پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال پانزدهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 59، تابستان 1399)

Following social changes at the turn of the twentieth century, women's movements emerged in many countries around the world. With the growing nationalist tendencies in the developing world, in Iran, at the same time as the constitutional movement, and in Egypt, as the country struggled for independence, women struggled to achieve some of their social rights. From 1285 to 1342 AD, the spread of modernist and nationalist ideas played a major role in the movements of these societies. This research is a comparative study between nationalism and women's movement in Iran and Egypt and has been used to collect information from library and study sources and research-descriptive method and comparative studies to analyze the data. To answer to what extent the nationalist activities in these two countries have influenced the emergence and trend of the women's movement, what are the similarities and differences between the women's movements in these two countries in a certain period of time? The research findings show that in none of these countries has the women's movement acted as an independent social phenomenon with an ideology defined by women, but has been completely dependent on the dominant political and social dynamics of society and on the margins of existing political currents and influenced by Eastern and Western ideologies. In the developments of women in Egypt and Iran, we find that Egypt has been more successful and progressive in almost all women's achievements than in Iran.

The constitutional movement, which was drafted during the decline of the Qajar dynasty, as an immediate consequence of constitutionalism, is one of the turning points in the contemporary history of Iran. Despite the struggles of the constitutionalists, the output of the first Iranian constitution was to weaken the idea of monarchy and to pave the way for Reza Shah to gain power by creating an exceptional situation. The state of exception is a vacuum, indicating a kind of imbalance between politics and public and leverage rights. Whereby the holder of the monopoly of decision-making can concentrate power in his favor by removing legal obstacles and even the law itself. In such a situation, Reza Shah found the opportunity to gain the power. He had no legitimizing support to justify his monarchy, not only did he not turn his back on the constitution and abrogate it, but also, by stating his allegiance to the law, he sought to create an exceptional situation to cover the way for the suspension and consequent seizure of power. Thus, the question of this article is: Despite the constitution, how did the rise of Sardar Sepah to power from the Ministry of War to the monarchy go smoothly? It is hypothesized that Sardar Sepah, using the created emergency situation, Suspended the constitutionalizing of political. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical based on historical data and the framework of Agamben's theory of exceptional situation.

The confrontation of “us” against “others” is one of the paramount mind-challenging issues for Iranian intellectuals and scholars for many years before the Iranian Constitution. The present dissertation aims to address the issue concerning how the “collective self” or our perception of being “side by side” or “against the others” is conceived from Mikhail Bakhtin’s viewpoint. To this end, it was attempted to analyze the hypotheses contained in Bakhtin’s thought system to understand and interpret the qualities of our interactions with others. Accordingly, Chantal Mouffe’s approach toward statesmanship was employed to examine the hypothesis of confrontation manner between “us” against “the others” regarding the identity and development discourse. This discourse has been improved during the contemporary period despite the efforts of intellectuals and politicians of the era in terms of understanding and recognizing the other (as in modernity). Eventually, it led to the strengthening of monologue-hostile discourse by the regimes, and dialogue with “the others” was realized in an inadequate and fragile manner during some periods. It appears that the concept of Bakhtinian dialogism along with Mouffe’s political language can be interpreted and employed to block dialogue in today’s Iranian society concerning the aspects of this confrontation

Today’s World is experiencing some profound transformations which heralds a paradigm transition. This new situation arises two central questions: first, which are the main features of this transition? Second, how they influence Iran country? Generally speaking, paradigm transition does contain the transformation in social relations formation and advent of new social movements. This transition has to do with the advent of new phase of subject, that is to say, “personal subject” which could lead to the renaissance if the political. This renaissance has embodied in different ways which could be identified in various conceptions such as “identity politics”, “life politics” and “subpolitics”. Evolution in the processes of democratization is one of the most important symptoms of recreation of the political. This study applying the paradigm method aims to analyze the transformations in social relation formation and in civil society which has brought about the necessity of renaissance in the political. Mentioned transformations affect our country, Iran. Nowadays in Iran the transformation in social relations formation is completely eminent and it goes hand in hand with evolution in the attitudes, actions and values of new generation. Moreover, we see that Ideologies are enfeebling and the life politics is strengthening. This evolution could underlay the renaissance of the political.

The process of governmental change mark the beginning by the nineteenth and early twenty century in Iran. Multiple of forces burn in this time and Modern Knowledge is basic of them. Most of part knowledge related to Medicine and Psychiatry. Knowledge finds basic position among challenges of power. In the social context it impacts as whole and detail (subjectivity) that makes new changes of psychological subject. This paper seeks to reveal part of this rupture and adaptation around Medicine. Impacts and alter of the Iranian society is deference in this condition, some of political power accepted new discourse of knowledge and other hand makes opposite it. Therefore, a significant part of the government, under the influence of this knowledge, enters a new field that shapes of the existing discourse in Iran. The perceptual process of this change proceeds in such a way that the fixed, traditional, and long-standing of the rule of the relatively subject enters a new form of subjectivity and self-conception or self-regulation. On the other hand, relationship between subject and new knowledge make some techniques of self and other side social body as global metaphor born in this era. Methodology of this text is genealogy. perceptual process of this change or influence proceeds in such a way that the fixed, traditional and long-standing nature of governance, as well as the relatively homogeneous subject, enters a new form of mentality and imagination.

The main question of the present study is what effect does social development have on political culture? In answer to this question, Leftovich's theory of historical development, Almond's typology of political culture, and the indicators of social development of the ISS have been used. The research method is quantitative and research data were collected by a questionnaire. The statistical population is the citizens of the five districts of Rasht. The results of the research confirm this main hypothesis of the research which increases the level of participatory political culture by increasing the indicators of social development. The political culture of the majority of the people of Rasht is subordinate and the rate of social development in the people of Rasht is less than average. There is also a significant difference between people in different areas of Rasht in terms of social development, which indicates the confirmation of the research hypotheses.

Nostalgia or "past regret" is a central concept in contemporary identity and political discourse. Understanding nostalgia and its dimensions and angles in psychological, cultural, and social theories reflects the state of despair and fundamental alienation and temporal-spatial displacement, the emergence of a kind of deprivation and longing for the past, and the focus on the past. Symbolizing and ritualizing the legacy of the past, revealing the past and distant and pure worlds and free from conflict, present and future confiscation in favor of the past, restoration of lost past, idealization of the past, golden exploration of the nation's past and Futurism means a return to the realities of the realm of identity-political nostalgia. The necessity of discussing nostalgia is that nostalgic thinking has taken root among some of us Iranians as a mechanism of psychological defense to expel unpleasant emotional themes and subconsciously rooted for relief, conflict, and anxiety. The focus of this article is to analyze the nostalgic thought in contemporary Iran from a political perspective. Thus, the discussion of why the past is sheltered and nostalgic ideas are discussed in an attempt to restore the lost past. The main question is what is the nature and functions of nostalgia and how has it been reproduced in contemporary Iran? The hypothesis of the article is that nostalgia, above all, "involves negation" and "revolution against existing patterns and procedures", by resorting to the past by avoiding existing problems and through Empathize with its legacy.