نشریه مطالعات بین المللی
سال هجدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 69، تابستان 1400)

Since all currents of thought in different generations of revolutionary theory are only able to recognize and interpret the dimensions of those revolutions that they have sought to recognize, it does not seem reasonable to use them to theoretically justify future revolutions. Accordingly, the main structure of revolutionary theories during previous four theoretical generations is based on a set of predetermined factors and components as factors promoting the revolution, which are necessary in all revolutions, especially revolutions that occur after their presentation. Given these explanations and the title of the present article, the question can be asked, can all the dimensions of the Arab revolutions be theoretically justified and explained by the views of the four generations of the theory of revolution? The results of the studies show that in at least three areas, namely the process connection of domestic and international levels in a specific historical framework, the neutral role of the army in turning unrest into revolution and ultimately the victory of revolutions in the absence of leadership with the factors mentioned in previous theories have deep differences.  In this work, the author intends to investigate the mentioned differences based on the method of matching the factors influencing the occurrence of Arab unrest in the three mentioned areas with the factors mentioned in the four theories of the revolution.

There are various components to the widespread and ongoing tension between Iran and Saudi Arabia as the cold War of the Middle East. This conflict can be explained in the context of the profound upheavals in the Middle East and according to the series of events of recent decades until early 2021. Previously, strategies such as the 1986 Regional Security, the 2016 Regional Dialogue Forum, and most recently the Hormoz Peace Initiative, along with mediation measures, have taken steps to resolve the conflict but the escalation of the current tension indicates their failure. Now the question is that "How can the continuation and deepening of the conflict between the I.R. Iran and Saudi Arabia be analyzed? " In response, it can be stated that "Given the developments in the Middle East in the last decade, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are in a mutually annoying deadlock and the future course of bilateral relations will be catastrophic."  Using descriptive analytical method and library tools, the theory of conflict maturity can explain the recent developments in the region and explain the mutual annoying tensions and deadlocks and help test the hypothesis. The purpose of this article is to explain the conditions that can be the best time to negotiate and achieve peace between the two poles of power in the region. An explanation based on the structuring of conflict maturity theory.

The Syrian crisis has become one of the largest socio-political crises in the world since World War II due to its sensitive geographical and strategic location, the arrival of regional and international actors, the emergence of terrorist groups and the issue of immigrants. The cause of the onset, continuation and ambiguity of the crisis can be traced to the social and political divisions within Syria, the rivalry between the countries of the region and the intervention of great powers. The political solution to the Syrian crisis has become an issue that the actors in the crisis have not yet achieved.  The purpose of this study is to investigate the military and political crises in Syria and solutions to overcome this crisis. The question that arises in this regard is how the horizon of the solution to the Syrian crisis is possible despite the differences in the strategies of the actors? The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and the information collected from it is based on library resources. The findings show that ideological alliances of resistance [Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah] and Russian military support, as well as differences in coalition goals against the Syrian government, have given Bashar al-Assad a dominant position in the Syrian peace talks and the possibility of a coalition to fight Takfiri groups between the Syrian government and regional and international powers and to negotiate between the opposition and the Syrian government in the near future.

International Investment Law is generally recognized as a law system among the subsystems or the specialized systems of Public International Law. Regardless of this system’s nature, its norms and rules have been applied to the governments and the investors (incl. individuals and corporations) for many years. However, there is still no consensus among the scholars regarding the sources of this system; some define these sources in light of the established sources under Article 38 of the Statute of ICJ, and others draw a different set, albeit with some variations. However, the sources of this system have not yet been reasonably and scientifically explained. To achieve such an apprehension, this article attempts to answer the question “What are the sources of international investment law, and how they have contributed to the evolution of the rules of the system?”. Therefore, through a descriptive-analytical method and in qualitative research nature, this article pursues the assumption that the national legislations, treaties, international customary law, and the general principles of law are the primary sources in this field; subsidiary sources are namely judicial decisions and legal teachings. In this regard, the present article examines its assumption after providing an introduction, research background, theoretical foundations, and a brief history of the concept; Eventually, it is concluded that the national legislations are by far the most important source of international investment law, and we can safely say that other primary and subsidiary sources indeed play an important, though a supplementary role for these legislations.

