gavkoshki, mosghani, nudani (Salaami 2004, 72-3), balyani, birukani, hayati, lordarnegani, mahboodi (Salaami 2005, 64-5), garashi and shurabi (Salaami 2006, 88-9) and in the Bushehri dialects (Mirshekar 2012, 81) is in the form pal meaning tress and braiding the hair. This word is pronounced as pel with this very meaning in the luri dialect (Izadpanah 2006, 22; Azarli 2009, 85). Interestingly, this word is pronounced as polg in the lari dialect (Eghtedari 2006, 65); therefore, this viewpoint can be posed that the origin of the word has been pol, which, over the lapse of time, has sunken into oblivion in the standard language, but still remained as three different types, namely, pal, pel and pol. b) field studies done by the researcher reveal interesting points from these regions: a) braiding pol/pel/pal is a relatively specialized task not to be handled by all women. Women, after taking a bath, sit behind other women to braid their hair. Braiding pol is done in a way that the woman who wants to do it, divides the hair into three equal parts and, then, starts braiding. c) One of the women and men’s beauty manifestations has been considered this long hair. In the past, in order to torture sinful women, they braided the long pol of women round their hands and dragged them on the ground or would loop their pol round their necks like a rope. d) In the present time, strings are woven by goat hair with different pronunciations in every dialect. Sometimes, women’s long hair would become a source of weaving a small string.

    Conclusion

    The findings of this study are three points: a) the investigations of the researcher in the current Iranian dialects show that the complex word in the combination be kerdare pol exists in some dialects used in three different types pol, pel, pal. It seems, considering the fact that this word is rhymed with ghol (fetters) in existing literature, hence, the original pronunciation of the word has been pol that, gradually, has become common as pal and pel in the dialects b) in all the dialects studied, the word pol is used in the sense tress. In other words, women’s braided tress, often, having been braided, takes the form of a rope or string c) if we accept that Ferdowsi’s intention by pol is women’s tress; therefore, the present ambiguity in the hemistich “yeki bande rumi be kerdare pol” is removed and, thus, it is interpreted as “a Roman string like women’s braided tress.”

    Keywords: bande Rumi, pol, Shahnameh, iron collar, tress
  • Zeinab Khosravi, Sara Sadeghi *, Karim Hajizadeh Pages 83-109
    Introduction

    Archeological data has always been a suitable ground to study diverse dimensions of our predecessors’ life. Some monuments are left from the  the Achaemenian Empire that were mostly tools known by political institutions as media for representing and performing their own political thoughts. One of the most important concepts elaborated by Persian political thoughts in order to be shown through artistic works was the concept of power. Excavating artistic works of this period with inscription that are considered as first-hand evidence, one can easily understand on what basis the Persian kings used to establish their dynasty and represent their power. This issue was specifically successful at the time of Dariush I, as one who was very successful in organizing and handling the society. Each political institution needs authority and legitimacy to be held firmly in terms of its statehood sustainability (Heshmatzade, 2002, 57). Besides its functionality, sometimes, power has a kind of legitimatcy by its own. Therefore, after underpinning political thoughts, a political institution tries to achieve legitimate and power, showing them in different ways. The features of remaining monuments since the Persian Empire conveys power and legitimacy because they reflect their manufacturers' thought (Kalikckan, 2006, 118), and lots of their monuments and works were mostly political than functional (Bousharla, 2010, 98). Hence the question in this research is that how the power of the Achaemenian Empire has been represented according to archeological data and inscriptions? The main hypothesis stated is that power of this dynasty used to be achieved by wealth, military power and artistic works that can be inferred from archeological data and inscriptions.

    Methodology

    In order to study the political thoughts embedded in artistic works and inscriptions, the analytical method was used and data was collected based on library studies approach .

    Discussion

    Ruling over different and vast lands, The Achaemenids did not get themselves limited to their subjects’ obedience. They tried to change the obedience to the faith they used to present and have their dynasty legitimized (Weber, 1947, 328). Therefore through advertising tools such as architecture, inscriptions, coins and stamps and using symbols, as well as pictograms of previous civilizations, they accepted some elaborations. Using these advertising tools, they could show the king as an authorized person, who could make his wishes come true and be considered as one with legitimates. To convey the political messages, the pictures of advertising tools were shown beyond the kingdom centrality and therefore the Persian art were shown the same in various territories. Lots of these pictures indicate the conception of power. Power makes people's political interactions distinct from their other interactions. Morgenta knows politics among nations as fighting on the way of power and according to him, true recognition of fighting for power is the key of understanding political issues. Generally, power means the ability of adopting desires in spite of others objections, of course if there exists an objection. Power is to control and stall others, but effective tools for this purpose could be variant and diverse (Alem, 2013, 88-89). In the Persian dynasty, kings gained the necessary power to control governmental organizations and military force among subjects and foreign lands via making wealth. Persian kings showed both powers in their pictograms. Setting up artistic works depended on kingdom's wealth and would cost  a heavy expenditure, made hegemony of kingdom pivotal and was an effective tool for propaganda and soft power. Propaganda and soft power are two important tools to show power and legitimacy. If these tools are successful in practice, they cause increment of power and legitimacy by themselves. The Persian kingdom that used to live within tribes before constitute their kingdom, had no pictogram or propaganda tools, and therefore they had to borrow it from other nations and manipulated them according to their political thoughts. Symbols and pictograms of Persian dynasty were adopted by near east culture wherein concepts such as soft power and propaganda had a very old background. Among the advertising media, stone-made monuments that had picture of kings, gods, writings and the commands of kings on themselves were the primary advertising tools. Attendance of flags, colorful shields, the invention of titles such as four-corners king, king of countries, putting name of kings besides names of Gods and the appearance of poems, military-epic lyrics and preaching religious motivations were of the other sample to be counted for battles and after that they were proved in artistic works of predecessors. The first work one can name for advertisements was related to subjects and people living in foreign countries so that the thoughts were designed by the mag. Nation could easily gain their goals in terms of power and legitimacy by advertising. Representing power and legitimation in artistic tools was a kind of soft power. The ultimate purpose of soft power was to gain military profit without moving army. Soft power advocated government purposes and goals affecting beliefs, emotions, dependences and behavior of the enemy. Moreover representing soft power in artistic works, acts such as economic sanctions, military threats, and diplomacy improvement in that all of which indicate the importance of the propaganda are taken for granted in field of soft power. Persians had such a valuable skill in making, distributing and advertising using pictographic tools and verbally as well (Walton, 1997, 95; Kelly, 2003, 173-175). The Persian dynasty art which was their advertising tools falls within the field of political arts and kings inscriptions falls within fields of political verbal tools. they are both a reflection of political thoughts. One of the political dimensions of political thoughts among the Persian dynasty is gaining power via wealth.

