مجله متن شناسی ادب فارسی
سال سیزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 49، بهار 1400)

  Rudaki Samarqandi is a master and pioneer of Persian-speaking poets of post-Islamic Iran. Rudaki's name and reputation in the court of the Samanids and the visible and nonvisible wisdom in his poetry, especially the adequate words and easy meanings of his poems, have made this long-standing poet a particularly special image in the minds of Iranians as well as Persian speakers outside Iran. The present library study is based on two verses attributed to Rudaki. One verse in Tarjoman al-Balagha, Hadayegh al-Sehr and other rhetorical sources is documented as “You killed so that no one would be brave/ You gave so that no one would be poor” [hami bekoshti ta adami namand shojaa/ hami bedadi ta adami namand faqir] and the other verse in al-Mo’jam is written as “hami bekoshti ta dar adou namand shojaa/ hami bedadi ta dar vali namand faqir”. Among the editors of Rudaki's poems, Bahar and Nafisi believe that the first verse is a wrong narration or recording of the second verse. For this reason, and following these two correctors, the first verse is not included in any of Rudaki's poetry collections, but evidence shows that these two poems are not one verse. Rather, the two verses are independent of each other. In the present study, first of all, by considering the existence of similar verses in the works of poets, we show the independence of the verses. Then, by considering the stylistic features of Rudaki's certain poems, we show the authenticity of the first verse. Finally, we talk about some probabilities of the second verse. Introduction Today, Rudaki's poetry is an important part of the cultural identity and heritage of the ancient Persian speakers across the world. In Iran, Tajikistan, Russia, Germany, etc., some correctors have attempted to correct and publish the existing poems of this poet. But, to date, no ordered piece of his poems has been obtained. On the other hand, the deletions occurred over time and the small amount of the remaining poems did not give enough chance to correctors to examine the poet's stylistic and linguistic subtleties. For this reason, in some cases, correctors have corrected verses using conjecture. For this reason, some problems are observed in recording and correcting some verses of Rudaki's printed Divans. In Tarjoman al-balagha, Hadayegh al-Sehr, Badaye al-Sanaye, and Madarej al-Balaqa, the following verse attributed to Rudaki could be seen: “You killed so that there were not a brave/ You gave so that there were not a poor” [hami bekoshti ta adami namand shojaa/ hami bekoshti ta adami namand faqir]. This verse is mentioned in the aforementioned sources in the "al-Ebdaa" section. The other verse which is mentioned only in Shams Gheys Razi’s al-Mo'jam and is very close to the following verse: “You killed so that there will not be brave in the enemy/ You gave so that there will not be poor in Vali” [hami bekoshti ta dar adou namand shojaa/ hami bekoshti ta dar vali namand faqir]. The great formal and content similarity of these two verses has forced the correctors of Rudaki's Divan (Nafisi and Bahar) to judge the choice of a verse from the two mentioned verses. In the present study, the authors examine the two verses by examining the issues of stylistics and the structure of Khorasani style poems and make judgments about the opinions of the correctors. Materials and Methods The present study is a library study, based on data analysis. The authors, using documentary sources of Rudaki poems, manuscripts of these sources including Persian rhetorical texts and Persian to Persian lexicon, etc., as well as examining the published divans in Iran and Tajikistan analyze two verses of Rudaki’s poems and criticize the correctors' opinions based on scientific and stylistic issues.   Discussion of Results and Conclusions   In the present study, the authors examined two verses of Rudaki Samarghandi's hymns. The correctors have considered these two verses as one verse in their corrections in terms of form and content similarity, with two different recordings. After a detailed study of these two verses, we were able to achieve the following results: In contrast with the correctors’ opinion, these verses are not one verse with two different forms; rather, they are the same verses with two different recordings. For textual reasons, one of the verses cannot be considered as a different narration or recording of the other verse. The first verse, contrary to the opinion of the correctors, is a correct and original verse in accordance with the definite stylistic features of Rudaki's poems. Therefore, it is not right to remove it from all the divans of Rudaki's poetry. The second verse is independent of the first verse. The theme of this verse is a common theme among the remaining poems of Khorasani style poets and beyond. The second verse can also be considered as an independent verse from the first verse in Rudaki's scattered verses. These possibilities include the manipulation of scribers, manipulation of the author, imitating Rudaki’s poetry, etc. but until a definite document is found, the possibility of being attributed to Rudaki is more than other possibilities.

