مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال دوازدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 63، پاییز 1399)

Most of the theories used in analyzing foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are based on “Appetite " or "Reason" anthropology. While the logic of Iran's foreign policy in certain issues, such as the nuclear conflict with the West, cannot be analyzed solely on the basis of Appetite and Reason drives such as security and power. In this regard, “A cultural theory of international relations” can provide a framework for analysis of the Ideational aspects of Iran’s foreign policy as it seeks the basis of the international politics in the spirit drive. The question is that, what is the basis of some courageous behaviors of Iran’s foreign policy, in particular it’s nuclear dispute with the West, which has affected the impulses of gaining power and security? By applying of the philosophical anthropology of “A cultural theory of international relations”, we can state this hypothesis that Iran’s foreign policy particularly its nuclear diplomacy is spirit-based. On this basis, the logic and basis for nuclear diplomacy can be analyzed on the basis of two instruments of, aimed at Self-esteem.

Carl Schmitt and Alexander Dugin are considered statist thinkers who synthesized nationalism and religiosity in order to construct a national political theology to consolidate the state and empower national strength. They both believe that the individual must derive meaning from the construct of «nation». This construct (nation) can only achieve sovereignty when, based on its distinct characteristics, it creates a border between «us» and «them» and, relying upon a powerful state, to protect this political and sovereign border by all means. Alexander Dugin has borrowed the fundamental concepts of Carl Schmitt›s philosophy, the German conservative thinker, and he has mixed it with the geopolitical needs of Russia in its era of decline and weakness after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Thus he has constructed a geopolitical anti-liberal school of thought which aims to consolidate the Russian nation-state by emphasizing upon its unique and sui generis characteristics. Russian Neo-Eurasianism, as understood by Dugin, is heavily influenced by German revolutionary conservatism and Carl Schmitt.

A key important factor in Muslim countries and in relation to public domain, especially with regards to democracy is religious scholars’ viewpoints. Their jurisprudential perceptions which are based on Islamic resources (the Quran and narrations form the Prophet) and influenced by contextual elements such as time and geography have resulted in a wide spectrum of various and even contradictory positions. Given this, different questions arise about origins of legitimacy, compliance and political participation, e.g. how does Islam compromise with republicanism? And also; in an Islamic society the ruler is people’s representative who is appointed by them to govern the society on their behalf or he has custodianship over people? On what basis does an Islamic political system gain its legitimacy; people’s vote or religious authorities? And finally, what relationship does exist between people’s vote and the Guardianship of an Islamic Jurist or Wilayate Faqih? Some Shia-Muslim scholars in answering the above questions believe that the religious political authority is only for the prophet Muhammad and his infallible successors (P.B.U.T) and there is no such a right for anyone else. They restrict a faqih’s social-political authority only to the area which is known as Hesbiyah affairs in the Islamic literature. In contrast, those scholars who believe in the same authority with the prophet for the jurists have created three different discourses in this field. First: An Islamic political system obtains its legitimacy from the law of sharia and therefore people has no interference or contribution in this ground (the appointing theory or the law of sharia). Second: People freely and in accordance with collective wisdom choose an ئIslamic system to govern them (the representative theory). Third: those Islamic laws accepted by majority of Muslims is the basis of legitimacy in an Islamic political system (state-Imamat theory). In other words, the third discourse with differentiating between legitimacy and compliance stress on this fact that an Islamic political system will be actualized only if people’s vote meet with the law of sharia. According to this jurisprudential verdict, while the custodianship aspect of a ruler (wilayat) receives its legitimacy from the sharia- that is similar to the appointing theory- but it is the public vote that makes applicable the custodianship in the social-political arena; like the representative theory.

In the current international system, we are always face with a range of Convergent-divergent relations, each of which can be considered as a continuum of inter-actor complex relationships, and of course it is possible to move between these significant situations and move towards promoting or decreases comprehensive cooperation between actors. On this basis, the state of Convergent and divergent relations between international actors in the past and the present certainly will affect the future of their relations and can lead their relations to regionalism or a conflictual situation and potentially war. Therefore, desirable, probable and possible future situations can be plan in different scenarios that are affected by three noticeable categories of factors, such as "barriers, Propellants, and surprises"; In the meantime, explaining the future prospects in this area will require an appropriate approach and method. In doing so, having presenting this question that, what are the most desirable, probable, and possible scenarios for the possibility or impossibility of new regionalism in the Persian Gulf? We will attempt to identify and analyse each of these futures drawing on Futures studies knowledge / methods. Since the authors in this study first will seeks to find scenarios using a forward-looking method, ti is not relevant to provide a hypothesis. In other words, the main purpose of a future research is to identify a situation in which there is no necessary awareness. In this type of research, the researcher seeks access to information that can help them to understand the research topic well in order to scenario building. After finding scenarios, it would be possible to identify the future of new regionalism in the Persian Gulf. The findings show that there will be no convergence among all countries in the region, at least until the near future, and that regionalism will often remain primitive and underdeveloped.

Virtual currencies can be seen as an example of emerging technologies that have many legal-economic challenges for political systems. Most of these challenges are due to the diverse functions of these currencies, which can be replaced by existing structures. One of the important functions of virtual currencies, including bitcoin, is their monetary function. In this regard, the developers of this virtual currency are trying to replace the cryptocurrency structure with the existing monetary structure at the national and transnational levels by creating the necessary contexts within the framework of "alternative theory". Which, given the place of economic change in collective life, can be a source of fundamental controversy in the body politic. Accordingly, answering important questions makes the present study unavoidable. First; Can virtual currencies, including bitcoin, be considered fundamentally conceptual? Second; What will be the face of such currencies with the existing criticisms and what are their monetary advantages? Answering these questions in the context of political systems can be helpful in explaining and examining the real and potential risks to the ruling systems. This is significant not only politically but also security-wise. Accordingly, in the present study, the mentioned topics are analyzed by qualitative method and collection and analysis of library data.

Power has different faces: appearance/explicit and unseen/absence faces. The emerging face of power is further studied and generally in political science, this figure of power is studied but to understand the logic of political action in societies studying the hidden face of power can be very effective. The paper seeks to analyze the hidden power in the Shiite view and analyze the power behind apocalyptic belief in Shiite political thought. Our goal is to study parts of the hidden power which leads to obvious political action. An analysis of the movement of this kind of power from the mind / belief to everyday behavior and political action is an attempt will be done. We want to study the effects of power of absenteeism in terms of political mentality and political action. The power of absence is the same mental state, as the ideal form of government, within faithful members of a society. We interpret government of Expectation. We will analyze the political effects of the power of Faith in the absent Imam, as the most legitimate ruler, In the Shiite society with emphasis on justice, peace and collective identity. This paper studies the idea of the government of Expectation and the power of Absence Through phenomenological methodology.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the political awareness of the students of Yasouj University about the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and related conventions and also factors affecting their knowledge. Research hypothesis emphasizes students› awareness of the subject of research. A survey method was used to measure this issue. Using the Cochran formula, the sample size was 400 people and 24 Closed questions were given to them. The questionnaire consisted of 4 sections and each section had 6 questions about the United Nations Conventions on Combating the Financing of Terrorism, the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, the United Nations Convention against Corruption and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). The findings showed that the students› political awareness was moderate. The most political awareness belonged to FATF and the least political awareness was about the United Nations Convention against Corruption. Also, male students compared to girls and students of humanities faculty compared to other faculties had more political awareness. In addition, there was a significant correlation between student›s political awareness with age and media consumption, but there was no relationship between the two variables of household economic status and the student›s residence.