فهرست مطالب

مطالعات ایرانی - پیاپی 39 (بهار و تابستان 1400)

مجله مطالعات ایرانی
پیاپی 39 (بهار و تابستان 1400)

  • تاریخ انتشار: 1400/06/31
  • تعداد عناوین: 12
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  • محی الدین امجدی*، عبدالله طلوعی آذر صفحات 1-30

    پیوند عمیق ادبیات کردی با زبان و ادبیات فارسی و بررسی وجوه مختلف این ارتباطات می تواند بسیاری از زوایای حیات فرهنگی و هنری منطقه را نشان دهد. بی گمان شاعرانی همانند حافظ و سعدی تاثیر مهمی بر شعر و اندیشه در سراسر خاورمیانه داشته و توانسته اند علاوه بر گسترش شعر و ادبیات فارسی، در حوزه هنر و ادبیات اسباب همگرایی فرهنگی و ادبی در حوزه ادبیات منطقه شوند. در حوزه شعر کردی شاعران بسیاری همانند؛ ملای جزیری، نالی، محوی دراشعارخود در حیطه های ادبی، زبانی و فکری تحت تاثیر شاعرانی همانند حافظ، سعدی و مولانا و... بوده اند. علاوه بر شاعران کرد، مولانا خالد نقشبندی یکی از شاعران و ادیبان قرن دوازدهم هجری و یکی از چهره های تاثیر گذار در حوزه عرفان و تصوف درکردستان و خاومیانه است که در نامه های فارسی خود بسیار تحت تاثیر شعر فارسی و به ویژه اشعار حافظ و سعدی بوده است. ما دراین مقاله نامه های مولانا خالد را بررسی کرده، به شیوه ای توصیفی-تحلیلی به تشریح دلایل تاریخی و ادبی و اجتماعی بهره گیری مولانا خالد  از اشعار سعدی شیرازی پرداخته ایم که مشخص شد مولانا خالد بر اساس سوابق فرهنگی مشترک و آموزش زبان فارسی در حجره ها و مراکز علوم دینی کردستان و همچنین ارتباط با کردستان ایران با زبان فارسی وآثار سعدی آشنایی یافته است و در نامه های خود در مضامین پند و اندرز ، هشدار وانذار، بیان دوستی و محبت و عرفان و تصوف از اشعار و افکار سعدی بهره برده است.

    کلیدواژگان: پیوند ادبی، نامه ها، شعر فارسی، سعدی، مولانا خالد نقشبندی
  • حمید جعفری قریه علی*، زهرا جعفری صفحات 31-55

    در میان فنون هنرمندانه ای که در فرهنگ و تمدن انسان جلوه های گسترده و متنوعی داشته، شگرد نمادپردازی، همواره در آثار ادیبان بزرگ مورد توجه بوده است. نماد با هنر بیان اندیشه ها و عواطف به صورت غیرمستقیم می تواند مفاهیم و موضوعات عمیق و ریشه ای را به شیوه ای جامع و گسترده بیان کند و با ارایه معانی گوناگون از صورتی واحد، بازتاب دهنده امور درونی، ذهنی و عاطفی نویسنده باشد. فخری هروی از جمله نویسندگانی است که با آفرینش هفت کشور، میراثی ارزشمند در عرصه ادبیات داستانی به جای گذاشته است. او در این اثر از اسطوره و نماد به عنوان مهم ترین شاخصه های ادبی بهره برده است. نویسنده اجرام آسمانی را که شامل نقوش دوازده گانه صور فلکی و هفت سیاره است، مطابق با باورهای عصر خود در چهره ای نمادین که زیرساخت های اساطیری دارد به تصویر کشیده است. مقاله حاضر با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی، به رمزگشایی و تحلیل تعابیر و گزاره های نمادین هفت کشور براساس قراین و شواهد درون متنی می پردازد و با چشم اندازی به باورها و ریشه های اساطیری در جهت نمایان سازی هر چه بهتر مفاهیم گام برمی دارد، تا بدین گونه، حقیقت، درک اثر، دریافت روش و اندیشه نویسنده حاصل آید. براساس نتایج پژوهش، توصیف نمادین افلاک هفتگانه و اشاره تلویحی به ویژگی های هر یک از آن ها از قبیل وارستگی، سخاوتمندی، پاس داشت دیگران، تواضع، عدالت گستری و قدرت نمایی با هدف رونمایی از ارزش های اخلاقی و اعتباربخشی به آن ها  انجام شده است.

    کلیدواژگان: فخری هروی، هفت کشور، اساطیر، نماد، نجوم، سیارات
  • احسان چنگیزی* صفحات 57-87

    در این مقاله، نخست وجه و شیوه های بازنمایی آن در زبان ها، معرفی و به نظرات جدید زبانشناسان در طبقه بندی وجه، و نیز مفهوم آن در علم منطق و سنت مطالعات ادبی اشاره می شود. پس از آن، برخی مفاهیم وجهی و صورت های زبانی که بر آنها دلالت دارند، با ذکر مثالهای متعدد از متون فارسی میانه زردشتی معرفی می گردند. در زبان فارسی میانه زردشتی، وجه از طریق صرف فعل، افعال وجهی، برخی اسم ها و صفت ها و برخی ادوات بازنمایی شده است. افزون بر این، افعال، اسم ها، صفت ها، ادوات و عبارت های دیگری نیز هستند که طی روند دستوری شدگی، به ابزاری برای بازنمایی وجه بدل شده و بر انواع مفاهیم وجهی مانند حدس و گمان، شک و تردید، و قصد و درخواست دلالت داشته اند. نتیجه این پژوهش آن است که در فارسی میانه، وجه نه فقط از طریق صرف فعل، بلکه از طریق سایر صورت های زبانی نیز بازنمایی می شود و گاهی هم از طریق بافت جمله معلوم می گردد

    کلیدواژگان: فارسی میانه زردشتی، وجه، مفاهیم وجهی، گواه ‍نمایی، بافت
  • اکبر حیدریان*، داود نقی شیخی صفحات 89-105

    در بسیاری از دست نویس های موجود، به دلیل خطای کاتبان و اعمال سلیقه متعمدانه آنها در تغییر و جایگزین کردن کلمات مهجور، بخشی از واژگان محفوظ در این متون دستخوش تغییر شده است. در این میان، یکی از بایسته های فرهنگی برای پیشبرد زبان و ادبیات فارسی آن است که این واژگان که از بلای تصحیف، تحریف و تغییر چنان کاتبانی به دور نمانده‎اند بازیابی و معرفی شوند. نگارندگان با توجه به اهمیت وافر این نوع از پژوهش، به بررسی و روشن کردن یک جای نام در شعر محمدبن وصیف سگزی پرداخته اند. بنا بر قول نویسنده تاریخ سیستان، محمدبن وصیف، در بیت «به لتام آمد رتبیل و لتی خورد پلنگ/...» به غلبه یعقوب لیث بر رتابله اشاره دارد. «لتام» در این بیت از نظر محققان شناخته شده نیست و این ناشناختگی، مایه برآشفتگی بسیار شده است. این مقاله، ابتدا اقوال مختلف را در مورد واژه مورد مناقشه بررسی و نقد کرده و در نهایت هیچکدام از ضبط ها را نپذیرفته است. نتیجه پژوهش حاضر، پیشنهاد این نکته است که «لتام»، تصحیفی از «لگان / لکان» است.