 Archetypes are considered as shared heritages within men’s collective sub/consciousness. Carl Gustav Jung first coined this concept. One of the most common concepts in archetypes is love, which belongs to all human cultures. Love as a common human experience can be considered an archetypal form embedded in the human psyche. Thus, it has been attended to within psychology departments too. Among those primeval archetypes described by Jung is the Anima (male’s female spirit), which has both desirable and destructive effects for the males. Darabnameh of Beighami is a prominent work that describes the romantic and epic adventures of Firuz Shah with Ein Al-Hayat, the daughter of the King of Yemen. The manifestation of Ein al-Hayat in Beighami's narrations is such that the effects of his character  on Firuz Shah can be perceptibly measured by Jung’s Anime. The results of this library research using a descriptive-analytical design showed that ‘love and individuality’, ‘eternity of love’, ‘manifestation of love (lover) in dreams and thoughts’, and ‘negative manifestations of love (mistress)’ are among the main Anime manifestations in Darabnameh. Moreover, the main effect of  Anima on the character of Firuz Shah is his upsurge to higher positions, which is a symbol of individuality and perfection of personality.   Introduction In this research, the reactions of Ein Al-Hayat were initially examined with an approach to the theoretical foundations designed in line with the archetype of Anima to provide a methodical reading of the category of love within classical Persian folk texts. Then, the personality of Firuz Shah and the process of his attainment of individuality, epistemological perfection and the role of the mistress in such a realization were investigated. Therefore, the purpose of the present study was not to provide a merely superficial comparison between the archetype of Anima and the character of Firuz Shah and Ein al-Hayat. The research questions in this study were: a) what are the Anime manifestations of the beloved in Darabnameh?; b) What dimensions within Ein Al-Hayat’s character are known viz-a-viz Anima archetype?; and c) What is the role of Ein Al-Hayat in the perfection of Firuz Shah’s personality with regard to Jung’s archetypal assessments?   Materials and Methods In this library study, detailed definitions of Jung’s archetypal theory (especially the Anima) are primarily presented. Then, the content categorization of the features of the Anima was completed and exemplary indications from Beighami's text were cited and the analyses were finally conducted.   Discussion of Results and Conclusions The results of the present study showed that the archetype of Anima had generally the following main manifestations: 1) ‘Love and individuality’  (the kingdom of Firuz Shah, a clear example of individuality, the dual aspect of love, and the effect of travel to achieve individuality), 2) ‘Eternity of love’, that is, the manifestation of love (lover) in dreams and dreams, and 3) ‘Negative manifestations of love (lover)’ including mental and physical weaknesses, restlessness, and internal irritation. Firuz Shah’s arrival to the kingdom and the defeat of his enemies is a sign of his spiritual perfection. Beighami alleged that through love, one can realize abundant positive effects and enhance spiritual abilities. By leaving his safe haven and traveling to unknown spaces, Firuz Shah revealed the undiscovered parts of his inner world with the help of love and became aware of his human values. Therefore, in this epic via a fierce journey, the signs of spiritual and personality changes could be clearly understood. The accompaniment of emotional and epic issues in Darabnameh is one of the most prominent writing styles which distinguishes it from other popular proses. In Darabnameh, Ein Al-Hayat (Anima) was an external character appearing at the beginning of the story, though keeping the epistemological incentives in Firooz Shah's character and motivating him to relinquish life and initiate a difficult journey to attain humane facts in the end and reach the elevated positions of ministry (individuality). The beloved Anime in Darabnameh did not show only desirable manifestations, and due to the limited cognitive capacities of Firoozshah, we see the appearance of negative effects from two viewpoints: 1) the aim of Anima was to deliberately create physical and spiritual cognitive barriers against Firooz Shah’s conduct in order to give him a different view of the world both from inside and outside angles; 2) Some of the negative manifestations of the Anima were rooted in the pre-revolutionary life of Firuz Shah and the imperfection of his personality. Overall, an examination of the process of Firuz Shah's epic, lyrical and epistemological journey showed that although he initiated this journey provoked by an external element (the manifestation of good-natured mistresses in dreams), this nevertheless led him to an accelerated understanding. Inspiration and not giving up were inner forces that can be called the ‘pleasure of gaining knowledge’.