    Conclusion

    Persian dynasty artistic works are definitely the media that obliviously show different dimensions of political thoughts of their manufacturers. In order to represent and perform political thoughts and the authority upon which society could be established, the Persian dynasty used to benefit from the artistic media. Lots of artistic works of the Persian kingdom mostly indicate the political dimension because of the kind of functional dimension they had. Because Persian kings ought to distribute their political thoughts throughout their kingdom territories via different methods and tools to increase provision of their power and legitimacy, their political methods and whatever was optimizing for their subjects. Therefore artistic works and inscriptions in the ancient world let the political institutions to depict what was in line with their goals on these woks. These works provided a suitable ground to analyze different dimensions of political thoughts, so that one can see in these works that basis of kings power made because of the civil taxes, military force and building palaces are analyzed through these inscriptions. Power was a necessary condition for Persian kings and reflected the existence of a well-done and mature authority of Persian kings. Because of the geographical situation of Iran, taxes had a high position as the necessary wealth for kings to handle their vast territory could be achieved and annexing a new land to the territory of the Persian kingdom was pronounced as an increment of wealth. Darioush I elaborated on unifying different scales, minting to sustain money value, help the establishment of a dynamic economy and preventing burglary on roads as well as building roads through these taxes and his announcement of receiving taxes could be seen repeatedly within inscriptions and also acknowledge it as a basis for kings’ power. The Persian army was the main factor in providing routes and cities' immunity and territory expansion as well. Due to the Iran's geographical situation that was a pass way for different tribes and a connecting way between the ancient east to the west, the military force had a valuable position in the culture of Iranians. Artistic works to which the Persian dynasty used to spend lots of money indicated the superiority and dominance of Persian kings over other rulers of governmental cities. As a matter of fact, Persian kings changed wealth into the artistic works, which were a symbol of wealth themselves and were also considered to be a kind of utopia, gave a holy aspect to the king's character and let them provide their legitimacy in this way. However, the Persian dynasty borrowed other nation’s media to represent their political thoughts, but they purified them alongside their political thoughts to handle their vast kingdom territory pertaining flamboyant tribes, and they were so successful in this respect that presented political thoughts were imitated by rulers of other government cities. So, sometimes Persian architecture was adopted regardless of the specific climate of a region. Therefore, Persian political thoughts provided their political purposes within Persian dynasty and other regions as well. 

    Keywords: Achaemenian Empire, Authority, Archaeological data, Shahrab, The army, Utopia
  • Reza Derikvandy *, Mohammad Ali Ranjbar Pages 111-137
     Introduction 

    The establishment of the Safavid dynasty with its Shia religion in 906 A.H brought about excitation and anger in its powerful and Sunnite Ottoman Empire. This Ottoman Turks were eager to conquer Muslim world, so they considered this new Safavid dynasty as an impediment in realization of their favorable purpose. In addition to religious differences which existed between these two dynasties, territorial expansion policies which were adopted by those Turks caused sanguineous confrontations between these two countries. These confrontations were continued until overthrow of Safavid dynasty. These political and ideological differences wasted military and economic resources of these two countries and gave direction to their internal and external policy, as well.

    Methodology

    This study has been done by historical method, by which historical texts and new relevant studies are investigated by reference to libraries and database necessary evidence are gathered for conducting this study. The next step is allocated to critical analysis of those documents which are organized with descriptive-analytic and used for the final version of the research.

