نشریه مطالعات سیاسی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 38 (تابستان 1400)

Considering the importance and position of citizens in political and social developments on the one hand and the emergence of a new type of citizenship, i.e., netizen, and the formation of virtual society as an undeniable reality on the other hand, this study examines the relationship between netizens and socio-political developments focusing on their role in setting the stage for developments in Egypt and Tunisia. It also pays attention to the place of living things in the future developments in the Middle East.

This research is based on descriptive and analytical methods and while using library resources, documents and related information of websites and dedicated reports, has collected and reviewed databases.

Studies show that according to the socio-political conditions of Arab societies and countries, especially the governments of Egypt and Tunisia, the status of Netizens, as a result of the development of information and communication technology and the emergence of small and large virtual communities, have played an effective role in shaping change. They have had socio-political issues in these countries and the most important stage of their role-playing has been the formation of the online public sphere.

In a situation where Egypt and Tunisia were struggling with various political, social and economic problems in the shadow of totalitarian governments, but due to weak civil societies, change in these countries was not foreseen for years; But the role-playing of netizens in the context of information technology has created the conditions for 21st century activists to open up with open-minded public spheres based on the facts of society, sharing pain, creating synergies, and political debate. The closed, authoritarian regimes and their artificial public sphere, which emerged from the state media, provided the conditions for the formation of the revolutionary movement and socio-political developments.

Kemalism was a state ideology promoted and followed in the Republic of Turkey, especially in the early years of its establishment. With the rise of Justice and Development Party or the White Party, with its Islamist roots, in the pyramid of power from the beginning of the 3rd millennium AD, some challenges arose between the actions of politicians and the principles of Kemalism; since the mentioned system of thoughts was based on secularism. One of the most important areas, with an obvious need to examine the existence or absence of such fundamental challenges, is political economy. This study, aiming to analyze the relationship between Kemalism and the most prominent trends in the Turkish political economy in recent decades, provides the necessary data and evaluates that in this regard.

The beginning of the period surveyed in this research, is the establishment of the Welfare Party in 1987. This study has been conducted by descriptive-analytical method.

Findings of this research show that in the political economy of Turkey in recent decades, the position of Kemalist principles of populism, republicanism, secularism, and revolutionism have not declined significantly, while the weakening of just two principles of nationalism and statism are visible.

Most of the principles making up the Kemalism ideology have still been current in various areas of contemporary political economy of Turkey.

After the 1979Islamic revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, hostility between Iran andthe Zionist Regime has been created and escalated. As the imperatives of Tehran's anti-Israeli orientation, the alliance with Syria plus non-state groups in Lebanon and Palestine and gradually the formation of the Resistance Axis have been established. This paper aims to address this question: What is the impact of the Resistance Axis on the strategic depth of the Islamic Republic of Iran?

The method of research is descriptive-analytical by using library and internet sources.

The findings of this paper indicate that the Resistance Axis influence on Iran's strategic depth through mechanisms such as making balance of power by establishment of resistance basesand creating loyal groups, a strategic alliance with Syria and other non-state allies, improving Iran's missile capabilities, increasing the military power of Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and weakening the deterrent capabilities of the Zionist Regime.

The formation and development of the Resistance Axis has expanded the Islamic Republic of Iran’s strategic depth in the Fertile Crescent region.

West Asia is important to both Russia and Iran for a number of reasons. Being located in this country geopolitically in the area and neighborhood of West Asia has several possibilities to use the resources and reserves of the region as well as the potentials of strategic groups and countries that the region activates or activates. They register with other countries. The purpose of this study is to study the contexts of Mica - geo-economic and geopolitical competition between Iran and Russia in West Asia.

This paper has been processed based on documentary and archival data using a comparative method based on the geo-economic approach to analysis.

The findings show that the two countries are in the field of countering the US presence in the region, nuclear energy and counter-terrorism, and providing regional security in the areas of oil and gas sales, exports of goods and services in the region. Organizationally, the presence in the construction phase of Syria is competing with each other and there are deep differences in the issue of Israel.

The general conclusion of the transparent space research is one of the important areas of competition and climate between Iran and Russia in the West Asian region with a focus on geopolitics and geo-economics.