Persian poetry flourished in Bukhara with great poets such as Rudaki and Shahid-e-Balkhi, and many poets appeared in that land over the centuries. Abdurrahman Mushfeqi Bukharaei, a poet and satirist of the tenth century AH, with all the fame and prestige he has among the Persian speakers of that land, is not well-known in our country. Poems from this poet have been left in various forms and subjects, which are important in terms of the development of Persian poetry, especially in Central Asia. Several manuscripts from his Divan are in libraries across the world; each of them contains a part of his works- including odes, sonnets, stanzas, and couplets- most of which have not been published yet. The most complete remained manuscript of the Divan in terms of containing various parts of the Divan is a manuscript kept in the Treasury of Tajikistan Sciences Academy of Manuscripts. By obtaining this valuable copy, we are able to obtain a complete collection of his poems. The authors of this study intend to provide a new understanding of the poet and his works by presenting some explanations about the life of this poet and examining the content of his Divan. This manuscript includes one Divan of Odes, three Divans of Sonnets, two narrative couplets named Golzar-e-Eram and Saqi-nameh, a satirical Divan, and some stanzas and quatrains.

Historiography during the Ilkhanid period grew up with the support of the Ilkhanids. For this reason, the political intentions of the supporters purposefully infiltrated the custom dates of this period and formed a discourse for the legitimacy of the Ilkhanids. In this regard, the present study aimed to recognize the discourse of the legitimacy of the Ilkhanid Reign and examine three custom versions: Chengizid Shāhnāmeh, Shahanshāhnāmeh, and Jami al-Tawarikh. This paper seeks to examine such issues via the method of critical discourse analysis (Van Leeuwen, 2008) and citing library studies. The questions posed in this study were: 1) How can the legitimacy of the Ilkhanids be analyzed in the content and existence of the manuscripts?, and 2) what strategies did the authors of such manuscripts use to produce the discourse of the legitimacy of the Ilkhanids? Based on the findings of this study, along with immortalization, legitimation for the Ilkhanids has been one of the most important reasons for the production of such histories. As the authors rely on the arrangement of narratives, content creation, the use of Quranic verses, and imitation of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh as an influential element for identifying Iranians, they had sought to build legitimacy. The authors also used representations of Mongolian, Iranian, and Islamic discourses to redefine the legitimate Ilkhanids identity and legitimize their actions in political and social situations. In this way, the reduction in the use of Mongolian discourse themes in Shahanshāhnāmeh is consistent with the reduction of the role of the Mongolian element in the late Ilkhanid rule.

Although the Ilkhanids had initially come to power by sword, they gradually established social order. To fulfill the political goals, they had to implement policies that would guarantee their legitimacy against competitors and the people. Legitimacy had received more attention since the Ghāzān period by supporting historiography as one of the cultural strategies that paved the way for the writing of many historical books, which were written by the order of the court or independently. In this study, based on legitimation in the political thought of the Ilkhanids, historical books that were written with the theme of the historical description of the reign and commissioned by them were investigated.