    Discussion

    The Turks conquered the religious centers of Iraq; so, they benefit it for resisting against their rival. These Turks abused hearty devotion of Persian pilgrims for making the pilgrimages in these religious centers of the Mesopotamia region by taking considerable amount of money from those pilgrims with different pretexts .They also treated them with a manner that hurt the dignity of Shiites and Iranians. Since Persian pilgrims must pay the expenses and the shares of Ottoman officers with golden coins, which were scarce in the territories of the Safavid dynasty; so, this event would greatly affect the local market and foreign trade and the harmful economic outcomes which were caused by these pilgrimages became more severe afterwards. On the other hand, these financial resources which were achieved by those Turks reinforced economic and military potency of the Turks and it was not a pleasant matter for the Safavid dynasty, as well. Actually they witnessed the transition of the large amount of gold from the Safavid territory to the Ottoman Empire that weakened economical potency of the Safavids, and these resources were achieved by their competitor and used for the improvement and development of their economic and military potency. However, there was not any practical measure for confronting these proceedings until the coronation of Shāh Abbās the Great, who changed these conditions. Shāh Abbās was a great and mighty king of the Safavid dynasty with a religious characteristic, though this king took different measures regarding religion and the religious policy. Shāh Abbās considered political and economic interests of the Safavids in his relations with religious minorities. Thus, because of this characteristic and despite of his great respect to the twelve imams, this great king took an appropriate measure to resolve the transitional issues of Persian pilgrimages, as well as  its economic outcomes in the religious cities of the Mesopotamia region.  This mighty king considered restrictive regulations for the Persian pilgrims in their visit to those shrines in Mesopotamia region. According to these rules, the pilgrimages that were eager to go to this region must have payed an amount to the Safavid court for issuing a permission, in addition to the expenses and prices which were received by the Ottoman Turks. As the majorities of pilgrims had financial problems and were not able to pay the court’s expense, which was an additional payment besides the huge expense and price of the pilgrimage itself, there was a considerable reduction in this kind of pilgrimage. However, this circumstance brought about dissatisfaction in the pilgrims who considered the cruel politics of the kings as the barriers of their desire and wish. On the other hand, there was no reaction from the clergies against these acts of the kings, since there was a settlement between them and government. Furthermore, Shāh Abbās motivated the peasantries to visit Imam Reza's shrine in Mashhad with his publicities and construction affairs. So, this mighty king made two essential proceedings in order to realize this purpose. The first was the construction of Imam Reza's shrine as well as the centers for the welfares and the services in a route that lead to Mashhad. On the other hand, this mighty king made some publicity affairs such as his several visits to Mashhad and consecrated an amount from his own properties to the development, improvement and rebuilding of this shrine and livelihood of its servants, as well. So, these proceedings developed the infrastructures both for the shrine and the city of Mashhad that were advantageous for reception of those Shia pilgrims and the importance of the pilgrimage visits to Mashhad were understood by the peasants with those publicities in turn. This mighty king has done several proceedings in constructions and development of this shrine and its infrastructure as well as the centers for the welfares and the services. In his several pilgrimages to Mashhad, he made the attempts to improve this shrine from its unorganized situation which was caused by Uzbek’s invasion so it was prepared for the visits of those pilgrims. According to this context, his proceedings can be studied in four different levels.  The first was the organization of the staff and servants of the shrine, the second was providing the required tools and instruments for this sacred place such as utensils and carpet, the third was providing water for the residents and the pilgrims as well as the improvement and expansion of the green spaces on the shrine’s site, and the forth was the extension and development of the inner space which was accomplished with the changes as well as the new aprons and porches. In addition to these improvements and development, he made some other developments in the infrstructure of Mashhad in order to facilitate the travel of the pilgrims in different regions and areas. One of these changes was the construction of a street that guided the pilgrims to shrine. This mighty and powerful king gave a considerable attention to the construction of the caravanserais in the route of the pilgrims to Mashhad as well as security and the centers for the services and the welfares such as the mosques, so there were more facilities for the travel of those pilgrims in Mashhad afterwards. In addition to those constructions, the publicities had a considerable role in the development of those aforementioned policies by this mighty king. This mighty king made several visits to Khorasan both in time of the wars or in his pilgrimage visits while he had done the affairs such as a long trek as well as the services in the shrine. These matters showed his sincerity to the Twelve Imams and inspired his own peasants, as well. In addition to consecration of property to this shrine that secured the expenses of the servants in this shrine, the importance for pilgrimage of this shrine increased among his peasants afterwards.   

    Conclusion

    These proceedings which were realized by this mighty king were accompanied with some favorable results afterward and he fulfilled his purposes partially in this context. In other words, these two essential proceedings made by this king for the reduction of economic loss accrued to the pilgrims in their visits  to the Atabat Al-Aliya,t such as the restrictive laws, the constructions and publicities caused a reduction in the visits of the pilgrims to the religious cities which were located in Mesopotamia before conquering Baghdad by the Safavids in 1032 A.H. Afterwards, those proceedings which were legislated by this king could not be performed anymore since Baghdad became a part of Safavid dynasty as a center of Shia

    Keywords: Pilgrimage to Mashhad, Shah Abbas I, Al-Atabat, Economy, Religious Policies
  • Asieh Zabihnia *, Najmeh Kariminejad Pages 139-162
    Introduction 

    The interesting memoirs or notes in any language are related to the reports written by people who travel in all over the world. Often, these notes contain content that cannot be found elsewhere (Rahimian, 1994). European's travelogue about Iran has been taken into consideration since Safavieh, Zandyah, and Qajar periods, during which numerous travelers have traveled to Iran from different European countries for various purposes, each with reports, travel letters, and notes on the situation of Iran which are considered as an important and useful sources. The travelogue is both a biography of the traveler, and a history of population, which is considered as the most important source of the recognition of the countries, historical and geographical situation of the inhabitants, and narrative limited by the time, place, condition, and occurrence. Travelogues are one of the essential sources of research on the status and quality of people life for researchers and social scientists who live in the present time. Historical books, which have always been the main source for a national history, are the recording of general and collective opinions with the views of the administrators of a community. Therefore, travelogues are a valuable resource for anthropology and sociology (Savagheb, 2001). Iran is a land with thousands of years' background in terms of history and geography; a land with the cultural and climatic diversity, which has been able to protect its existence through political-economic and religious developments among military, turbulences, and calmness (Haghdar, 2016). The climate expansion and the presence along with the other civilizations, the creation of historic centers, and urbanization are among the factors that have made Iran interested for foreign tourists, and thus, transforming this ancient land into an international attraction and adventurous travelers, cultural explorers, and foreign merchants. These advantages fascinated and sent them to travel in Iran and make them to record their memories of this rich land of cultural-social variations (Ghaffarifard, 2013). The main aim of this study is to explore the characteristics of the Iranian national identity in terms of William Franklin's attitude. Further, the purpose is related to Zandiyeh customs and its differences and similarities with the previous periods. 

    Methodology

    In this paper, the method is texture-case with a correlation approach. The documentary methods (surveying descriptive) and surveying (using Franklin's theories during a trip to Shiraz) were used to collect information. Also, the present study attempts to analyze and evaluate the Shirazian customs in the Zandiyeh era, using the method of 'content analysis'. This research is done studying the full text of William Franklin's book named Observations Made on a Tour from Bengal to Iran. Also, cultural customs' attributes have been selectively extracted and codified.

