فصلنامه سیاست
سال پنجاهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 55، پاییز 1399)

Theology of the New-Salafism, like the traditional Salafism believes in a literal interpretation of the texts, it values practice and it has an affinity with technology. New-Salafists, comparing to the traditional Salafi movement, and Vahhabi Salafi, has a more conciliatory approach toward the Western world, women’s right and modernity. Besides, due to the attractive promises, plain literature, and no theological complexities, the New-Salafism has attracted so many Muslims and non-Muslims all around the world. In this study we will introduce Muhammad-ibn Abdul Rahman Al’ Arifi, one of the New-Salafi thinkers. We will examine his books and his influence among social media to investigate the relationship between the rhetoric and literature used in books of this contemporary New-Salafi thinker and his popularity in Islamic world, specifically. As for the lack of studies in this field, it was necessary to refer to the most of his translated books and to classify them according to subjects and their structure in order to get a more comprehensive look on the works and thoughts of this thinker. In this study, we have used heuristic method.

This study analyzes Mullah Sadra's critiques and innovations and among Islamic philosophers finds his thoughts and attitudes close to the concept of Derrida's "deconstruction "more than anyone else. Accordingly, article introduces Mulla sadra as a dissident and unhappy thoughtful philosopher with radical questioning style that although many do not consider him as a political thinker- Because he has not entered the political sphere-but according to harsh criticism towards Himself contemporary superficials Sufis and with Drawing Transcendental Wisdom, we can put him among Political theorists and philosophers. Mulla sadra propound Innovative topics in Mystical and philosophical sphere like existence, Substantial Motion and Bodily resurrection that seems representing such plans and reveling Adversity of Safavid government. His critique pushed him forward to find a deconstructionist language. In this regard, criticism, exposing contradictions and otherness that is the main factor of “deconstructing”, will be examined in Mullah Sadras Platform. The findings indicate that there are comunalities between Sadra and Derrida. However, we face the fact that in some of issues these two chracters are different from one another. Derrida’s ideology on phenomenology focuses only on human throwness to being in the present world; however, Mullah Sadras emphasizes on the significance of ecology and does not believe that death is the end of Heidegger’s Dasein and Derrida’s subject. Mullah Sadra’s Hermeneutic meaning attempts to determine the author’s intention based on the capacity, While from Derrida’s deconstructionist view, author death is of utmost importance. Derrida’s deconstructionist view contains continuously renewed pessimism toward things affirmed and approved. In contrary, Mullah Sadra believes in illustrative seeking perfection and aggravation in his total deconstructionism. That is, human ignorance is obviating the vitiations specific to his time in this condition.

EU common foreign and security policy (CFSP) is a milestone in the history of European integration which was born under Maastricht's treaty. Based on the provisions of Maastricht Treaty, the promotion and consolidation of democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms are outlined as objectives of a common foreign and security policy. Since then, the European Union presented itself as ((Normative Power)). The present article seeks to theoretically examine the EU's common foreign and security policy decision-making process and to answer whether it is possible in practice to follow the European norms as announced. The research findings show that due to the intergovernmental nature of the common foreign and security policy decision-making process, the interests of the member states prioritize over European norms and member states only allow the European Union, as long as they are, to operate as a normative power in foreign and security policy that it does not conflict with their vital national interests.

The hegemony of the discourse of political Islam in contradiction with an eurocenteric discourse led to an understanding of tradition that can be defined by projective or political concerns relating to the power sources to take advance. Hence, political Islam resort to tradition as reference base that should act as a criteria to criticize the past and present and also making the future. Furthermore, resort to tradition act as an interaction against the western challenges and defense of self-identity. Meaning tradition in political Islam has been necessary to organize a particular social order and rejection of other eurocenteric rival social orders. This structure is the politicization of tradition under the effect of eurocentric discourse via the political Islam. As a result in a discoursive and anti-essentialist method of research, we in this article want to argue that the production of meaning and idea is always necessary for obtaining and establishing power. Representation and construction of tradition in political Islam is itself affected by power relations in contradiction to eurocentric discourse.