Three custom books of Chengizid Shāhnāmeh, Shahanshāhnāmeh, and Jami al-Tawarikh are the materials studied in this research. Jami al-Tawarikh has been written in the general history of the world by the order of Ghāzān, by his minister Rashid al-Din Fazlullah Hamedani (Eqbal, 1969, p. 488). In the study of this book, the correction part of the Mongol stories was considered (Ibid, p. 31). Shahnameh of Shams-al-Dīn Kashani is one of the historical poems of the Ilkhanid era, which was composed by the order of Ghāzān that had the poem weight of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh (Mortazavi, 1991, p. 380). This book has been s studied based on its manuscript in the library of the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran. Shahnameh of Ahmad Tabrizi has been composed with the poetic weight of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh by the order of Abu Saeed Ilkhani, with the subject of the history of the Mongols, Genghis Khan, and his successors up to the time of Abu Saeed (Tabrizi, Manuscript, Or2780, version, 132). The only remaining version of its manuscript in the British Museum is the basis of this study.This study has focused on the role of linguistic propositions in legitimizing the identity and socio-political actions of the Ilkhanids. Hence, the history books in question by the method of critical discourse analysis (Van Leeuwen, 2008) which is based on the premise of Max Weber, with the theme of the efforts of all powers to build belief in its legitimacy and its expansion (Weber, 1978, p. 213) were analyzed.

In examining the discourse of reign legitimacy in the content and existence of these data, the three points of writing format, historical content, and historical order in telling stories were important. Poetic works were similar in weight and content to Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. On the other hand, in the content of these works, the mythological and historical patterns of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh and Iranshahri thought have been used to legitimate redefining the identity and actions of the Ilkhanids. In the same way, Jami al-Tawarikh also used the poems of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh to redefine the legitimate identity of the Ilkhanids.
In the historical context of the works, the Mongolian discourse in the Shahanshāhnāmeh has been used in contrast to the other two works with a more limited range. This point along with the gradual decline of the Mongol foundations of the Ilkhanids reign and the finding power of local families during its writing period have been remarkable. In the two custom works of Ghāzān, the use of Mongolian elements had a more prominent place in their legitimation. This was not irrelevant to disputes over succession, independence from the central Mongol court, and becoming an Ilkhan Muslim during Ghāzān reign. In the arrangement of the narrations of the Shahnameh Changizi version, the historical order has not been observed in such a way that the poems are related to the praise or mention of Ilkhan. The sponsor of the work appears with a time jump immediately after the poems related to the Mongol ancestors. Sometimes even the story of the Mongol ancestors is cut off suddenly and resumed after the story of Ilkhans. Hence, there is a kind of purposeful orientation in the arrangement and retelling of Ilkhan's narrations. Based on the findings of this study, the content and imitation of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh on the one hand, and the meaningful arrangement of historical narratives, on the other hand, justify the existence of these historical books to legitimize the Ilkhanids. Also, following the cultural-political context of the Ilkhanid society and the goals of the rulers in the field of international politics, the authors used three Mongol, Iranian, and Islamic discourse strategies to legitimate defining the identity, Ilkhanids actions, and decisions. Hence, with reducing the role and position of the Mongol element at the end of the Ilkhanids rule, a noticeable decrease in the use of Mongolian discourse concepts in the version of the Shahanshāhnāmeh compared to the other two works happened. In the same way, the authors with placing the personality and rule of Ilkhan in the form of the standard king of Iranshahri thought have used the Iranian discourse to legitimize it in the minds of Iranians. Also, the concepts of Islamic discourse have been considered throughout this period, considering the ambitious goals of the Ilkhanids in achieving superiority in the Islamic world and in competing with Muslim Mamlūks.

Tazkerat al-Awliya is one of the most important Persian mystical sources in describing the states and sayings of the great Sufis, which Attar Neyshabouri wrote using the sources written before him such as Tabaqat al-Sufiyya, Haliya al-Awliya, Resaleye Qosheiriyyeh, and Kashf al-Mahjoub. The most authoritative correction of this book was made by Reynold Allen Nicholson between 1322 AH/ 1905 to 1325 AH/ 1907. After that, in 2019, Shafiei Kadkani made another correction of Tazkerat al-Awliya which untied the conceptual knot of many of its words, combinations, and expressions. It also provided an opportunity for further research on this book. Nevertheless, there are errors in the corrected text. In this research, the descriptive-analytical method was used to highlight the shortcomings and irregularities in the correction of Tazkerat al-Awliya which can be divided into 7 general formats: 1) shortcomings in the original version, 2) deviations from the original versions, 3) distortions, 4) incorrect reporting, 5) misreading, 6) incorrect comments, and 7) other shortcomings. Library resources such as the original manuscripts and other manuscripts have also been used. The results of the research showed that the quality of correction in the first part of Tazkerat al-Awliya is not comparable to the second part due to the visible duality. The main reason for the duality of the book is the difference in its manuscripts, which is sometimes accompanied by the corrector’s errors.