    Discussion 

    Culture is the mirror of the national identity, and refers to the collection of literature, art, knowledge, religion, creations. In other words, the culture of every society is considered as a popular culture (Jafari Ghanavati, 2015). In fact, the popular culture is a combination of customs, concepts, and a lifestyle with all its dimensions from birth to death, which accompanies human beings. "It is clear that with such comprehensive view, it has not only its roots in history, but also in the ancient myths, religions, and the lives of predecessors." (Homayouni, 1992). Culture refers to the characteristics of a community or a nation, and includes language, customs, tools, concepts, values, ​​and criteria (Shoarinejad, 1993). An important part of the rich history of our Iranian culture refers to public culture and literature. In fact, the culture of the people consists of a set of concepts, celebrations, entertainments, legends, songs, illustration that is widespread and dynamic; it is always evolving and recreating, and has harmony with new needs and situations. It is not dependent on individuals and groups; it is a collective movement made by people (Zolfaghari, 2015). Travelogues of European tourists to Iran are considered as one of the main sources of research and studies in Iranian folklore. Zandiyeh (1794-1750) have been known as the era in which few scientific texts have been published in terms of the Iranian customs and celebrations. Although the founder of this dynasty, Karim Khan Zand, was a great man, defender of culture, and well known for many years after his death, there is not complete information about his lifestyles in this period because of his short governing period, internal wars to eliminate rivals, limitation of relations with European countries, especially Britain and France, and the incompetence of the kings after him. William Franklin's itinerary is among the few itineraries during this period which refers to the customs of zandiyeh era. William Franklin was an orientalist and officer of the British army. He traveled to Iran in 1786 due to his interest in learning Persian, the history, and Iranian's lifestyles. He was a guest of an Iranian family in Shiraz for eight months. After that, he published the valuable book about zandiyeh era.

    Conclusion 

    The people's customs during Zandiyeh era were influenced by two periods: customs influenced by the ancient and pre-Islamic period, such as the Golrizan ceremony, the sanctification of water and the belief in its healing properties, the Nowruz celebration, poetry and storytelling among the people, belief in spell, witchcraft, and astronomy and the Safavid era. Karim khan wanted to constitute the powerful government in Shiraz. Further, with the invitation of artists from all over the country to Shiraz, some Safavid customs were performed during the period of Zandiyeh, such as believing in the high position of Imam, especially Imam Ali, harboring the criminals in holy places, dividing Shiraz into twelve neighborhoods, believing in sacrifices, congratulating food, some marriage practices, including proper time for weddings, the use of green and red colors in the cloths, some traditions and celebrations like fireworks and rams, Ghorban and Ghadir festivals, Muharram ceremonies with all attributes other than Ta'ziyeh. Some traditions have been introduced in the Zandiyeh period, such as the high use of proverbs and poems while talking, decorating celebrations, some marriage practices such as the dowry of the groom and poetry of the boy in the girl's house before the wedding, some bloody customs such as the marriage between the killer family and victim instead of taking the blood money and the Ta'ziye ceremony, which are common in this period.

    Keywords: Zandiye era, William Franklin, Itinerary, Customs, culture, Iranians
  • Mostafa Saadat *, Ahmad Reza Khosrawy Pages 163-184
    Introduction

    Mutation in DNA, migration, natural selection, type of non-random matting (such as consanguineous marriages) and genetic drift (in small size populations) are factors caused alterations of allelic frequencies in populations (Saadat and Amirshahi 2011, 1-12). The above-mentioned factors are evolutionary forces. Folktales, like living organisms, have evolutionary pathways. Folktales experience sudden changes (mutation), and moving from a population to another population (migration). Some parts of folktales change according to some environmental factors (such as economic, political and cultural), which is very similar to natural selection. Some parts of different folktales join with each other, which is similar to non-random matting. Finally, some large levels of changes randomly occur in folktales in small communities (similar to genetic drift). In biology, there are several methods for clustering organisms (including animal and plants). Two of these methods are 'phenetics' and “phylogenetics” clustering. It should be noted that phenetics methods are based on similarities (or differences) without attention to ancestress. In the present study we tried to clustering of 38 narratives of a very famous Iranian folktale (Sang-e Saboor). Sang-e Saboor is a tale type 894 according to the Aarne-Thompson–Uther tale type index.

    Methodology 

    In order to verify the validity of this hypothesis, in the present study, phenetics clustering analysis of 37 narratives of Sang-e Saboor in Iranian populations (Anjavi-Shirazi 2015, 317-390; Qatali 2010, 229-332; Ardalani 2003; 233-236; Elwell-Sutton 2007, 368-374; Behrangi and Dehqani 2002, 128-132; Pak 2012, 65-67; Sarfi 2008, 21-24; Fagiri 2003, 57-60; Arji 2006, 125-128; Takahara and Vakilian 2002, 97-100; Moaed-Mohseni 2002, 567-568) and a narrative from Afghanistan (Herat) was carried out (Rahmani 1998, 142-146). In the narratives used, a total of 40 features were extracted, some with more than two levels. After converting them to bi-state (zero and one) properties, a total of 53 bi-state characteristics were obtained (Table 1). The clustering was carried out using 'Euclidean distance' and analysis of 'within-group linkage'. Geographical distances between each two locations of narratives were obtain by 'Google Map'. The migration rate between two populations is a function of their geographical distance. Correlation between 'Euclidean distance' and 'geographical distance' was evaluated by Pearson correlation coefficient. Data was entered into the Statistical Package for Social Sciences software (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL, USA) (version 11.5). A P-value less than 0.05 was considered statistical significant. All P values were two-tailed.

    Results and Discussion

    Table 2 should the distance matrix of each narrative with the other 37 narratives. Figure 1 shows the correlation between 'Euclidean distance' and 'geographical distance'. The correlation between geographical and Euclidean distances is statistical significant (r=+0.197, df=701, P<0.001). It should be noted that determination coefficient (r2) to be equal to 0.0388, which it means that about 3.8% of variations in 'Euclidean distances' might be interpreted by geographical distances. Given the weak correlation, the geographical distance cannot explain the differences between narratives. The study narratives were classified in two distinct clusters (Fig. 2). The first and second clusters contains 28 and 10 narratives, respectively. The narratives of the main clusters have major differences, especially in the early stages of the story. In the first cluster, it's predicted that the hero of the story will face a lot of problems in the future, while in 9 out of ten narratives of the second cluster, there is no prediction for the future of the hero of the story. On the other hand, there are similarities between some of narratives of the second cluster and another Iranian folktale (Dokhtar-e narag o torang) (Pak 2012, 173-181; Anjavi-Shirazi 2014, 19-68). It is obvious that the mentioned similarities might be a reflection of their common ancestors. Some investigators used phylogenetic clustering in order to find the evolutionary relationship between different folktales (Ross et al., 2013; O’Brien et al., 2016). Further phylogenetic studies are needed to find the possible common ancestors of Sang-e Saboor and Dokhtar-e narag o torang folktales.

