نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال دهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 37، تابستان 1399)

Iraq, since its political existence as a State from 1921 until today, has been concerned with the issue of Kurdish autonomy and its borders in the north of the country. The KRG was formed in 1991 with the declaration of a no-fly zone by the United Nations, but with the fall of Saddam in 2003 entered a new phase in which it was able to infiltrate Iraq and use the ten years of regional government experience to draft a constitution. Have active, The government has emerged as an active partisan in Iraq's political activities and programs since the 2005 elections, and has sought independence from Iraq since 2007, resuming disputes and tensions with the central government. The efforts of the Kurdistan Region for independence from Iraq, in addition to affecting the national security and political stability of Iraq, can also affect the regional and internal security of neighboring countries, including Iran and Turkey. This caused Iran-Turkey relations to move towards a temporary coalition, especially after the referendum on the independence. The importance of the issue is such that the geographical proximity and the extent of political-economic and cultural interactions of neighbors, as well as their mutual vulnerability have made it possible to assess the security and insecurity in this region in an undeniable way. Accordingly, the present study will use a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the process of independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region and the approach of Iran and Turkey to it.

Hezbollah and Syria's strategic relationship, despite its ups and downs, has been one of the most enduring regional strategic relationships in recent decades. But the emergence of the Syrian crisis since 2011 in the context of the civil war has deepened and expended these strategic relationships, as far as, Hezbollah has played a vital role in maintaining the structure of the Syrian government since the crisis unfolded. As a result, the role and position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in Syria's defense strategy after the crisis in Syria Has become important. In this regard, this research has centered its review on answering this central question, what was the position of Lebanon’s Hezbollah in the Syrian defense strategy during the Syrian crisis from 2011 to 2018? The research findings are based on this that in Syrian Crisis from 2011 until 2018, Lebanon’s Hezbollah as a non-governmental actor in the region and in line with Iran's strategy played a significant role in the Syrian government's defense Strategy against internal conflict groups and interfering regional and global powers. So that, it has become one of the main pillars of the Syrian government's defense strategy. Also, Hezbollah as a powerful and efficient tool, It has contributed greatly to strengthening the Syrian government's defense policy. So that, it has failed to make any predictions that the Syrian government would be overthrown. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and internet resources

Zionist regime has faced numerous problems because of not being known legitimate from the side of Arabic and non-Arabic countries; especially Islamic Republic of Iran. To come out of political isolation and being known as a legitimate regime,Israel has turned its attention to unity with Islamic non-Arabic countries in western Asia; especially the Kurds.. The reason why Kurds play an important role in peripheral unity policy is that the Kurds are the biggest nation without a government in the world and therefor promise for an independent Kurdish government is considered to be a strong motivation for them to cooperate with regional and non-regional powers. This article is an attempt to answer questions: How are geopolitics of post-Saddam Iraq, and Kurdistan region in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How are Israel’s activities in Kurdistan in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How do these activities change power balance in western Asia? The investigated data are gathered using library method and also via interviewing Iranian diplomats occupying political positions in Kurdistan. analyzed on the basis of the concepts sources, rules, power and signification. Studies show Israel’s activities in Kurdistan is an attempt to gain sources with the aim of gaining legitimacy and signification for its presence in next steps through ratifying Kurdistan’s independence.

The pattern of national development is, in fact, the presentation of a local pattern of development, distinct from the prevailing pattern or patterns of development. It is important to note that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress after design is to become, in practice, a roadmap for the development of the country and to emerge as an independent model with unique characteristics. The implementation of this model requires that its approaches and teachings be realistic in accordance with national and local conditions and characteristics with a global perspective. The dynamism, sustainability and efficiency of any development model depends on not being confined to political boundaries but by playing a global role. The question that can be asked is what approach and behavior should the Islamic-Iranian model of progress for sustainability and efficiency take in the global arena and in relation to other models, especially the ruling model? In answer to the above question, it is emphasized that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress, if active (active) interacts with the international environment and in relation to the prevailing patterns of globalization, can maintain its efficiency, effectiveness and dynamism and create a role model in the world.

In the absence of a legitimate central authority or universal sovereignty, the international community of states has faced challenges in overcoming the benefits of the seas as a territory for the expansion of international trade, including the challenge of maritime crime, in order to overcome these challenges. Governments have adopted efforts, policies and mechanisms, In this regard, in this study with the aim of "explaining, explaining, analyzing the legislative criminal policy of piracy in domestic and international rules based on scientific findings, valid documents and new ideas in legislative policies" and in a descriptive-analytical method and using From various library sources and texts and documents and legal ideas, the following results have been obtained: The rules and regulations of the international community, despite the criminalization of piracy, have been ineffective not only in terms of regulation but also in terms of regime-building and implementation due to conflicts of interest and difficulties in defining piracy crimes.