Religious artwork means drawing religious scenes including war, the iconography of Imams and their lives, the battles of Imam Ali, and the events of Karbala. One of the remarkable works in this style is Hamleye Heidari by Bazal Mashhadi written in the 12th century AH following the style of the Shahnameh. An exquisite copy of it, dated 1222, is preserved in the Bibliothèque National Library. It has 241 images in Indian style.  In addition to the high quality of the drawings in this version, their artistic value is also significant. To introduce this version and its artistic arrays, the present study examines religious paintings. The two research questions are 1) how has the iconography of Prophet Mohammad, Imam Ali, and Ahl al-Bayt been drawn in this version?; and 2) What creative ways has the painter invented for icon painting? The method of image analysis based on form and visual characteristics was used. The results of the research showed that women's illustrations have special prominence in the drawings of this version distinguishing this version from other religious drawings. In this version, religiosity has a unique place compared to similar examples.   Introduction Religious iconography appeared in the 9th century AH- illustrating Meraj-name - and flourished in the Safavid period with the iconography of Qesas Al-Anbya. Initially, religious iconography was mostly devoted to the stories of prophets, but over time it paid more attention to Shiite themes especially the stories of Karbala and Taziyeh recitations. Hamleye Heydari is one of the most important works in the field of religious painting. This work, composed in the 12th century AH, contains 20,000 or 30,000 verses. The date of composition is unknown but researchers suggest that it should be around 1119 AH so Bazel must have spent 50 years of his life on this poetry. Hamleye Heydari followed the style of the Shahnameh in narration as well as characterization. Some illustrated copies of Hamleye Heydari have survived. One of the most valuable, dated 1222, contains 241 images in the Indian style. War flourished as a way to visualize Imam Ali's paintings in the same way as they were depicted in this copy of the Hamleye Heydari.   Discussion This article studies a manuscript dated 1222 from an artistic perspective. First, it examines the copy. Then, it investigates the artworks in the copy. Finally, it analyzes the religiosity in its paintings. The copy is arrayed with decorations such as gorgeous illuminations, golden tables, Eslimi, and floral motifs. Among the most important arrays in this copy are colorful geometric patterns decorated with golden Eslimi and contain some verses.  The paintings are in Indian style that can be recognized in the costumes, portraits, and styles of architecture (similar to the Taj-Mahal). Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and Imam Ali (AS) are displayed as the flames of light. This kind of imagery is uncommon in the painting because, usually, it is only the faces of saints that are portrayed as a flame, not their full body. Pictures are mostly covered with figures of men and women who are very similar in custom and faces, and only limited space is left around the edge. The backgrounds are without vegetation, such as desert reflecting the geographic location of Saudi Arabia. Women are rarely depicted in religious paintings while in this copy women have a central position in the images, for example, dancing, performing a ceremony, and playing an instrument. They are depicted with large and black eyes as well as long and black hair in the same style as Indian women. One of the most important figures in this copy is the image of Gabriel; a full page is dedicated to a miniature of Gabriel portraying him with a turban and a portrait-like Indian face with one side as the moon and the other side as the sun. Conclusion The analysis show creative methods for iconography in this manuscript. In religious paintings, the iconography of saints is mostly depicted with a halo or white veil on their faces, while in this copy the full body of the saints is covered in the golden flame of light. The second point is that in religious paintings, women are not usually a central figure but, in this copy, special attention has been paid to the important role of women. Furthermore, the iconography of Gabriel in the Indian style is a new way of portraying this angel. All these innovative pictures make the manuscript rich and fully valuable in the religiosity tradition.