Aiming to give an applied analysis on the significance of ‘meaning system’ in the genesis, justification and direction of violent actions of Salafi radical groups, the present paper seeks to address the main question that ‘how can one relates political violence to religion’?    Building ona descriptive- analytical method for analyzing the data collected from library and internet resources, the paper articulates the data in a theoretical framework extracted from ideology studies. It is because the paper hypothesizes that the linkage between violence and religion in Jihadi Salafism might be found in the ideologization of the religion. Due to the reduction of religion to an ideology within Salafi fundamentalist / mythical approach, not only violence might be theoretically justified but also accompanied by some jurisprudential patterns for implementation. To explain, the paper initiates by highlighting the mechanism of justification of violence according to the radical Salafi worldview. Then, it concentrates on Nekayeh (destruction), Tavahosh (savagery), and Tamkin (establishment) as jurisprudential concepts, pointing to the justifiability of brutality as the necessary step in constructing the sovereignty, which actually serves jihadists` political strategy of obtaining, maintaining, and expanding the hegemony. The paper maintains that adapting such a theoretical framework helps to articulate the ‘politics of violence’ in Jihadi Salafism as a combinative phenomenon; containing both the traditional worldview (Salafism) and modern phenomenon (instrumental rationality aiming at domination). ISIS`s performance would provide relevant examples.

2017 was the year of the failure of the ISIL »caliphate« project in the political geography of Iraq; The caliphate that began in 2014 with the occupation of the western parts of the country and the provinces of Mosul, Salah al-Din, Diyala and Anbar. The defeat came as the terrorist group still occupies parts of Syrian territory. The purpose of this article is to explain the reasons for the failure of ISIS in Iraq. The main question is, »What are the causes of ISIL's failure to form a caliphate in Iraq?« For this purpose, descriptive-analytical method and political opportunity theory of Sydney Taro and McAdam have been used. The research findings show the unity of the ruling elites in suppressing ISIL, the closure of the political space for their entry into the political system, stability and internal unity of government elements, citizens' political awareness of the nature of ISIL and lack of access to influential political allies; It blocked any access to political opportunity for ISIL and failed to maintain its caliphate and territory. The theory of political opportunities can explain with great accuracy the defeat of political protests and the movement of Salafi jihadist forces in the political geography of Iraq, which were the source of socio-security crises. In the framework of this theory, the position of ISIL was affected by two categories of internal and external factors. In relation to internal factors, the role of differences between political officials and religious and ethnic groups is thought-provoking. Regarding external factors, the cessation of financial, military and political support for ISIL and the formation of a regional and international coalition against ISIL played an effective role at the end of its caliphate.

In the contemporary literature on human rights, there is a generally accepted approach that classifies them into four generations. The fourth generation pays special attention to the axis of sustainable development law and the issue of women's. The study of these developments in the world and the Islamic world is the main objective of this research. These developments are also reflected in the Islamic world, and we are witnessing a valuable alignment between the countries of the Islamic world and the developments in the international community. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation, like the United Nations, has paid special attention to the issue of women's rights.

The research method is based on a descriptive-analytical approach and is based on documented statistical data. First, the process of developments in women's rights in the light of human rights and the right to development is presented at the global level, and then the degree of compliance of these developments in Islamic world is evaluated based on the literature and documents of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.

The research hypothesis states that there is no significant difference between the world and the Islamic world in relation to the Gender Development Index, but the difference in the Gender Inequality Development Index is still noticeable.

The evolution of human rights and women's rights in the world and the Islamic world has had an upward trend in development indicators, but in some development indicators, there is a limited distance between the world and the Islamic world.

The purpose of this study is to identify the reasons for the adoption of two conflicting approaches of the Iraqi people (interaction-confrontation) in the face of ISIS through an objective and field study.

  In this qualitative study, the researcher, using the method of Grounded theory, and by attending places in Iraq where ISIS was active, while communicating and interviewing people, sought to answer this question: What are the causes of interactions and conflicts between Iraqi Sunni Arabs and ISIS?

According to the findings of this study, Sunni Arabs' attachment to power and past privileges and unwillingness to adopt new government conditions and maintain national cohesion based on parliamentary elections, as well as improper Shiite rule over the failed government during the occupation of Iraq, are among the factors of disintegration and growing hatred in Iraq. These factors led to interaction with ISIS. In practice, the ISIL government increased the pressure and restrictions on the people of the occupied territories, and the invasion of family privacy and the threat and injustice against the people provided the ground for confrontation with ISIL. In addition, the intervention of regional and supra-regional countries was influential in the intensity and weakness of this conflicting action.

The existence of the conflicting archetype of "Shiites against Sunnis" is involved in intensifying the internal crises of Islamic and Arab countries. Iraq is no exception. In the critical situation in Iraq, the existence of this conflicting archetype turned the central factors of interaction with ISIS in Iraq into a stimulus for causal factors such as hopelessness for the future, hatred of Shiism among some Sunni Arabs, loss of past rule, and so on. The conditions for the intervention of regional and supra-regional powers to gain benefits by influencing the events in Iraq and ethnic, religious and racial rivalries have also potentially delayed the process of nation-building and political stability in Iraq.