    کلیدواژگان: تاریخ سیستان، محمدبن وصیف، تصحیف، لتام، لگان
  • مهدی دهقانی* صفحات 107-130

    جایگاه صوفیان برجسته صاحب طریقت، به واسطه شهرت کراماتشان در دوره های زمانی مختلف تداوم می یافت که از جنبه های مهم آن حلقه مریدان فراوان و اهمیت مرقدشان برای زیارت و تحصن بود. در دوره صفوی، وراثت عنوان مرشد کامل طریقت توسط شاهان و کارویژه ها و کرامات منبعث از آن، مهم ترین دلیل تداوم جایگاه مشروعیت بخش صوفیان برجسته به ویژه شیخ صفی الدین اردبیلی موسس طریقت صفویه بود. بر این منوال، پژوهش حاضر درصدد یافتن پاسخ به این پرسش است: چه پیوند معنوی میان پادشاهان صفوی با شیخ صفی الدین اردبیلی وجود داشت؟ برای پاسخگویی، این فرضیه را به آزمون می گذاریم که از یک سو، جایگاه کشوری و لشکری مهم صوفیان و قزلباشان و از سوی دیگر، جنگ های ممتد با حکومت عثمانی سبب شد تا پادشاهان مذکور با بهره گیری از عنوان مرشد کامل طریقت و ویژگی های منبعث از آن که میراث شیخ صفی الدین بود، بتوانند مریدان را منسجم و به اطاعت از خود جلب نمایند. پژوهش حاضر، با استفاده از روش تحقیق تاریخی و شیوه جمع آوری داده های کتابخانه ای از منابع دست اول تاریخی پس از توصیف و طبقه بندی ویژگی های شخصیتی شیخ صفی الدین ازجمله رویاهای صادقه به تحلیل و تفسیر این ویژگی ها و تاثیرات آن بر شرایط سیاسی- نظامی دوره موردنظر می پردازد.

    کلیدواژگان: پیوند معنوی، شیخ صفی الدین، پادشاهان صفوی، مشروعیت، قزلباشان
  • سمانه رادفر، مجیدرضا مقنی پور*، بابک شمشیری صفحات 131-161

    افکار، اندیشه ها و جهان بینی ها به عنوان مولفه های غیرمادی فرهنگ از دیرباز تاکنون در قالب هایی مادی همچون رقص، نمایش، بازی و موسیقی نمود پیدا کرده و حفظ می شوند. نوعی از حرکات نمایشی - آیینی در میان قوم کرمانج ساکن در شمال خراسان رواج دارد که تحت عنوان «لیستک» شناخته می شود؛ این رقص یا بازی را می توان به عنوان یکی از نمودهای مهم فرهنگی این قوم برشمرد که خود متاثر از افکار و اندیشه ها، سبک زندگی و هویت تاریخی کرمانج های این منطقه می باشد. هدف پژوهش حاضر، توصیف و تحلیل این رقص ها جهت شناخت هر چه بهتر یکی از جلوه های شاخص هویت تاریخی این قوم بوده است. بر این مبنا، سوال اصلی پژوهش این گونه شکل می یابد که ساختار فرمی و محتوای نمادین حرکات آیینی نمایشی قرسه ای کرمانجی چگونه است؟ با این هدف و بر اساس فعالیتی کتابخانه ای - میدانی، به تحلیل ساختار فرم و محتوای نمادین منتخبی از این لیستک ها پرداخته شده است. بر مبنای نتایج پژوهش لیستک های کرمانجی چه به لحاظ ساختار و فرم اجرا و چه به لحاظ محتوا، متاثر از هدف مهاجرت این قوم از موطن اصلی خود، جهت دفاع و حراست از مرزهای شمال شرقی ایران بوده است؛ به همین منظور، غالب حرکات  لیستک بازان در این بازی ها معرف ماهیتی جنگاورانه و نظامی و با هدف حفظ و تقویت استقامت و نیروی بدنی و قوای جنگی آنها می باشد.

    کلیدواژگان: آیین های نمایشی، لیستک، کرمانج، هویت تاریخی
  • مهناز شریفی* صفحات 163-193

    پس از سقوط اشکانیان و پیروزی اردشیر بابکان در ابتدای قرن سوم میلادی پادشاهی قدرتمند ساسانی تشکیل شد. حکومت مرکزی یک پارچه ای که توانست طی قرنها عظمت و شکوه ایران عصر هخامنشی را بازگرداند. پادشاهان ساسانی از جمله شاپور اول اقدام به فعالیتهای عمرانی بسیاری نمودند، زیرا پیروزی ساسانیان در جنگهای متعدد با رومیها باعث شد تا بتوانند از تخصص اسرای رومی استفاده نمایند. یکی از ویژگیهای معماری ساسانیان، ساخت بناهای چندمنظوره و ترکیبی از جمله پل و بند است. در این دوره پل بندهای متعددی در خوزستان ایجاد شدکه گاهی در نوع خود شاهکاری در معماری محسوب می شدند.دلیل این امر سیاست ساسانیان در استفاده بهینه از آب رودخانه ها بود. در این مقاله سعی شده به دانش هیدرولیک پل/بندهای ساسانی پرداخته شود زیرا این بناها به عنوان یک بازدارنده در مقابل طغیان رودخانه ها عمل می کرده اند؛ همچنین این مقاله به معرفی پل بندهای ساسانی در شوشتر و رامهرمز، می پردازد که توسط نگارنده مورد پژوهش قرارگرفته اند. نتایج نشانگر انطباق ساختارهای معمارانه بر طرحی نظام مند و سبکی شناخته شده از دوره ساسانی و دلالت های برآمده از بررسی مدارک سفالی مجاور حوزه سد جره در تایید این تاریخ گذاری است. این نوشتار تلاش می کند به این پرسش پاسخ دهدکه چه شواهدی در ارتباط با بکارگیری اسرای رومی که در جنگها به اسارت ساسانیان درآمدند را می توان شناسایی نمود؟ همچنین بررسی چگونگی ماهیت بنای پل/بند جره از نظر کاربری به چه صورت است؟ روش پژوهش بر مبنای پژوهشهای میدانی و مطالعات کتابخانه ای صورت گرفته و سعی در تبیین بناهای عام المنفعه و سازه های نویافته در جنوب غرب دارد.