    Keywords: Folktale, Sang-e Saboor, clustering, Phenetics clustering, Iran. ory
  • Ali Kamrani Moghddam *, Parvin Dokht Jahan Kohan Pages 185-201
    Introduction

    The political-military power of different tribes in Iran during the ninth century AH was obvious, especially after the demise of Timur (807AH). In fact, the presence of tribes in the unions and their attempts to survive the battles was the prominent political insight of Iran in the ninth century. Afshar tribe was one of these tribes, entering these unions during the Aq Qoyunlu power-seeking attempts in the ninth century. Due to their high military power, this tribe had a prominent role both after the foundation of the Safavid dynasty and also after the kings' power-seeking attempts after the Shah Ismail until Shah Abbas I. Using their military power, Afshar tribe affected the politics and military relationships. Afshar's people, spread over different areas such as Kohgiluyh, Urmia (Mostofi, 1984, 556), Khorasan (Astarabadi, 1989, 27), and Kerman (Vaziri, 1985, 1505) based on their tribal nature. Because of serving the Safavid dynasty, Afshar tribe became the ruler in some areas, had some governmental jobs, and used their military service to help the Safavid to fight against Uzbeks, Ottoman, and suppress the civil war. This demonstrates Afshar's important role in Safavid dynasty.

    Methodology

    This study aims to study the role of Afshar tribe in forming and establishing the Safavid dynasty independently, using historical research method and using primary sources to collect data. 

    Discussion

    Kashghari has first mentioned Afshar tribe who migrated from Turkestan to Iran (Astarabadi, 1989, 26). This tribe used to live and reign some areas of Iran at the beginning of the Safavid kingdom and throughout their kingdom. These areas include, but are not limited to Kohgiluyeh, Kerman, Hezar Jarib, Khorasan, and Farah (Valeh Esfahani, 1993, 411). Afshars played a key role during the kingdom of the first Safavid king in two parts: founding the Safavid governments (fighting Aq Qoyunlu, the rulers of Şirvan, and then Ottoman and Uzbek governments; and defeating these rivals) and political and governmental positions (ruling states and areas they used to live like Kohgiluye (Mirzasamiaa, 1989, 186) and Kerman (Kermani, 2005, 26). As the Afshar tribe had a significant role in development and sustainability of the Safavid dynasty in the fifty-year kingdom of Shah Tahmasp (930 – 984 AH), they managed to achieve a better situation in this era, and in addition to achieving Biglarbeygi position during the first Safavid king, they achieved Ghoorchibashgari and Amirshekarbashi (Romelo, 1978, 328/12; Turkman, 1971, 110/1). Afshar tribe had an important role in suppressing the rebellions which threatened the Safavid's sovereignty. They also controlled the borders and territorial integrity. An example here is suppressing Khan Ahmad Gilani (Valeh Esfahani, 1993, 353-4), Suppressing Hasan Sultan Rishehri (Hosseini Fasaei, 1988, 395/1). Mahmood Khan Afshar, who was the Biglarbeygi of Kohgiluyeh, accompanied Shah Tahmasp in the fight against Sultan Suleiman, who was the Ottoman king (Shah Tahmasp, 1913, 53-55). Khosro Sultan Koroghli, the leader of Afshars in Khorasan, reinforced the position of the Safavid in that area after the demise of Ubayd Allah Khan Uzbek in 946AH (Turkman, 1971, 93/1). The kingdom of Shah Abbas the Great should be considered as the climax of power and emergence of Afshar tribe in political-organizational structure of the Safavid dynasty. Afshar tribe has had a great role in Shah Abbas's getting into power (Falsafi, 1968, 128/1 and 121). Vali Khan as Kerman's ruler who was Ghoorchi Bashi (Turkman, 1971, 402/2), Baktash Khan as Yazd's ruler, and Yusef Khan as Abarghoo's ruler can be mentioned as Afshar's rulers who had some roles and positions in this era (Monajjem Yazdi, 1987, 72 and 82). Afshars had an important role in protecting the borders and fighting against exterior enemies. As an example, at the beginning of Shah Abbas's sovereignty, Afshar's kings in Kerman, led by Mostafa Khan Afshar, managed to defeat Uzbek forces from Khorasan (Turkman, 1971, 456/2). Urmia's Afshar, led by Ghasem Sultan, took charge of protecting the western borders (ibid., 1085/2 – 925).

    Conclusion 

    Afshar tribe showed a significant military performance since the dawn of the Safavid dynasty. Piri Beyg, Parvanchi Afshar, and Dane Beyg were among the rulers who helped Ismaeil to be the king. When facing the attack from the enemies, Afshar rulers had a pivotal role. Therefore, the military nature of Afshar tribe was in line with one aspect of Safavid government, that is reliance on the military power of its allied forces. In the 11th century AH, like the tenth century, the military power of the tribe was used to reinforce and consolidate the Safavid dynasty. Since Shah Abbas the Great's time, rulers such as Yusef Khan and Vali Khan became the Ghoorchibashi, an elite position in the Safavid government. Appointing the heads of Afshar tribe to different positions continued at the time of Shah Abbas the Great. For instance, Yaghoob Beyg who was Afshar's Yuzbashi, became Khan. Anyway, it should be considered that at the end of the Safavid dynasty, the mutual relationship between Afshar and Safavid dynasty faded as all Ghezelbash's tribes. One important factor in the decline of the Safavid dynasty in 1135 AH was the lack of relationship between Ghezelbash's tribes and the Safavid dynasty.

    Keywords: Afshar tribe, Safavid government, Military power, Tribes, Governmental positions
  • Mohsen Mirzaie * Pages 203-218
    Introduction

    In the Manichaean Ms. M538 (verso), corresponding to ag3 in A Reader in Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian (Boyce, 1975, 92) there is a sentence which was translated by scholars with some added words or phrases as well as few comments laid in round brackets by them; so that, in the sentence in question, because of the ambiguity of the meaning followed by the obscurity of the syntax, we see no more than uncertain translation.  In the present article, the phrase that is the subject of discussion contains a difficult word in a short sentence, the inexplicable syntactical structure of which has not been unlocked in any way. This word is the Parthian semi-hapax “pdm’dg /padmādag/” and it is the very basic element causing some obscurity in the meaning of that phrase. But, by scrutinizing any available evidence of “pdm’d(g)” in Parthian, and only one (pym’d /paymād) in Manichaean middle Persian, which we have, the problem in that case is to be solved to provide us the relatively exact meaning (as far as possible) of this word, then, it might resolve the unclear concept of that phrase and sentence in Ms. M538. There is also another word (pd /pad/) that fairly clears up the phrase but those scholars who took this text into consideration did not pay much attention to it.