Globalization is a daily progress toward transnationalization. At the national level legislative, judicial and executive powers shape the administrative law along the time but at transnational level there is not such an experience and institutions. Therefore it seems the affairs are being dropped into the vacuum. At this situation how could be distinguished global affairs from national one? How and through which systematic process, global affairs are administrated? Which institutions administrate the rules? How are regulations being reviewed? The answer of such questions refers to the two similar phenomena: global governance and global administrative law. Global governance faces two related crises: crisis of legitimacy and effectiveness. Various solutions are proposed to overcome these two crises, which at last lead to the formation of a new legal order as the global administrative law. A legal solution to mitigate the crisis of legitimacy and effectiveness is the application of principles of good governance in the global governance system extensively.

Since discourse is meaning construction and it shapes political relations and power relations, it is one of the effective components in one country’s foreign policy attitude on various issues. In this research, it has been tried to examine the impact of a dominant discourse in a specified time period, the Khatami era, on a specified issue of foreign policy, nuclear issue. The objective is to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of this discourse toward this issue. The research methods of this article are secondary data analysis and interview based on a descriptive and analytical method. The result of this research is that despite Iran’s attitude on nuclear issue in this period in terms of Iran’s exit from crisis and signing three agreements with three European powers, it also caused withdrawals toward maximum demands of the opposite side. In addition, this attitude could not attract the favorable opinion of the leadership inside the country.

Efficiency of a society or government system is often compared with the ideals and goals, circumstances, other communities, or the conditions of its formation. In this paper, we try to using existing data, by Documentary method, Assessment the economic achievements of the Islamic Revolution in Iran . The results show that in some sectors, such as transportation, communications, dams, military and petrochemical industries, great progress has been made than before the revolution, but in some sectors, such as agriculture, the achievements of so not that big.- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Public policy studies are transitioning in to a new approach (paradigm) that has questioned assumptions of old approaches. New approach has basic assumptions, ideas and beliefs but hasn’t been developed sub theories and applied methods under its assumptions yet. Purpose of this study is to investigating historical course of public policy schools, identifying assumptions of and critics to each school, comparing basic assumptions of each school and finally Introducing new public policy school. The research is descriptive and dialectical method is used to explain historical evolution of policy-making schools. Library resources and scientific journal articles is used to gather required information. Investigating fundamental implicit or explicit assumptions of public policy schools demonstrate dialectical struggle between fundamental assumptions of three schools: comprehensive rationality, bounded rationality (incrementalism and satisficing) and chaos theory. Therefor basic assumptions and beliefs of three schools are compared. Meta-analysis of literature about change in assumptions of policy-making implies that chaos theory is the last paradigm. The most significant difference between chaos theory paradigm and others is in the way it deal with the future. Finally based on chaos theory assumptions, some suggestions are provided for improvement of public policymaking in Iran.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce analogical reasoning approach as a cognitive approach in Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). In order to achieve this goal, the paper has attempted to take advantage of existing theoretical and empirical literature, to extract and present systematically some discussions in three issue areas including: definition of analogy and analogical reasoning, the way of applying analogical reasoning in foreign policy decision- making process and explanatory value of analogical reasoning in FPA. In according to the author, these issues construct together components of analogical reasoning approach.

Having motivated by the problem of understanding the relation between ‘the organization manner of political society’ (focusing on the relation between individual, society and state) and ‘mode of thinking of the political’ in Fascism ideology, the present article addresses the matter with focusing on the central question that how one can relate ‘the way of organizing political society’ to ‘epistemological attitude’. To explain the hypothesis, which maintains that there might be a certain relation between ‘totalitarian organization of political society’ and ‘mythical conceptualization of the political’, the paper mainly takes advantage of Ernest Cassirer`s phenomenology of “symbolic form”. It is believed that such a theoretical framework can provide vision to analyze ‘politics of Fascism’ as ‘mythical politics’; politics of kind that is built on a quasi- mythical understanding of the principles of organizing the political life which leads to human passivity and dependence of the political to an essence external to the political society. Consequently, the political society is so organized that assimilates individual and civil society into state (as incarnation of mythical community).