    کلیدواژگان: پل بندهای ساسانی، پل بند جره، نظام آبیاری، اسرا و صنعتگران رومی
  • ابراهیم ظاهری عبدوند*، ولی الله نصیری صفحات 195-227

    از زن در اساطیر ، تصاویر گوناگونی ارایه شده که این تصاویر با دگردیسی هایی در قصه های عامیانه باقی مانده است . این تصاویر اسطوره ای در ایجاد الگوی رفتاری و همچنین نشان دادن نوع نگرش و میل افراد جامعه به مسایل زنان نقش مهمی دارند که بدین سبب ، بررسی آن ها اهمیتی شایان می یابد . هدف در این پژوهش نیز بررسی چهره اسطوره ای زن در قصه های عامیانه مکتوب در فرهنگ بختیاری با روش اسنادی است . نتایج پژوهش نشان می دهد چهره ایزدبانویی زن در قصه های بختیاری ، سبب می شود تا زنان به سوی باروری ، عقل گرایی و فردیت حرکت کنند و چهره اهریمنی زن که از طریق ماده دیوان ترسیم می شود ، کهنه نمونه ای است برای ترسیم نقش ویرانگری و لذت جویی زن . در این قصه ها ، شخصیت ننه ماهی با آناهیتا ، تمتی با چیستا ، زن زیبا با دیوپری و سر اره پا تیشه با دیو بوشاسب قابل تطبیق است . خواستگاری کردن زن از مرد ، تصمیم گیری زن برای امور زندگی ، نقش فعال داشتن در امور کشاورزی و کشته شدن مردخدای توسط زن خدای نیز نشانه های زن سروری در این قصه ها هستند . همچنین در برخی از قصه ها ، برای رشد محصولات کشاورزی و دور کردن موجود اهریمنی باید دختری به ازدواج موجود شریر و اهریمنی درآید که این موضوع نیز می تواند ریشه در رسم قربانی کردن ، به ویژه زنان ، برای خدای غله داشته باشد .

    کلیدواژگان: اسطوره، ایزدبانو، قصه، فرهنگ بختیاری، زن .
  • سید علی قاسم زاده*، علی اکبر فخرو صفحات 229-248

    بازنگری در متون گذشته و تطبیق واژه های مبهم یا ناآشنای آن ها با واژه های رایج و زنده در برخی گویش ها-البته پس از اطمینان از اینکه، از رهگذر خطای محرران و نسخه نویسان نیست- می تواند رافع ابهامات ناخواسته متونی باشد که به سبب ناآشنایی مصححان و فرهنگ نویسان با گویش ها یا غفلت از آن ها، به نادرست ثبت شده یا به جرح و تعدیل ذوقی انجامیده و گاه در فرهنگ ها به اشتباه معنا شده است. در میان متون کلاسیک فارسی، شاهنامه فردوسی به سبب گرایش ذاتی آن به احیای زبان فارسی و دقت در کاربست واژه های سره فارسی، زمینه ای مناسب برای بازنمایی مشکل ضبط و ثبت صحیح بیت ها و واژه های در فرایند تصحیح و فرهنگ نویسی است.  بنا بر همین ضرورت، این جستار به شیوه استقرایی و با بررسی مفهوم واژه «لو» از خلال گویش های رایج و زنده مانند گویش سرخه ای و طبری، ضمن بیان معنای صحیح و دقیق آن در شاهنامه و اثبات نادرستی درج معنای «پشته یا بلندی» در مصراع «رهی تازه پیش آیدت پر ز لو» به این نتیجه رسیده است که تمامی نسخه های موجود شاهنامه به دلایلی مانند در اختیار نداشتن نسخه ای که واژه «لو» در آن به کار رفته باشد با بی اعتنایی به ضبط این بیت در برخی فرهنگ های فارسی ازجمله فرهنگ جهانگیری و فرهنگ دهخدا از ضبط درست واژه «لو» و بیت مربوط با آن غافل مانده اند.

    کلیدواژگان: شاهنامه فردوسی، تصحیح، گویش سرخه ای، گویش طبری، واژه «لو»
  • نجم الدین گیلانی*، مهسا موسوی صفحات 249-281

    تداوم فرهنگ و اندیشه سیاسی ایران باستان در دوران ایران اسلامی موضوعی است که تاکنون توجه زیادی به آن شده است. پژوهش های بسیاری درباره اندرزنامه ها و سیرالملوک ها، به ویژه سیاست نامه خواجه نظام الملک انجام گرفته است. در این میان یکی از نخستین اندرزنامه هایی که در قرون نخستین اسلامی نوشته شده، اندرز طاهر به پسرش عبدالله است. محتوای این اندرزنامه با اندرزهای پادشاهان ساسانی در شاهنامه فردوسی، موضوعی است که تاکنون به آن توجه نشده است. این پژوهش با هدف تحلیل و تطبیق فرهنگ سیاسی ایرانیان در شاهنامه فردوسی و نامه طاهر به عبدالله با استفاده از روش بینامتنیت، نگاشته شده است. بسیاری از سازه های فرهنگ سیاسی ایرانیان مانند: پاسداشت خاندان های کهن، توجه به تخمه و نژاد، الهی بودن مقام سلطنت، سنت عهد و پیمان، میانه روی، نکوهش بدگمانی و دروغ، مشورت با خردمندان، سنت بارعام، سنت چشم و گوش شاه، سفارش برای بکار بستن پند و اندرز؛ بیانگر وجود رابطه بین متن نامه طاهر با متن اندرزهای پادشاهان ساسانی در شاهنامه فردوسی است. در این پژوهش سعی شده با استناد به منابع کهن، به ویژه شاهنامه فردوسی و تاریخ طبری، به روش توصیفی - تحلیلی به این پرسش پاسخ داده شود که کدام یک از سازه های فرهنگ سیاسی ایرانیان در نامه طاهر و شاهنامه فردوسی قابل تطبیق است؟

    کلیدواژگان: شاهنامه فردوسی، ایران باستان، ساسانی، طاهر ذوالیمینین، بینامتنیت
  • محمد مطلبی*، فرانک نشاط علی زاده صفحات 283-313

    رودانی گویش مردم شهرستان رودان، از توابع استان هرمزگان است که دارای گونه های متعددی از جمله جغینی، پاکوهی، رودخانه ای، برنطینی، آبنمایی و خوراجی است. این گویش متعلق به مجموعه گویش های بشگردی است و یکی از گویش های ایرانی نو جنوب غربی به شمار می رود. این مقاله به بررسی صرف فعل در این گویش می پردازد. داده های پژوهش به شیوه میدانی، از طریق مصاحبه با گویشوران از گروه های مختلف سنی، تحصیلی و جنسیتی گردآوری شده است. در این پژوهش مقولات ماده فعل، تکواژهای تصریفی فعل، انواع فعل از نظر زمان، وجه، نمود و نوع ساختمانی مورد بررسی و تحلیل قرار گرفته اند. براساس یافته های این پژوهش، مهم ترین ویژگی های صرف فعل، کاربرد گونه ای از ساخت کنایی (ارگاتیو) در ماضی های متعدی است. وجود نوعی مضارع درجریان  که با استفاده از مصدر ساخته می شود از دیگر مختصات این گویش است. همچنین hasten «هستیدن» در این گویش هم در مضارع اخباری و هم در ماضی ساده صورت های واژه بستی و صورت های منفصل دارد.

