نشریه آمایش سیاسی فضا
سال دوم شماره 4 (پیاپی 8، پاییز 1399)

Conceptual models are representations of a system that easily show us the abstract concepts of the relationships between objects in the system. In fact, no matter how systematic and meaningful the drawing of models in the field of science, can improve the understanding of issues and topics. Meanwhile, the region of Southwest Asia is of special geopolitical importance due to its privileged geographical facilities and locations, as well as its rich resources. But the developments in this region have caused the involvement of various actors. These actors, with different and even contradictory goals, ideologies, and behaviors, have caused the crisis in the region to continue. In other words, no matter how much the geographical source of power is geopolitically appropriate if there is a basis for more attractiveness to log in and the role of actors too large and large. If you are currently presenting a new tariff on geopolitics and dividing geopolitical actors into three groups: main and focal actors, semi-peripheral actors, and peripheral actors, in the next step you have tried to systematically present the geopolitical relations of Southwest Asia by presenting a conceptual model. Because accurate knowledge of the geopolitical relations between these actors allows geopoliticians to formulate the best strategy for the volatile region of Southwest Asia.

Transportation routes for Asian countries due to the geographical size of the ancient continent is of particular importance in explaining the regional system. This has led to major changes in China's regional policy as the most powerful Asian country and the most productive people in the world. Meanwhile, the role of the South Caucasus as a bridge between China and the West and European export markets is very important. Therefore, using the capacity of the Caucasus as a link between its strategic interests, especially in the field of energy and trade, Beijing provides the ground for increasing interactions with the republics of the South Caucasus under the banner of the New Silk Road (One Belt One Road) project. On the other hand, in the history of relations between Asian and European states, the Caucasus has become known as the key to continental relations. This role doubles the responsibility of Caucasian sates in their more favorable interaction with China. Therefore, efforts will be made in the current research, by putting emphasis on the analytical and theoretical perspective of the regional system, to examine China's regional policies towards the South Caucasus republics and the impact of the New Silk Road project on increasing Beijing's influence in the South Caucasus, as well as the history of economic relations between Beijing and the Caucasian sates based available documents. Meanwhile, the research hypothesis is based on the fact that due to the establishment of China's foreign policy based on economic interactions with regional governments, increasing China's relations with the South Caucasus republics to build a new Silk Road economic project, stabilizes China's position in the region and will strengthen relations in other economic areas.

Understanding the environment and geopolitical analysis of neighboring border cities are the most important factors that should be taken into account to establish security and expand bilateral relations, which are sought after by countries, especially cities in Southwest Asia. In recent years, some actions of neighboring countries or trans-regional countries have led to insecurity in urban areas. By understanding this concept, the characteristics of the eastern borders of Iran and the relations between Iran and Pakistan, including the cities of Zahedan and Quetta, will be studied in detail by employing a descriptive-analytical research method.

The Persian Gulf region is one of the strategic and important regions in the world which has always attracted the attention of regional and trans-regional powers. In the contemporary world, the Persian Gulf region and the countries of the Southwest Asia region have been among the most challenging and controversial regions in the world. This region has been the hotbed of geopolitical crises and the site of ideological conflicts and the active hotspot of political and regional crises. In addition to the domestic context, the presence and involvement of trans-regional and global powers in activating and intensifying these challenges and crises have played a very crucial role. Although the macro-structures of the global geopolitical system have overshadowed this space, the powers within the region (the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia) have played a leading role in shaping the geopolitical atmosphere of the current situation, which is based on ideological and geopolitical values. The current study seeks to examine the ideological and geopolitical implications of Iran and Saudi Arabia for the region and the need to adopt a geo-economic strategy to overcome intra-regional geopolitical challenges. The results show that the adoption of a geo-economic strategy by Iran and Saudi Arabia can pave the way for a dialogue of cooperation and convergence and pave the way for entering a new regional geopolitical system for regional development and regionalism.

Politics is a product of geography and tourism, which is one of the geopolitical foundations of Iran, has not been unaffected by politics and has had many vicissitudes in proportion to political developments and political relations with the world in Iran and after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. Iran, with all its historical, cultural, and natural attractions in recent years, has been able to achieve relative success in this field, and the efforts and attention of tourism industry activists, the expansion of mass communication network, government facilitation policies, and attention to infrastructure, education and welfare have been among the most important reasons. Undoubtedly, the political relations of the countries have not been ineffective in the development of tourism cooperation, and the security, welfare, educational, as well as strengthened historical, cultural, and territorial commonalities between the two countries have been effective in expanding these tourist exchanges. For this purpose, the required data for the research have been collected from the content of upstream laws and programs of the Islamic Republic of Iran by the documentary method. The results show that the more countries have strengthened political relations, the more they are developed in tourism. This is, of course, clear in the case of Iran and Oman, which have been studied on a case-by-case basis. At the same time, if more infrastructure, welfare, and advertising facilities are developed, they will enjoy more prosperity.

In the contemporary Middle East, the Kurdish problem, as the largest stateless people, has consistently had the potential to challenge regional security. This article tries to examine the dimensions of the subject from the perspective of a constructivist approach and relying on material and semantic elements. The question that the researcher faces in this research is what is the ratio of the possibilities and limitations of the separatism of the Iraqi Kurdistan region and which one weighs more in the continuation of this path of identity seeking? The author assumes in this study that the increase and expansion of ethnic demands related to the Kurdish issue in Iraq are not in line with the geopolitical and security coordinates of both Iraq and the actors involved in the region, nor was it accompanied by serious and genuine support from trans-regional actors. Finally, by examining the possible scenarios related to the issue of Iraqi Kurdish independence, it has been concluded that the Kurdish crisis will continue in the future, and no clear and insecure solution has been found by the actors involved.