Examining the Reasons Behind Deepening Coptic-Muslim Cleavage in Egypt Based On Migdal’s Theory Abstract Violence against the Egyptian Orthodox Christian Community-The Copts-has been increasing since the 1970s and especially following 2011 revolution. This research aims to examine the reasons behind the deepening Coptic-Muslim cleavages and in line with this, the relations between the Coptic community and the Egyptian state in different periods since Anwar Sadat came to power in 1970 until the present time is examined based on the “State in Society” theoretical framework which was provided by Joel. S. Migdal. Examining the cases of violence against Copts by the majority Muslim population under Sadat, Mubarak leadership and since the 2011 revolution to date showed that the main cause would seem to be the lack of a strong state and state institutions that can guarantee all citizens’ constitutional rights while the presence of strong social forces and a fragmented social control. Over the last five decades the Egyptian leaders have pursued survival strategies and have become a big part of the problem by practicing divide and rule policy to survive in a fragmented society. Thus, we reached to the conclusion the Migdal theory can be applied to other cases of religious and ethnic cleavages elsewhere in the third world. Keywords: Egypt, Coptic-Muslim Cleavage, Religious Strife, Weak State, Strong Social Forces, The Politics of Survival, Survival Strategies

The circumstances governing the international system and global power structure are indicative of the spread of insecurity and crisis at varying local to international scales. As much as the development of pervasive and far-reaching crises has created challenges for the international security systems and requires the need for rearrangement of and transition from security ambiguities, it has similarly added to the importance of adopting efficient strategies and updating the national security policymaking structure of countries. “Erosion” as an ancient and efficient strategy adopted by different countries during wars, crisis control, and change in power balance is rooted in history, and has been used by weak or strong sides of various conflicts as a strategic initiative while incorporating efficient and economical mechanisms. Despite the wide applications of this strategy in national security policymaking, there is no formulated theoretical framework outlining its deep knowledge and effective use at the strategic, operational and tactical levels. The existing literature on erosion is of historical and descriptive nature and does not embody a theoretical framework. For this reason, the present study aims to provide a theoretical framework for the strategy of erosion in national security policymaking through review of theoretical literature and tapping scientific knowledge available in the fields of strategic management and strategic policymaking as well as scientific and historical information on the erosion strategy. The present study was carried out with a qualitative approach and by utilizing an analytical-descriptive method. Information was gathered on a library basis, and a deep qualitative analysis method was adopted for information analysis.

sahabi،s perception on the causes and factors of undevelopment & national development on iran This article attempts to study and analyz the Ezatollah sahabi،s perception on the causes and factors and way out of undevelopment of iran through political economic vision. This article is based on the idea that he is affected In the field of theoretical teachings of Friedrich List and from Practical aspect the experience of the Mossadegh government non-oil economy. In his opinion, In the world based on colonialism and looting for "Iran" no choice except to move in the direction National Development along with the development of "nation-state "national bourgeoisie" and reliance on domestic capital and strengthening Patriotism at the same monitoring Government institutions. therefore, the expansion and strengthening of democracy and public freedoms inseparable part National Development Project. Native and Independent development Consider Sahabi is Independent process from international capital and relies on efficient and developor government, national bourgeoisie and Civil Society Is based on the productive capacity of foundation and Industrial and Creative and productive work culture

One of the most important fundamental issues in the policy sphere is the discussion of the organization of the state and the regulation of the internal power relations of the state, in which the type of political system as well as the principle of separation of powers is very influential. Because according to the type of political system and the acceptance of one type of separation of powers, different ways of regulating the ruling powers such as the presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential-semi-parliamentary system are raised, in which each country, the political system And they have designed a specific structure. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the system of the Ummah and Imamate as a general framework for the realization of divine sovereignty and religious democracy and the level of regulation of the relations of power, the semi-presidential semi-parliamentary system has been determined. The main theme of this research is the analysis and political assessment of the change in the way the power relations are regulated within the framework of the Ummah Imamate system and the evaluation of the resulting effects. This paper uses the descriptive-analytical method to find the answer to the question of how the change in power relations, especially the executive branch, is evaluated and what works on it? The main findings of this research are that in changing the form of executive power assuming that there are no restrictions on the religious foundations except the necessity of maintaining the system of the Ummah and Imamate, there are, from a political point of view, in the Islamic Republic of Iran, The possibility of changing the form of the executive branch, especially the removal of the post of presidency, faces fundamental constraints, as the main symbol of the republican system is the president.