    کلیدواژگان: گویش رودانی، گویش های بشکردی، صرف فعل، گویش شناسی، ساخت کنایی (ارگاتیو)
  • مریم نعمت طاووسی* صفحات 315-345

    پریانی بسیار در روایات کهن پدیدار شده اند، گاه زیانکار، گاه یاری رسان. پری در افسانه، همچون همتای اساطیری اش صاحب نیرو و قدرتی ماورایی است؛ اما هیاتی ایزدانه ندارد. بیشتر آثار نگاشته شده در خصوص پریان درباره تبارشناسی آنان و جای پای حضورشان در ادبیات کلاسیک ایرانی است و اثری نگاشته نشده که به ابعاد تنانی، روانی و ارتباط پریان با جهان هستی بپردازد. حال آن که چنین نوشتاری می تواند دستمایه ای برای نویسندگان خلاق در حوزه ادبیات کودکان و نوجوانان و حتی بزرگسالان باشد. در این نوشتار به کمک کتاب طبقه بندی قصه های ایرانی نوشتهه اورلریش مارزلف و به روش اکتشافی، قصه هایی که در آن پری حضور داشتند مورد مطالعه قرار گرفتند. روشن شد که پریان گرچه سرزمین خود را دارند اما در جهان آدمیان در دوردست ها، قلعه ها، سرچشمه های آب، باغ های زیرزمینی زندگی می کنند. زیبایی آسمانی دارند، هم زن و هم مردند، با آدمیان وصلت می کنند، اما تنها وصلت دختر-انسان است که با مردپری دوام می آورد. برخی حیوانات هم ممکن است یک پری باشند. خلق و خوی آنها آمیزه ای از خوبی و بدی است و رازهایشان را باید حرمت نهاد. پیکرگردانی های بی شمار دارند و ارتباطی انداموار با جهان گیاهان. گویی پری را می توان بوده ای سیال میان جهان گیاهی، حیوانی و حتی انسانی تصویر کرد.

    کلیدواژگان: پریان افسانه، افسانه های جادویی، طومار نقالی سامنامه، زیستگاه پریان، باغ های زیرزمینی
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  • Mohieddin Amjadi *, Abdolla Toloei Azar Pages 1-30
    Introduction

    Maulana Khalid Naqshbandi (1243 1193 AH) is the head of the Naqshbandi Way in Kurdistan and one of the famous writers and poets of the twelfth century AH, whose works have a deep connection with Persian poetry and literature. And many cultural components of Iran have emerged in these works Maulana Khalid completed his religious studies in different cities of Kurdistan. But after a while he turned to mysticism and SufismAnd by traveling to India and receiving the Naqshbandiyya way from Sheikh Abdullah Dehlavi and republishing it in different regions, it caused many religious, cultural and literary changes in Kurdistan and the Middle East.The emergence of the Naqshbandiyya sect had many proponents and opponents. The emergence of these differences in the political, social, literary and cultural spheres had an important impact on Kurdistan at that time In the field of literature and culture, we see the writing of many books and treatises in the rejection or approval of Maulana Khalid by his opponents and supporters. This issue itself became a factor for a scientific and cultural movement in the region and the emergence and creation of numerous poetic and prose works. The rivalry between Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriyya in Iraqi Kurdistan, especially in the city of Sulaymaniyah, lasted for years, and finally Maulana Khalid left the city of Sulaymaniyah for Damascus forever. He remained there until the end of his life, but continued to communicate with his successors, caliphs and followers through letters and correspondence.Throughout his cultural and religious life, he used the correspondence and writing of various epistles to educate his disciples and successors in order to maintain contact with his disciples and followers.In writing these letters, Maulana Khalid has tried to produce a literary text using the older context of the language and using many verses of famous poets in the field of Persian literature. To achieve a kind of literary victory in the literary competitions of the two ways of Qaderieh and Naqshbandiyya And by using all kinds of rhymes and using Persian poems in these letters, he can produce a magnificent text to his audience to a kind of literary pleasure and inner satisfaction. A study and analysis of the literary and intellectual layers of these letters and a description of how and why Maulana Khalid Naqshbandi was influenced by the works of Saadi Shirazi can reveal many intellectual, literary and cultural forms of these letters.

    Methodology

    In this article, based on a descriptive-analytical approach, we have explained the reasons and grounds for the influence of Maulana Khalid's letters on Saadi's poems.This article has also examined the  connection of these letters with Saadi Shirazi's poems based on the library method. For this purpose, we have examined the 195 Persian letters of Maulana Khalid collected by Mullah Abdul Karim Modarres in the book "Yadi Mardan". So that we can show the grounds, goals and reasons of Maulana Khalid in using Saadi's poems in his letters.

    Discussion

    Saadi's presence and his thought have always been an important issue among the elites of different nations, which can be examined in separate articles. In the field of Kurdish language and literature, Saadi's works have received more attention than any other poet, Because Golestan and Bustan Saadi have always been one of the curricula in the old schools of Kurdistan and students of religious sciences have been studying these books from an early age to learn Persian. Because Golestan and Bustan Saadi have always been one of the curricula in the old schools of Kurdistan and students of religious sciences have been studying these books from an early age to learn Persian. The frequent publication of translations of Saadi's works in Kurdistan and the interest of the Kurdish community in his words should be related to this issue.In addition, Saadi's words are so comprehensiveness that, in the words of Edward Brown, "there are many things in Saadi's works according to the tastes of every high scholar, mystic and commoner" (Brown 251 1361). This comprehensiveness of the word should also be considered as another reason for Kurdish people to pay attention to Saadi's poetry.also Saadi's spirit of tolerance and avoidance of dogma and prejudice in inducing concepts and also, his short, simple and humorous expression (especially in Golestan) has made his words seem more consistent and acceptable in other multi-layered Kurdish society, which has different religions and differences, than other Persian texts. These reasons, along with Saadi's artistic, rhetorical and intellectual values, Despite the large number of translations of his works, other writers such as "Ali Bapir Agha" (1969), "Mustafa Safwat" (2005) and "Ali Nanvazadeh" (2006) have turned to Saadi's Kurdish translations.Also, part of Maulana Khalid Naqshbandi's letters dependence on Saadi's words and poetry goes back to the power of Saadi's words in convincing the audience. As mentioned, Maulana Khalid's prose letters, in addition to having emotional and lyrical aspects and expressing emotions, are a lyrical teaching set in which the author seeks to persuade the audience and pave the way for the audience to accept his teachings internally. According to what has been said, Maulana Khalid has used Saadi's poems in the following fields.A:Using Saadi's poems in the context of advice: Saadi's collection of poems and prose is a moral collection. Maulana Khalid has also used Saadi Shirazi's poems in his letters whenever he wants to present an educational and legal subject to the audience in an artistic way that contains a kind of rhetorical persuasion. B:Using Saadi's poems in the context of warnings:In his educational works, Saadi, this famous Iranian poet, has benefited from the element of religion and cultural acceptance and has explicitly expressed his educational ideas, which are often expressed in a warning way. Maulana Khalid's spiritual and emotional connection with Saadi's works as well as his social status as a religious scholar Also, the promoter of the Naqshbandiyya sect in Kurdistan caused him, like Saadi, to explicitly present his educational letters, which included warnings and reprimands, to his audience and for this purpose, he has usually used Saadi poems. C:Using Saadi's poems in the theme of friendship and love: A large part of the meanings of Saadi's poems, especially in lyric poems, is the expression of lyrical themes and the expression of passion and friendship.  Therefore, Maulana Khalid quotes Saadi's poems in the letters that he calls "Honesty Letter" and "Love Letter". D:The use of Saadi poems in the context of mysticism and Sufism: As mentioned, Saadi is a teacher of ethics, in his view, ethics leads to mysticism. But his mysticism is moderate mysticism. This Iranian poet and thinker brought to the earth a mysticism that was out of reach and located in the heavens. He tried to make this mysticism available to ordinary people. At a time when some of the mystic authors considered non-Sufi people arrogantly, "inhabitants of the valley of ignorance", "Ahl al-Nafs", Saadi is not afraid to turn to ordinary people and instill in them a tendency to discover the truth. These intellectual characteristics have caused a professional Sufi writer like Maulana Khalid Naqshbandi to pay much attention to the texts left by Saadi to express his thoughts And always use these poems in writing his letters, even in the field of mysticism and Sufism.