    Methodology

    Although there are five or six samples in Manichaean Parthian and Middle Persian fragments for “pdm’d” and its derivatives, due to badly preserved texts, either the two side of this word is lost, or by studying the remnant of the phrase, it is impossible to approach the logical concept of the matter related by the author; therefore, every word like these are in the same situation like a hapax. Thus, alongside considering the precious academic studies done by scholars, we have to scan all of the fragmentary evidence of “pdm’dg” to make an inference about the original proper meaning of this word in the phrase M538, which one of the literal meanings of “pdm’dg” could approximately fit with it. This means that according to this plan every direct fragment must be exhibited here, and any related suggestions made by scholars need to be under discussion. 

    Discussion 

    Ten lines of Ms. M538 recto is about veneration of Father of Greatness and the rest lines have been distorted. The verso begins with blessing of twelve Aeons and then ether, praised earth and shiny inhabitants of [light world] are venerated; in this part it runs: “kādūš kādūš ō šahrān rōšnān, kē pad tō wuzurgīft radanīn padmādag ahēnd”. Only the last part of this was translated by Boyce as: “who are apportioned (?) (as) Jewels (?)” (Boyce, 1975: 92). Mirfakhraie rendered it into “holy, holy to realms of light which are appointed by your greatness jewels” (Mirfakhraie, 2008: 87). By adding a word to his translation, Klimkeit translated it with passive voice without any explanation about that; then (in note no.6) he made reference to a view proposed by Sundermann who pointed it out to him (Klimkeit, 1993, 30, 33). It seems that there is no disagreement between scholars about inflection and the meaning of “padmādag”; this word is past participle of “padmād-” “measure”, but for several reason mentioned above, its syntactical role in M538 has remained still unknown. In Mirfakhraie and Boyce’s translations “kē” which refers to “šahrān” is the subject of the sentence and “padmādag” becomes predicate of that. In Klimkeit’s, the translation is unclear, but in the comment suggested by Sundermann “padmādag” has been rendered two times: once as a past simple verb (appointed) and later as an adjective (fitting) for “radanīn”; so, by this latter interpretation, “padmādag” is not predicate but adjective for the predicate (= radanīn). The simplified form of this sentence is “šahrān pad tō wuzurgīft radanīn padmādag ahēnd”. Now considering this, there are two notes offered below: 1) as it has been recognized by Sundermann, in this sentence, “padmādag” is an adjective and not the predicate. 2) Therefore, the matter in this phrase is “to fit jewels” into the Greatness of Father, and this is that significance which was presumably stressed by the author, thus “padmādag” in that case is not predicate here but adjective for the predicate. By this analysis, it can be said that the Aeons placed on the Greatness of Father are actually “implanted jewels set up on (pad) or situated within Greatness of you (oh, Father!)”. Moreover, in Manichaean texts (like ax2 or al3; see Boyce, 1975: 107, 96), the Aeons are addressed as jewels [of + adjective, or appositive]. By art of jewelry-making and facet, a jewel-maker who measures and places gems on precious metal is known as “stone-setter”; thus, in that phrase the suitable translation for “padmādag” could be some synonym words like “implanted, placed, appointed”. Thus, by this explanation, syntactical structure of the phrase became properly complete, so that without any added or omitted words, or frequent usage of question marks and parenthesis, the whole concept of the sentence would be unveiled: “holy, holy to shiny Aeons who are the placed jewels on your Greatness [oh, Father!]”. Further evidence of this word is listed below in brief: 1. In well-preserved M6040, line 9, there is the infinitive form “padmādan” which means “make measurement, pouring (something) into a vessel” (Sundermann, 1981, 87). 2. In M8100, line 14, the past participle “padmād” can be rendered as verb, past simple tense, 3rd sg. (as plur.) pass., which means “[the Aeons] was measured”; or adjective which means “fitted, adorned [Aeones]”. 3. In M101h, line 5, “padmād” is past simple verb, 3rd sg., and it possibly means “placed, settled” in: “the earth settled trees and spring with …”(cf. Henning’s translation: “keep measured the mixture (?)”, for “zamīg” had been read by him as “wimēg”; see Henning, 1943: 63). According to Sundermann’s view, in M101h we do not have a single word as “pdm’d /padmād/”, and this transliteration might be wrong; for actually there are two words which must be transliterated separately to “pd /pad/” and “m’d /mād/” (mother), since there is a significant gap between these; then he gives an incomplete unrelated example with a question mark denoting his uncertainty (Sundermann, 1975, 299, n. 18). 4. In M433a, line 4, we see the only remained form (pymʼd /paymād/) in Manichaean middle Persian fragments; but in this case the syntactical structure of the phrase is not comprehensible at all. Although this fragment is a very small fraction of a paper, but “paymād” must be past simple verb, 3rd singular, having “š” as agent; therefore, here it means “he measured”. 

    Conclusion

    An analysis of the entire fragmentary texts indicates that M538 and M6040 contain the best possible complete evidence (verb, participle and infinitive forms) existing in M.Parth. and M.Mper. manuscripts. Thus at first step the researcher has to base his study almost entirely on these fragments, then, he can, if needed, apply other evidence to check the meaning and significance of “pdm’d(ag)”, and see how much his translation is in accordance with the real concept of the text. Since there is no sufficient evidence of “padmādag” to approach or find out the close significance of this word, we necessarily have to rely upon syntactical analyzing of the phrase. According to this attitude, it is proposed here that in M538, “padmādag” is the adjective for the predicate and here this adjective means “placed, implanted, appointed” or so on. g. re.