Sino-Russian approaches to the Eurasian region have been increasingly interacting, especially in recent years. Although Moscow has turned to multilateral regional institutions, including the Eurasian Economic Union, to manage its regional relations, and China has made the Belt-Road Initiative a key tool for its ambitions in the Eurasian region, geopolitical realities on both sides now has led to cooperation within the framework of these projects. Agreements and talks have been underway since October 2015 to merge the two countries 'regional plans and Moscow and Beijing have always emphasized the unprecedented deepening and coordination of relations in the region, despite China and Russia' s efforts to integrate and coordinate the implementation of regional plans. But despite the efforts of China and Russia to integrate and coordinate the implementation of regional plans, the question arises whether the current strategic cooperation between China and Russia in regional initiatives can be considered a sufficient reason for the two countries to continue such an approach in the future? In response to the research question and in the context of the concept of regional order, the overall result of this paper shows that the existence of limitations and obstacles that reduce the depth of integration and coordination of initiatives of the two countries and the two countries' macro approach to regional order in Eurasia can be reasons to move Moscow and Beijing from the current concert order to the hegemony-based order.

The United States, a country having the standards of a hegemon, is trying to maintain it, and China, as an emerging power on the international stage, is trying to establish itself as an American hegemonic rival to world. A common point in hegemonic confrontation between the United States and China in field of energy is tendency of both countries to the Middle East region. Although this is not new to the United States, China's tendency to counter threat to its energy security is significant, as China seeks to exert its influence in other areas. This study tries to answer its main question about the impact of US and Chinese hegemonic competition on the flow of energy and oil in world by emphasizing different perspectives in the field of hegemony, especially Gramsci theory. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the hegemonic competition between the United States and China and its impact on flow of energy and oil in the world. The research method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. Resukts showed that there is a hegemonic rivalry between the United States and China rather than a hegemonic confrontation. Because China is in an early stage of hegemonic competition with the United States it is not clear that this competition will lead to China's success and whether it will be able to introduce itself as a hegemon. China does not have the necessary criteria to introduce itself as a hegemon in all fields and, as Gramsci states, it does not have the necessary acceptance.

One of the preoccupations in the components of governance systems with any different ideology is protecting the environment by implementing international environmental law. This article's main issue is to analyze the implementation of international environmental law in the Iranian legal system. The importance of the issue is increasingly recognized in the extra-legal component and through the fundamentalization of international environmental law. This principle is reflected in Articles 77 and 125 of the Constitution and Article 9 of the Civil Code, which considers international treaties as "national laws". Thus, on the one hand, legal opportunities are provided as a necessary basis for implementing international environmental law. However, the question here is, what are the obstacles or challenges for implementing environmental law in the Iranian legal system? This article attempts to analyze the legal and practical gaps related to implementing international environmental law in Iran and presenting  suggestions to solving those issues.

Cyber security has become a major problem in the world, and ASEAN has taken urgent steps to address cybersecurity. Security measures and other efforts to combat cyber incidents at the regional and national levels demonstrate ASEAN's awareness of the importance of a robust cyber approach that can be achieved by examining cyber security indicators with defense issues. Defense against innovative cyber-attacks, strategies against cyber security threats, government policies and protection of privacy, protection of computer infrastructure in government and legal and ethical issues in cyberspace are the objectives of this research with a descriptive-analytical approach. It comes to mind that the ASEAN countries have based their cyber security study axes on achieving a robust cyber approach, and how much research has been done on these indicators so far? The findings show that there has been limited research on cybersecurity research indicators, particularly government policies and privacy protection in some ASEAN countries, which is directly related to the increase in cybercrime.

The independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region and the influence of foreign factors on Iran's ethnic issues due to the proximity and ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic ties of this region with Iranian Kurdistan in intensifying ethnic demands and turning this region as an axis of integration of Iranian Kurdish regions with Kurds in this region has caused an ethnic crisis and has also weakened the national cohesion of the Kurdish regions of Iran. The purpose of this study is to explain and study the effects of the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region on the national cohesion of the Kurdish regions of Iran and by using descriptive-analytical tools and descriptive-analytical methods, it answers the question: what effect has the independence of the Iraqi Kurdish region had on the national cohesion of the Kurdish regions of Iran? Findings show that the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region through cultural threats, political threats (ethnic and separatist demands, ethnicity and identity, ethnic nationalism, Iraqi federalism) and economic threats have weakened the national cohesion of Iran's northern regions.

New social movements in Latin America are working to achieve various political, economic, and social goals and have been able to redefine power relations in Latin America. The subject of this study is to examine the emergence and activism of these social movements and how the political space in Latin America has evolved as a result of their activities. This research studies new social movements in Latin America, including religious movements, women's movements, ethnic and indigenous movements, the neighborhood association and the environmental movements. In this study, the main question is, "How has the activism of new social movements affected the political space of Latin America?" The research method is descriptive - analytical and is based on the study of library resources. The purpose of this study is to study the current situation of new social movements in Latin America, their functions and achievements and examine their interaction with power factors in the region and how they affect the Latin American political climate. According to the results of this study, the rise of new social movements has had a significant impact on the political space of Latin America and it has led to greater participation of people in socio-political activities. These social movements have offered political alternatives to the "power of the people" and have helped to empower and politicize people at the local levels.