    Conclusion

    One of the most important reasons for Maulana Khalid's use of Saadi's poems is the connection of educational and cultural centers of Kurdistan from ancient times with Persian language and literature. And Saadi Shirazi has a special position in this. From the point of view of different periods in the history of literature in Iran, this period is considered as a "period of literary return". The poets and writers of this period took their poetic and literary patterns from Iraqi style poets such as Saadi and Hafez. Maulana Khalid is not exception to this rule, and a part of the connection between his works and his letters With Saadi's poems should be related to the stylistic and literary conditions of this period. In addition, Maulana Khalid has tried to use his "written background and cultural beliefs" in society to bring his audience to a form of inner satisfaction. In Iranian culture, part of these cultural beliefs and written background is related to the artistic and literary creativity of Persian language and literature poets, which plays an important role in convincing the audience. Maulana Khalid has tried to produce a literary text by using the older context of the language as well as the verses of poets of Persian language and literature, including Saadi Shirazi In addition to having educational and guidance themes in the field of mysticism and Sufism, that poem should have an artistic and literary aspect. Who can use this artistic aspect to achieve a kind of immortality and Eloquency. Maulana Khalid has used Saadi's poems to express various goals and intentions That Among them, we can mention topics such as advice, warning and warning, expression of friendship and the breadth of love, mysticism and Sufism.

    Keywords: Literary connection, Persian Poetry, letters, Saadi, Maulana Khalid Naqshbandi
  • Hamid Jafari Ghariyehali *, Zahra Jafari Pages 31-55
    Introduction

    Symbols reflect natural phenomena, particularly celestial bodies that are embedded in myths and popular culture and are abundantly employed in Persian literature. Fakhri Heravi was a Shiat pot of the court of Iran and India in the 10th century AH, who compiled Haft Keshvar in the reign of the Safavid Shah Esmail I in three years. Haft Keshvar is a travel book of 388 pages (edited by Afshar and Afshari) written in prose and ornamented occasionally by verses. It embeds references to narrative stories, myths, and history including Tarikh Tabari, Tarikh fakhr Baenakati, Javame AlHekayat va Lavame AlRevayat, Seraj Algholoob, Shhnameh and Boostan. Haft Keshvar is a meta-narrative work of fiction that incorporates a range of symbols related to celestial bodies. It depicts journeys of Ibn Torab who visits seven different countries and their kings whose ideas are determined by astronomy and myths. The present study explores intertextual clues to dig into symbolic representations of constellations and seven planets of the solar system.

    Methodology

    A work of literary importance is uncovered by a thorough analysis of its sublayers. Thus, the present study uses a documentary, library, and note-taking method to collect data. It also uses descriptive-analytic method to examine narrative style of the work in terms of structure, narrative elements, and key features storytelling in Haft Keshvar. Persian writers have extensively used symbols to convey ideas and establish their belief systems. For instance, Fakhri Heravi wrote Haft Keshvar as a symbolic and allegorical work. Accordingly, this study examines the relationship between symbols and astrology in this work.

    Discussion

    Haft Keshvar is a journey to seven countries that symbolically represents ideas on astrology based on constellations of the zodiac and seven planets of the solar system. It proves to be a deeply symbolic literary work with different layers of meaning. The present study focuses on symbols that relate to astrology and how they are interwoven into the text. It evolves around the idea of the evolution of life on earth.Ibn Torab accompanies Aghi-aldin in the journey and arrives in the first country ruled by Keyvanbakht who abides in a magnificent palace called JeddiAbad topped by a big poll called DaloAbabd. The king’s name stands for the plane Saturn. The pool in this work represents water in ancient mythology and local folklore. Ibn Torab and Aghi-aldin move to the second country and stay there for 30 days. The king is Malek Girgis and abides in NahangAbad ia big palace called Qosiyeh. The king symbolizes Jupiter, the city symbolizes Pisces and the palace stands for Sagittarius.Upon their arrival in the second country, a messenger in red garments from the third country welcomes them. His name id Shahab and serves his king Bahram who lives in a palace called Aqrabiyeh in HamAbad. The king and his living place in the third country symbolize Mars.Before they arrive in the fourth country, a messenger receives them. His name is Najm the Agile whose lord is Sultan Beyza. The King lives in his palace, AsadAbad, at a meadow called Sepehr. The palace is built in the form of a lion. The lodging of the king and reminds the reader of the Leo Constellation and the King’s name stands for the Sun, which respectively imply resurrection, eternity, life, warmth, light and authority.In the fifth country, Dorry the Night Walker welcomes Ibn Torab and Aghi-aldin. The ruler of this territory is Zohreh Banu who abides in her cow-shaped palace, Soriyeh, at the top of a mountain. Zohreh Banu stands for Venus and her land represents Taurus constellations.The king of the sixth country is SahmKhuy whose messenger, FalakPeyma, meets the travelers in the story. The king lives in his palace, Joza, in ParvinAbad, all reparenting Mercury.In the last country, the messenger is a man named GardoonSeyr who is in the service of his lord, Malek Qamaraddin who lives in his palace, Saratan, near the Nile. The king is the symbol f the moon and his palace is the symbol of Cancer constellation.