    Keywords: Parthian, Manichaean texts, M538 (verso), Hapax, Pdm’d
  • Saeed Najafinejad* Pages 219-247
    Introduction

    In addition to creating political developments, the emergence of the Safavids brought about many cultural changes in Iran. One of these changes was in historiography, which created changes not only in the appearance, but also in the content, and changed the way historians recorded the events. The promotion of the Twelver Shi'ism was one of the most important issues that the Safavid historians focused on in their works. Meanwhile, in the historiography of this age, the character of Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (AS) as an individual who was a common role model for the Shiites and Sufis has been taken into account from different aspects. After Safavids swept into power in Iran, a special unity among Iranians was formed to consolidate Shiism, and the attention paid to the Ahlul-Beit (PBUH) and, specifically, Imam Ali (AS) in the literary and artistic works of this period, was even beyond what was expected at the beginning of this dynasty. The historians of the Safavid era were considered elites who played a significant role in introducing the image of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) as the hidden aid for Safavids in their extraordinary political, social achievements.

    Methodology 

    In this research, we will try to investigate the reasons why the historians of the Safavid era wrote so much about the various dimensions of Imam Ali’s (AS) character, and tried to depict the general image Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) in the historiography of the Safavid era logically and without any Shia sentiments. This research deals with the above-mentioned issues through utilizing a descriptive-analytic method. This research is based on the evidence extracted from the historical resources of the Safavid era and analyses have been presented along with the various topics discussed in this paper. Even in some cases, through a comparative outlook, a certain issue which has been addressed by two historians is compared and by doing so we have avoided being biased and try to pay special attention to the real truth.   

    Discussion

    The introduction of the status of Imam Ali (AS) to the Safavid authorities and the general public was one of the most important objectives that the historians of the Safavid era sought to institutionalize by narrating stories about Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) in the community. The introduction of Amirul-Mu'minin (AS) ,as the first role model of the Shia was accompanied by many praises regarding the character of Imam Ali (AS). Most of the historians of the Safavid period, who recorded the events of the Safavid government’s sweeping to power, referred to the great event of declaring Shiism as the official religion in the Tabriz Mosque, and specifically mentioned the reciting of the statement: "Ashhad Ana Aliun Valiol Lah" after many years. Uttering this statement was forbidden during the ruling of Sunni officials in Iran but the historians reported this event in their writings proudly. Also, historians of this period have recorded the stories related to the status of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) in the eyes of Safavid kings which shows the respect they had for Amir al-Mu'minin (AS). The response of Shah Ismail to the sarcastic statement of Shibak Khan Uzbek, clearly shows his attitude regarding Amir al-Mu'minin (AS), and this event was recorded by one of the Safavid writers. In a sarcastic letter to Shah Isma'il, Shibak Khan Uzbek wrote: " Ismail Mirza must know that  we wish to go on pilgrimage to Mecca. Please make sure that all the broken bridges in our way are repaired. We are not interested in seizing the destroyed land of Iraq so we will not rest until we have captured  Mecca and Medina . On the back of the letter, Shah Isma'il wrote: Anyone who does not serve our Imam (Ali) will have nothing even if he has 100 Mecca and Medina "(unknown author, 1984, 259). Also, the history of the Safavid era is full of writings about dreaming. A significant number of these dreams was about saying Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) and receiving guidelines on how to make decisions in difficult situations. In most cases, the dreams were related to Shah Isma'il and Shah Tahmasb, in which, intentionally or unintentionally, these kings are introduced as superhuman. These dreams were retold by Shah Isma'il and Shah Tahmasb, which strengthened the devotion and belief of the disciples of the Safavids towards them. Part of the material written by the historians of the Safavid period regarding Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) in their books relates directly or indirectly to the discussion of relating the Safavids to the family of the Ahlul well-Bayt (PBUH). By doing this, they have confirmed the Safavids’ nobility, either unwillingly or unwillingly. Among the other effects mentioned in the history of the Safavid era about Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) are the issues raised about Imam Ali's holy shrine. These reports mainly speak of the pilgrimage of this holy place by the Safavid kings, the burial of the main figures of this period in the holy shrine and the news about the construction work of the holy shrine. Supplicating to the infallible Imams (AS) and asking help from them was one of the most common issues in the Safavid era, which, has not been ignored by the historians of this era and has been pointed out on several occasions. Safavid kings did most of these supplications and there are also stories of supplications of others. Of all the Imams (AS), Imam Ali (AS) was the main focus of such writings, and the second Imam was the center of attention was Imam Reza (AS) to whom people referred for help in the history of the Safavid period.

    Conclusion 

    The historians of the Safavid period have been the most effective individuals to introduce the Safavids' intentions and religious beliefs. In their writings, these historians, who, like the Safavids themselves, followed Twelver Shiism, supported the Safavid dynasty and advocated their actions in expanding Shiism in various ways. In the Safavid period, historians wrote about Ahlul Beit (peace be upon him) and, in particular, Imam Ali (AS), without creating a new style compared to their predecessors, they took advantage of the previous writing styles but gave them a religious fragrance, and focused on spreading Shiite culture. Historians of the Safavid period made great attempts to clarify the position of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) in their works. They did so by focusing on the name of Imam Ali (PBUH) in an effort to explain the status of Imam Ali by narrating the dreams and vision, supplications, asking for help from the Imams and introducing the family of Safavid as the descendants of Imam Ali (AS) and spreading news about the holy shrine of Imam Ali. Considering the popularity of Imam Ali (AS) as a moral role model that was the link between Shiism and Sufism, the historians expressed the connection the Safavids had with the shining example of courage and spirituality, which could have turned the situation in favor of Safavids at the beginning of the ruling. The highest number of spiritual stories regarding Imam Ali in the historiography of Safavid era was related to Shah Ismail and Shah Tahmasb, and but later when Shia jurists took on the religious leadership and fought against Sufism, which had developed from the beginning of Shah Ismail’s ruling and reached its highest point during Shah Tahmasb’s ruling, rationality and pragmatism in religion took the place of dreaming and focusing on supernatural elements.