The international trade order was developed In the following Bretton Woods system with the establishment of the GATT in 1948, (1995 World Trade) in the field of international political economy led by the United States and its Western partners with Implement the principles of commercial liberalization. Now, China's economic raising has caused that This state be considered as an effective actor in the international trade order. The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of the Chinese raising on the international trade order and to answer the question that how has China's raising after 2001 affected on the international trade order? in response, it is assumed that the Chinese raising disrupted the functioning of the multilateral free trade regime and weakened the position of the West and the United States in it, and led to the expansion of regional free trade agreements. The research method is qualitative analysis. Findings show that China with rapid expansion of trade capability, Disrupting entry into the WTO, such as agricultural subsidy disruption, discrimination in support of national companies and so on , And the expansion of regional free trade agreements, The pro-Western multilateral trade regime has affected and And has disrupted it.

The United States has been the most important international player for Iran for the past half century. Four decades after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, this country has always sought to change its relations with Iran. The United States' longing for the loss of its closest ally in the Middle East led to a massive effort to restore pre-revolutionary conditions. To return to the pre-revolutionary conditions, this country has taken different approaches to Iran since the beginning of the victory of the revolution. According to many military analysts and strategists, the country's failure to approach a tough war approach such as the attack on Tabas, the Iraq war, the USS Vince attack on an Iranian airliner, and the threat of a military strike or soft war approach such as propaganda, war. Psychology led him to pursue a new approach to Iran in the late fourth and early fifth decades. An approach that is referred to in political and military circles as hybrid warfare. The present study, by enumerating the indicators of this type of war, examines the components of the US combined war against Iran. The findings of the study confirm that most of the components of the combined war have clear examples in the behavior of this country in the face of Iran in the late fourth decade and early fifth decade.

Current global politics can be organized in terms of state, continent, and region. Thus, not least during recent three decades. region, both as a level of analysis and as a unit of analysis, has increasingly received scholarly attention. Moreover, a lot of emerging problems embedded in the international spherelack a national and/or global solution. It is easy to resolve regionally. This fact has been more prominent in theasian regions. In the meanwhile, West Asia and Southeast Asia are among regions gone through regionalism continuously. The paper aims to compare regionalism in these two regions by drawing on an appropriate conceptual framework. In doing so, the question is that which these reions has been more successful in promoting new regionalism during recent three decades? In answering, differences and similarities between them will be identified. In order to gather data, we shall use both qualitative and quantitative methods, and in oder to analize data, we will drw on content analysis. The finding is that Southeast Asia has been more successful in promoting new regionalism during recent three decades, which can pave the ground for research on a comparative prospect on new regionalism in West Asia and Southeast Asia and a critical reflection on it.

There are numerous theories about the State such as "legal", "pluralism", "functionalism", "developmental" and "class state" theories that lead to the creation of "conservative", "liberal", "democratic", "fascist", "Communist", "welfare" and "neoliberal" theory of state that have become the norm in Western civilization. The experiences of state-building in Islamic civilization also led to Sunni governments to secular monarchies or secular democracies, and in addition to the short-lived experience of the Imamate system in Shi'ism, the Shi'ite governments came to despotic monarchies during the absence of a constitutional model. The aspiration to regain power and increase parliamentary powers was also experienced in Iran. But the process of state-building after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, using the experiences of past state-building, has entered a new and important stage of state-building for the realization of a “new Islamic civilization”. At the present stage, the Islamic Republic system has been established as a turning point and the first experience of Shi'a political history in religious democracy, with the current state-building mechanism based on the dynamic political jurisprudence and the centrality of "Velayat-e Faqih" with "religious democracy" and "The constitution» Based on the human experience of other societies has been introduced as a new paradigm for the Islamic State. However, based on the "descriptive-analytical" approach in this study, theories of government and the process of state-building in the Western world and Islam as the state-building experience for the model of the Islamic Republic of Iran are discussed.

The region of West Asia and the Middle East has witnessed the presence of American forces as a major and influential player for decades, and the order of this region has been formed based on its presence and influence. It is clear that the US regional presence has not led to comprehensive security in the region, and relations between the countries are tense and unstable today. Given the negative attitude of some countries in the region, including Iran, to this presence and the possibility of the withdrawal of American troops from the region, the important question arises that with the withdrawal of US forces, what will be the possibility of a realistic order and security? The present study, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the theory of Secure Community tests the hypothesis that the formation of regional order due to the withdrawal of American forces in its best form can be a tightly – coupled and nascent Secure Community.