    Conclusion

    Haft keshvar was written by Fakhri Heravi in10th century AHand that is replete with mysticism, mythical, geographical and astrological ideas. The study shows that the journeys to seven countries are in correspondence to the seven celestial bodies and planets. The level of symbolism is more tangible when we realize that the twelve constellations in the sky are in seven planets. For instance, Asad is the sun and Saratan is the moon. The other planets have two houses that are represented in the story of Haft Keshvar. This implies the mastery of the writer over astrology and his gifted naming procedure. In representing the seven planets and countries, the writer emphasizes on some lofty notions such as justice, freedom, generosity, respectfulness, authority and autonomy.

    Keywords: Fakhri Harawi, Haft Keshvar, Myths, Symbols, astronomy
  • Ehsan Changizi * Pages 57-87
    Introduction

    The speaker’s view or intention of expressing a sentence is called modality. In all languages, modality is represented in two ways: by adding a marker to a verb, which is called mood (such as indicative, subjunctive, imperative, and optative moods in Middle Persian), or by using lexical or syntactic means such as modal verbs, adverbs, nouns, and adjectives. In Middle Persian, both forms have been used, but modality has mostly been discussed in terms of mood. Mood, modal verbs, nouns, adjectives, and particles have been discussed in the grammar books of Middle Persian, but there are other linguistic forms representing modality, which have never been mentioned before. In this article, we are going to fill this gap.

    Methodology

    First, we introduce modality and how it is represented, then we review linguists' opinions on the classification of modality, the concept of modality in logic and literary studies, and discuss the relation between modality and evidentiality. By presenting evidence from Zoroastrian Middle Persian texts, we introduce some modal concepts indicated by linguistic forms. Our goal is to answer the following questions: Is the representation of modality limited to those forms discussed in the literature? In addition to what has been discussed in the literature, what are the other ways of representing modality? In other words, in addition to mood and modal verbs, what are the other linguistic means of representing modality in Zoroastrian Middle Persian?

    Discussion

    Along with mood and modal verbs, there are other linguistic forms with modal functions in Zoroastrian Middle Persian. Each of those could indicate various modal concepts. A modal concept might also be represented by various linguistic forms. Therefore, to identify modality, we should consider the context of a sentence. There are many modal concepts, and there might be many common ways of representing them in Middle Persian. In Middle Persian, the modal concept of conjecture has been represented by the verbal phrases pad ēd dāštan and ēdōn sahēd / sahist kū. In Zand-e Bahman Yasn, after Zoroaster learned from Ormazd about people, sheep, and trees and plants, hethought he had a dream:zardušt pad ēd dāšt kū pad xwamn ī xwaš … dīd, az xwamn nē winārd hēm. Zoroaster thought that I saw it in a dream and did not wake up (Rashed-Mohassel, 1991: 3, 52). Another example of such usage in Bondahišn is as follows:tō kē hē, kē man ēdōn sahēd kū-t harwisp xwārīh ud āsānīh padiš? Who are you that I think all this comfort and peace is because of you? (Pakzad, 2005: 348). Doubts have been represented by mā agar:ardaxšēr … hamē tarsīd kū mā agar-im gīrēd ud ō ardawān abēspārēd. Ardashir was afraid (that) lest he catch me and hand me over to Ardawān (Farahvashi, 1999: 44, 45).The modal concept of intention has been represented by xwāh-/xwāst and pad ān menišn būdan:ardaxšēr pad ān menišn būd kū ō arman ud ādurpādkān šawēm … be čiyōn stambagīh ud wināhkārīh ī haftānbuxt ašnūd, handēšīd nazdist kār ī pārs abāyēd wirāstan. Ardeshir wanted to go to Armenia and Azerbaijan, but when he heard about the tyranny and the guilt of Haftānboxt, he thought first I should taking care of Persia (Farahvashi, 1999: 54-57). In some contexts, some linguistic forms might lose their original meaning, and through grammaticalization, they become means of expressing modality. The original meaning of wurrōyist is ‘to believe’ and ‘to select’, but in the context of the following sentence, it has been used to express intention. xwarišn ud mizag hazār ān and čand ān ī nūn bawēd. kē-š wurrōyēd xwarēd, kē-š nē wurrōyēd nē xwarēd. The taste is a thousand times (better than) the current taste. Whoever wants to eat, eats and whoever doesn’t want, doesn’t eat (Williams, 1990/1: 182-183; 1990/2: 84). Sahēd/Sahist has been used to express requests. Sometimes the gerund form has been used to represent the modal concept. In the following passage, which is addressed by Ardȃvirȃf to the clergies, sahēd is used to express a request. agar-itān sahēd, ēg-im akāmagōmand mang ma dahēd. If you agree, do not give in to me against my will (please do not give me Mang against my will) (Gignoux, 2003: 45). To warn or to draw attention, niger- has been used at the beginning of the sentence in the imperative mood. niger kū rōz ud šab az nazdīk ī stōrān ō naxčīr … nē šawē.Beware day and night, not leaving cattle to go hunting (Farahvashi, 1999: 18). Depending on the context, the verb menīdan could have been used to mean 'to imagine' to indicate irrealis assumptions. Sometimes in Simile, the unrealisticness of a sentence has also been expressed by indicative mood and analogical particles. In some contexts, the verb hil-/hišt, which its original meaning is “to abandon”, indicates the modal concept of permission. In Zoroastrian Middle Persian texts, which are religious texts, to validate an utterance, it was crucial to introduce the source of information to resolve any doubt in its validity among Zoroastrians. Since the speaker/writer's intention of expressing such utterances indicates concepts, such as certainty or permissibility, it could be considered as modality. There are several ways of representing the source of information. Sometimes the source of information are Avestan texts and, scholars refer to them to show certainty. az abestāg paydāg kū ka anēr dušmen āyēnd ud pad šahr ī ērān wardag ud zyān ī was kāmēnd kardan … . It appears in Avesta that if non-Iranian enemies come and want to cause damage to the city of Iran ... (Williams, 1990/1: 92-93). Sometimes the source of information is the Avesta, which is marked by dēn. pad dēn ōwōn paydāg ku rōšnīh azabar ud tārikīh azēr … būd. As appear in the (Avestan) religion, the light was high and the darkness was low (Rashed Mohassel, 2006: 163). ast kē or ast ī have been used to express different opinions, which could be translated to 'some'. They indicate that the speaker/writer has heard an utterance from another person, which reduces its certainty. pas awēšān … ēkē wirāf / wirāz nām be wizīd ud ast kē wehšāpuhr gōwēnd. Then they chose a person named Wīrāf/Wīrāz, whom some call Wehšāpuhr (Gignoux, 2003: 45, 73). Sometimes the source of information is the speaker's inference and, therefore, the speaker's view and evaluation involve in expressing an utterance. In Kȃrnȃmag-e Ardashir-e Bȃbkȃn, after observing stars and planets, an astronomer says:ēdōn nimāyēd kū xwadāyīh … ī nōg ō paydāgīh ayēd. It appears that a new king will arise (Farahvashi, 1999: 27, 28). In narrating stories, the third plural person conjugation has been used in a passive meaning representing the narrator's low certainty. ēdōn gōwēnd kū andar šab frāz ō dih-ē mad. It has been said that night he arrived in a village (Farahvashi, 1999: 32, 33).