    Keywords: Amir al-Mo'menin Ali (AS), Historiography, Safavieh, Historians
  • Mehrdad Nosrati * Pages 249-274
    Introduction

    The purpose of this research is the study of the character, position and style of Molla Ghasem Mashadi in his divan. Although there are several poets and works of art in Indian literary style of Persian literature, which still have not been investigated, a survey on Molla Ghasem Mashadi’s character and poetry is of a great importance. Molla Ghasem demonstrates the characteristics of Indian literary style in such a way that his divan may be called the paradigm of Indian style. Images of his poetry are made of several layers and are the appearance of the artistic imagery. He compounds his thoughts with precise imagination and leaves the readers in a labyrinth of them. Molla Ghasem is also the missing link between his pupil, Bidel, and his master, Saib Tabrizi. A survey on his divan makes the university students, scholars and ordinary readers of literature familiar with this litterateur, and make them enjoy his poetry. 

     Methodology 

    In this survey which is conveyed based on laboratory data and fulfilled by a descriptive comparative analysis method, after introducing the character and the divan of Molla Ghasem, which is important because of its unfamiliarity, we will discussed the poetry style of this Indian style poet. These studies are held based on Karl Vossler and his clientele in stylistics. To Vossler poetry and the language of it is the same thing and literariness of a literary text is important. Up to him, a stylist scholar should care about affection parameters as well as the structure of the poem. This way, all the language characteristics (as an expression tool) are studied and the era of the survey is vast enough. In this paper, based on Vossler’s method, the scholar focuses on the text itself and tries to find out the rules governing the course which causes the elements and linguistic pattern make the meaning and aesthetic effect. Accordingly, the objective stylistics is maintained. (Abrams, 2008, P. 434) thus, firstly the formalistic factors are discussed and then linguistic features and the formation of side, inner and semantic harmony beside the compound-making, contents, imagery and affection of Ghasem’s poems are studied.

    Discussion 

    After the erroneous imperfect lithography printout of Divan of Ghasem, the dumb, in India (1877) this is for the first time that it is completely and correctly printed in Iran containing about three thousands verses in five sections which are “speech’s home” with four hundreds sonnets, “the chain of flame” with one hundred and seventy five semi-sonnets, “sight’s wing” with thirty four quatrains, “silence’s pupil” with six couplets, and “the arrow of sigh” with sixty eight frequently strong mono-verses. Ghasem’s poetry is temporally and characteristically in the range of Indian poetry style. Considering the outer music of the poems, his quatrains, couplets and mono-verses form only five percent of Ghasem’s divan and all the rest ninety five percent is formed by his sonnets and semi-sonnets. With a frequency rate of 22%, the most common rhythm of the sonnets and semi-sonnets of Ghasem’s poems is Ramal- Mosadath- Mahzoof. In Ghasem’s divan the most important point about side music and rhyme is repetition. All the verbal and semantic technics form the inner harmony of a poem. (Shafie Kadkani, 1997, P. 296) Ghasem Mashadi uses the poetry technics to increase the aesthetic features of his words. As we already said about his verbal technics and rhyme, repetition is the most efficient tool of the poet, but it is limited to the rhyme. Tarsi, as a Persian poetry technic, needs the poet’s mind to be well musical, and at the same time, caring about the meaning not to be sacrificed. Ghasem Mashadi in his poetry has fulfilled this difficult duty very carefully. He knows the semantic technics, like simile, metaphor and proportionality…, as well verbal ones and utilizes them in their proper cases. Ghasem’s poetic language comprises innovations which bedights his poetry with his noble signature. Using slang words, colloquial expressions and folksy thoughts in poems are Ghasem’s another lingual characteristic in his Indian literary style. Imagination and precise thoughts are of semantic properties of his poems. Ghasem’s rare ability in creating images is obvious through his divan entirely, but the same point has been the cause of his poetry being condemned to obscurity and ambiguity. In most of his works the evidences of an earthly love are apparent. The mad Ghasem has criticizes himself so many times and these self-criticisms are both about his mental-psychic and corporal situation.

    Conclusion 

    Molla Ghasem Mashadi, known as 'dumb', is an able 19th century poet whose birthday and death time are not so clear and like so many of other Safavid poets is unknown in Persian literature. He makes poems in Indian poetry style and successfully utilizes the facilities of the style to improve his poetry. He was a pupil of Saib Tabrizi and has attended his presence in Isfahan, while the similarities between his and Bidel’s poetry make his literary impression on Bidel believable. His divan consists of more than three thousands verses in sonnet, semi-sonnet, quatrain, couplet and mono-verse forms. Sonnets and semi-sonnets, which cover the ninety five percent of his divan are composed in different rhythms. Rhyme and rows which fulfill the side music of Ghasem’s poems has characteristics that make his works of art particular. Several evidences show that he overuses repetition technic for making the rhymes, so that it seems to be out of his weakness in word knowledge. Ghasem shows fondness to poetic rows and rarely makes poems without them. Rows of his poems are in 45% of case a verb,in 30% a noun or a noun-ending one, and in 25% of his verses a letter or a letter-ending row. Molla Ghasem’s poetry is free of overusing of literary technics, while he often utilizes the verbal and semantic ones. Repetition is not limited to the rhyme and is his very frequent literary device. As other Indian style poems, exaggerating similes and metaphors are very abundant in Ghasem’s poetry. Other devices like allegory, proportional similarity and paradox are affluent in his poems as well. Among his narrative exemplum, references to Leyli & Majnoon, Khidr & the life spring, Solomon and his ring and his vast kingdom are respectively the most frequent subjects that Ghasem’s narrative exemplum are based on. Ghasem’s literary language is specific. Utilizing slang words, colloquial expressions and folksy thoughts, awesome words, frequent allusion, motif-like possessives should be added to the stylistics of this poet. Imagery and precise thoughts are so deep in his poetry that causes his impeachment to ambiguity. At the same time, focusing on his poetry and finding out the image which has been imagined by the poet, Acquits him of that. The subject of love is much an earthly one in his poetry, while the evidences of a spiritual love are found as well. One of Ghasem’s poetry specifications is auto-criticism. Auto-criticisms of Ghasem are mainly focused on his character, and the reader can understand his sad spirit and growing weakness in his body.

    Keywords: Molla Mohammad Ghasem, Divan of Ghasem the dumb, Indian style