فصلنامه مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 59 (زمستان 1398)

In this article, an attempt has been made to explain the necessity for creating an approach to Islamic social science from the perspective of the international meaningfulness arising from the Islamic Revolution, and based on the reconstruction of Morteza Motaharichr('39')s conception of the relationship between the two. Epistemologically and culturally, the Islamic Revolution should be considered as a turning point that put Iranian society on a different historical path. This fact causes the Islamic Revolution not to use modern social science in order to understand and design society. The main question is what in Motaharichr('39')s thought is the necessity of Islamic social science from the perspective of the international meaningfulness arising from the Islamic Revolution? To solve this problem, Motahharichr('39')s writings have been studied by the method of qualitative content analysis. Finally, we came to the conclusion that why the production of Islamic social science goes back to three things: "achieving the quorum of Islamic monotheism", "protecting the independence of our epistemological and social world", and "the inability of secular social science to understand our social realities.

After the Shiites came to power in Iran as an important player in the world system, other Shiites who were scattered in different parts, after watching this revolution, gained a spirit of self-confidence and came out of political isolation and dared to protest against their countrychr('39')s sovereignty. These continuous protests of the Shiite minority in different countries led to the emergence of Shiite parties in these areas. This surprised the world and turned the eyes of all scholars in the field of culture, civilization and politics to the Shiite world. Therefore, this article tries to answer the question with an explanatory method that what role did the Islamic Revolution in Iran play in the process of recovering contemporary Shiism? Therefore, it can be stated that there are deep connections between the Islamic Revolution and contemporary Shiism in such a way that each leads to the strengthening of the other.

The question of the present study intended to answer with a descriptive-analytical approach is: How may the effects of Islamophobia on the cultural relations between the IRI and the West during the post-Islamic Revolution era be assessed? The hypothesis of the study is that the phenomenon of Islamophobia in the cultural dimension during the recent years and even decades in a creeping and slow progress has left its limited and informal form and embodied purposefully within a formal and legal frameworks at three levels: 1) at the government level in the form of decisions made in the think tank; 2) The level of public space of society in the form of verbal and physical violence as well as in the form of discrimination in civil rights; And 3) Media level in the form of negative image-making.

After the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1978 and the turmoil in Iran-US relations, despite limited cooperation such as the IRGCchr('39')s assistance in the US military attack on Taliban positions, relations between the two countries have been in a "state of tension." With the transformation of the international system, the environment, and the actors in the post-cold war era, the United States, with its leadership in the field of science, sought to increase its soft power, especially in its engagement with Iran, by taking advantage of scientific diplomacy. This study seeks to investigate the question of what components explain the use of US scientific diplomacy in cooperation with Iran. Using a qualitative method and collecting data from internet and library sources, the hypothesis is tested that the application of US scientific diplomacy in cooperation with Iran to increase soft power can be explained based on the components of purposeful interaction, confidence building and homogenization.

The prediction of the destruction of Israel made by the Supreme Leader, like any other prediction, is based on a set of epistemological, ontological, anthropological, theological and value foundations. The present study seeks to answer the main question: what theoretical basis is the prediction of the destruction of Israel by the Supreme Leader based? The present study, in the first step, deals with the semantics of prediction and its importance and challenges. And it has considered the common value and nature of human beings and in the end, it has enumerated the Qurchr('39')anic evidences of the correctness of the obtained results.

The authority of a government is the most important way to achieve goals, stability, and maintain its structure. The leader of a society is one of the most influential factors of its national authority. The leaderchr('39')s management strategies play a decisive role in the authority of society. Ayatollah Khamenei, who has been the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran for many years, has emphasized the importance of national authority during his leadership. The present article seeks to examine the material factors of national authority in his statements as well as its Qurchr('39')anic principles. This article is a part of descriptive-exploratory research which has examined the national authority in Ayatollah Khameneichr('39')s statements by the method of content analysis and MaxQDA software and then extracted its Quranic principles. As may be found in Ayatollah Khamenei`s statements, the Factors of national authority may be divided into two parts: material and spiritual. Material factors are: officials, science and technology, people, armed forces, economy, population and young generation, revolution and revolutionaryism and elections, respectively, all having Quranic basis.

The tobacco boycott took place at a time when there was fierce competition between the two colonial powers, Russia and Britain, on Iran. Britain and Russia were each linked to the tobacco ban movement to the extent of their goals and interests. Britain had Reggie concessions, and the Russians tried to prevent Reggie concessions in order to limit British influence and restore their lost influence. This has led some analysts to attribute much of this competition to the boycott movement, to the point that some see the boycott as a premeditated plan by the Russians. The main question of the research is whether the competition between Russia and Britain in Iran was such that the tobacco embargo could be considered as a product of it? Could the tobacco boycott movement, as it happened, have served Russiachr('39')s goals and interests against Britain? In this article, using the analytical-historical method and relying on the origional documents and sources, first the quality and quantity of this competition is examined and the real extent of Russiachr('39')s influence evaluated and then the views of the sanctions movement are examined critically. Tobacco is introduced by the Russians as a plan to weaken Britain.

The question of the stude is: what is Imam Khomeinichr('39')s opinion about Velayat-e-Faqih? How does he base his view on reasonable foundations? What role does it play in proving its intellectual foundations and political jurisprudential opinions about Velayat-e-Faqih? For this purpose, his argumentative and principled jurisprudential texts, opinions and rules have been studied based on the method of content analysis. As described in the study, he accepted the reason as one independent agent for the principles of inference throughout the book and tradition. The use of reason in deriving Sharichr('39')a rules in the works of Imam Khomeini reaches its ultimate degree where he establishes an institution as an expediency. Imam Khomeini first expressed his views on Velayat-e-Faqih in the book "Kashf-e Asrar"; in that book he proved the necessity of law and government in human society with a rational proof.

In religious sources, general guardianship, wilayati amm, is considered for jurisprudents, and the jurisprudent guardian, wali faqih, considering his position of jurisprudence, is of a general guardianship in the Islamic government, just as the guardianship of the Holy Prophet (s) and Ahl al-Bayt is general, because the jurisprudence is the guardianship of the Messenger of God. The interference of the Prophet (PBUH) and the Ahl al-Bayt in all the affairs of the people, even in the privacy of individuals, is done on the basis of expedience. There may be found some historical examples that prove this claim, considering that the Supreme Leader has authority over other jurists in managing society. Regarding the intervention of the Supreme Leader in such matters as marriage, small children ... it can be said that the limit of authority of the Supreme Leader includes individuals` privacy also. And if these two principles are observed in the authority of the Supreme Leader, no one can violate the ruling of the Supreme Leader based on interfering in the privacy of individuals based on expedience.

The aim of this study is to study and achieve the oversight system of Islam and the Constitution of the IRI in the field of peoplechr('39')s oversight of the government with an emphasis on the knowledge system of Nahj al-Balagheh and the articles of the IRI Constitution. This research is performed at the descriptive-analytical level with a library-based method. The authorchr('39')s studies showed that religious sources, especially Nahj al-Balaghah and also the IRI`s Constitution, consider public oversight in the Islamic political system inevitable and give it a special place and consider it as a necessary constructive and deterrent factor to protect the system from harm. And for this reason, awareness of the people and officials with the context of public oversight and fathfulness to it in practice, which introduces religious teachings and principles of the constitution as effective examples of oversight, protects society from deviations and harms.