    Conclusion

    There are two methods representing modality in Zoroastrian Middle Persian: The first one is the mood, which has been discussed in the literature, and the other is the use of lexical forms such as modal verbs, gerunds, and particles, which have been introduced in the literature. In this article, we introduced some modal concepts and their linguistic forms. These linguistic forms are used to express modality at the sentence level. Sometimes the modality is only determined by the context of sentences. There are many modal concepts, and the linguistic forms representing them are varied. Every linguistic form does not correspond to a modal concept, but, depending on the context, a linguistic form could be used to represent various modal concepts. Also, some linguistic forms indicate the source of information and therefore indicating its validity and certainty.  There are also some linguistic forms reflecting the speaker/writer's inference and evaluation of expressing an utterance, which should be considered as the means of expressing modality in Middle Persian.

    Keywords: Middle Persian, modality, modal concept, evidentiality, context
  • Akbar Heidarian *, Davoud Naghi Sheikhi Pages 89-105
    Introduction

    It has been told in the book history of Sistan, when Jacob achieved great victories and the king gave him domination of Kerman and Pars, the poets admired him in the Arab language because he didn't know Arabic, he didn't understand the poetries, so he said don't express what i don't perceive. At this time Mohammad-ben-Vasif was a sober man, started Persian poetry for him and compose: In the all resources as following history of Sistan  "Letam" has been written "Letam" and based on researchers "Letam" transformed of "Logan / Locan".

    Methodology

    This research is following a decriptive-analytical method. Based on this method, we investigated the documents including considered couplet and then surveyed the commentators. Eventually, by using historical and literary documents, we didn't recognise it correct and suggested a new form.

    Discussion

    Mohammad Vasif Sagzi is one of the pioneer poets in Persian poetry. It has been told about him in the history of sistan book his scribe was Jacob leith a polite man. He glorified him in an ode by beginning a couplet :There is a couplet in this ode that most researchers and commentators analysed, but most of them focused on words such as "Ratbil/ Zonbil", "palang/ begeng/ kolang". that may written wrong. "Letam" is another word argued about its meaning. Sombody meant it fight and others meant it a local name of place. We annunce . "Letam" is a  transformed word of "Logan / Locan" that uninforming of  this made the poetry in ambiguity."Logan / Locan" is a local name of a place in Sistan-Provience. Based on Moqadasi research, the author of History of Sistan and Beihaghi references, this plain has governmental function. Moqadasi recalled this plane for the army as an altered Arabic shape of Askar. Toward Qaznin there is a place like a city called Asqar as a place of lord. This territory in the history of Sistan has been mentioned as Bakan plain and the existence of  Bab-taam district proves our idea about that writing form of Bakan plain is another form of writing Lekan/Legam plain. By investigating the historic documents and poetry, it has been cleared some indications that prove our idea.Abolfazl beyhaqi in his book has written about Legan Plain three times. Onsori-balkhi in an ode for king Mahmoud in describing one of the palaces of this realm has mentioned this plain as Lekan plain: Farrokhi-sistani also mentioned this plain in an ode.

    Conclusion

    As recording the poetry as "Letam" The researchers have been tried to clarify the ambiguity of poetry. The ambiguity of meaning in this phrase «به لتام آمد» caused the researchers to express various interpretations to interpret this poet. By considering the indications in this article, "Logan / Locan" have to replace "Letam" and this is a word of Mohammad-ben-vasif poetry. Also,  by the instances in this article, we express this word is name of a place in Sistan district.

    Keywords: Tārikh‑e Sistan, Muhammad ibn Wasif, Distortion, Letam, Logan
  • Mehdi Dehghani * Pages 107-130
    Introduction

    The objective and subjective aspects are very important in Sufism. For this reason, the condition of Sufis and religious leaders especially those who were considered as perfect morshed (guides) in the state of awakening, sleep and ecstasy was a decisive argument for their followers. A clear example is the founder of the Safavid sect, Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili whose actions as a complete morshed were legitimizing for his followers and descendants until the Safavid period. The miracles of Sheikh Safi al-Din were very famous during his lifetime. With his death, his miracles continued in the form of dreams that the disciples observed in times of crisis and pressure from the enemies of the Safavid sect. On this basis, the question arises that what was the spiritual connection of the kings of the first period of the Safavid dynasty with Sheikh Safi al-Din? In the mentioned period, the inheritance title of the complete master of the Safavid sect by the kings and the special qualities and virtues that usually crystallized in the form of ecstatic inspirations during the pilgrimage to the shrine of Sheikh Safi al-Din and also sincere dreams is the most important reason for continuing status and legitimacy of Sheikh Safi al-Din. The safavid kings by using the above-mentioned inspirations and virtues as the perfect morshed of the Safavid sect succeeded in gaining the obedience, solidarity and support of the followers (Sufis and Ghezelbashs) to carry out political-military actions. Due to the need to conduct research on social and cultural history to better understand the current society, so far no comprehensive research has been written based on the inductive method for genealogy of political-military relations between Safavid kings and followers of Safavid sect. for Understanding the internal relations between different groups of the sect based on the miracles and inspirations inspired by Sheikh Safi al-Din, including the sincere personal dreams of the kings leads to a more accurate understanding of the political relations between the members of the sect and the Safavid ruler and how to Consolidation the power of kings In times of crisis especially foreign wars. As it was stated, the legitimation of Sheikh Safi al-Din in the Safavid period was done under the title of the sect complete morshed and the characteristics and virtues derived from it. In the following, the main topics of research will be discussed under the topics of Safavid kings and the position of sect perfect leader, the Refuge of political-military personalities in the tomb of Sheikh Safi-al-Din, guidance and fear of Sheikh Safi-al-Din in the form of dreams and ecstasy.

    Methodology

    The present study uses the method of historical research, the method of collecting library data from historical sources after describing and classifying the characteristics of Sheikh Safi al-Din, including his true dreams, to analyze and interpret these characteristics and its impact on the consolidation of the political and military status of the mentionded period.

    Discussion

    The position of Morshed inherited from Sheikh Safi al-Din caused the Safavid kings to expect complete obedience from the Sufis and Ghezelbashs in the face of internal and external enemies. The Safavid kings blamed disobedience to their orders as un-Sufism in order to give effective order to the military. For example: Shah Ismail I issued a decree for asking the Ghezelbashs to select 2,000 young men from the military to face the enemy and whoever moved away from them would be the enemy of Sheikh Safi and un-sufi; As a result of this threat, the Ghezelbashs all stood still and did not move. (alam-aray of Shah Ismail, 2005: 204) The Ghezelbashs tribal structure and their rivalry with each other led to political conspiracies and revolts during the period of weak government which was finally severely suppressed with the beginning of the Shah Abbas I reign but created a great rift between the Ghezelbash tribes and the Safavid king. Nevertheless, Shah Abbas I tried to Reform by using the full morshed title due to widespread disputes with the Ottoman government. One of the signs of the rupture of the Murad-Muridi bond of the Safavid kings was the symbolic movements of Shah Abbas I in order to persuade the Ghezelbashs to obey and discipline the military. For example, Shahverdi Khan, the ruler of Qarajeh Dagh whose family was considered an ancient Sufi but he changed his Nationality due to the transfer of the Azerbaijan province to the Ottoman government. For this reason, in 1595, Shah Abbas I, in order to gain the Allegiance of Shahverdi Khan, in a symbolic move, visited the tomb of Sheikh Safi al-Din so that the mentioned Khan would rush to Ardabil to express his obedience. With the disobedience of Shahverdi Khan, the Safavid king called him an un-Sufi and sends Allah verdi Khan to his captive. (Turkman, 2003: 2 / 447- 448) Despite the disobedience of some Ghezelbash leaders to the sect morshed, the sanctity of the Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine was a suitable place to Refuge for political figures. Another feature of the Safavid sect was the growing prosperity and respect of Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine which caused many people and prominent political-military figures to reside or Refuge there. For example: Mohammad Khan Ziad Oghli Qajar, the former ruler of Qarabagh province after fleeing against the Ottoman army preferred to stay in the Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili shrine. He Reappointment to his province reign after Shah Abbas I regained control of Qarabagh. (Hosseini, 1983: 780; Valeh Qazvini, 2005: 321-322)

    Conclusion

    in the first half of the Safavid government the Safavid sect was a strong socio-political current and naturally the remembrance of Sheikh Safi al-Din was very common. Under the title of the morshed, the kings tried to show their behavior as the sect founder in order to unite their followers, the Sufis and the Ghezelbashs and gaining their obedience. However, the Safavid kings had to take appropriate actions to make the Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine prosperous in order to make credible the Morshed position. One of their most important strategies was to bury members of the royal family or allow personalities to refuge in shrine but their most important strategy was to take advantage of the fame of Sheikh Safi al-Din's sincere dreams. Sheikh Safi al-Din's sincere dreams of supporting his family members in times of crisis and military conflict continued indirectly during the Safavid dynasty. Continuity that was crystallized in the form of the ecstatic confidence and belief of the kings during the supplication in the Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine or during the political-military successes that provided the pilgrimage prosperity to the shrine. In addition, the Safavid kings with following Sheikh Safi al-Din claimed to have many sincere dreams especially a military nature. On the one hand, the important feature of the sincere dreams of Sheikh Safi al-Din and the Safavid kings had important position in order to attract obedience or to mobilize Sufis and Ghezelbashs to face the invasions of neighboring countries especially the Ottoman government and on the other hand, Led to their presence and consolidation in important positions such as the trusteeship of the Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine and also in the struggles to replace the various claimants to the monarchy which always caused the Safavid kings fear of their growing power. However, with the conclusion of the Qasr Shirin peace treaty between the Safavid and Ottoman governments were significantly reduced the importance and status of the morshed title, the mentioned virtues and dreams as well as the national and military status of the Sufis and Ghezelbashs. The structure of the crystallized miracles in the studied dreams is determined in the form of the character of a wise old man who threatens the enemies and advises and guides the dreamers. The characters of these dreams usually included Sheikh Safi al-Din and the Shiite Imams Especially Imam Ali. There was widespread agreement among Sufis and Shiites about the guiding role of Imam Ali which made the fulfillment of these dreams convincing for the sect followers.

    Keywords: Spiritual connection, sheikh Safi al-din, safavid kings, legitimacy, qhezelbashs
  • Samane Radfar, Majid Reza Moghanipour *, Babak Shamshiri Pages 131-161
    Introduction

    Regardless of their titles or designations, games and dances have always been an integral part of the culture of Iranian ethnicities, and while preserving their original form and content to some extent, many of them have persisted as paykubi (the Persian word for dance), dhikr, and Sama. Such dances are known as listeks (games) among Kurmanjis in northern Khorasan. For the Kurds of Khorasan, in addition to being a ritual physical exercise, dance is a type of collective game. The main structure and theme of such games are political and social events, passionate epics, historical events, and enchanting emotional fables. Ritual dance and games are one of the most prominent features of the Kurmanji community’s identity in Khorasan, which is in serious danger of being forgotten due to various political and cultural reasons, its declining role in people's lives, and the fact that their performance has been limited to domestic and foreign festivals. Therefore, given the oral transmission of this culture and despite the linguistic and cultural gap between the young and old generations, it is essential to carry out studies to preserve such dramatic rituals.

    Methodology

    The descriptive-analytical study was an attempt to present the structure of form and content of some dramatic rituals of the Kurmanjis in northern Khorasan, Iran. To analyze their formal structure, the rituals were observed thoroughly, described and categorized, and their different stages of their movements were recorded through photographing, filming, and illustrating them as graphics. In order to analyze the symbolic content of these dances based on the Kurmanji cultural background, Kurmanji music, drama, and folklore scholars and researchers were interviewed as the target population. The interviews were conducted using in-depth and unstructured methods.

    Discussion

    Qarsa games are one of the oldest Kurmanji group or hand-hold dances. Clapping or qarsaing is one of the main characteristics of this type of dance that creates a sense of cheerfulness and vivacity. Qarsa denotes "clapping", derived from the ancient Persian Dari term "Qarsak" (striking the palms of one's hands together repeatedly). These games, which mostly involve moving the hands and upper part of the body and are considered a type of exercise, start with slow movements (one qarsa) and proceed to fast and uninterrupted jumping, bouncing, and rotating movements or "twelve qarsas". At the end of the game, the players move their legs up and forward swiftly while half-raised. The alternation used to create balance at this stage is so exhilarating that it is referred to as the ancient word "shelang andaz" suggesting buoyancy and cheerfulness and its music is also called "shelangi" (Javid, 2015, p. 115). Each qarsa is one clap; clapping indeed implies that the palms move to strike each other, but barely touch and do not make the clapping sound. In general, more common today among the Kurmanjis of Khorasan are games of one, two, three, six, and twelve qarsas. It should be noted that the manner and order of movements in these games slightly vary in different regions (personal interview, Kashmiri, December 30, 2017). This study presented and analyzed "one-qarsa", "two-qarsa" and "six-qarsa" listeks (Kurdish dance).In order to analyze the formal structure of Kurmanji listeks, in addition to observing the performances thoroughly and making videos and taking photographs, using Adobe Illustrator, the general structure of listek dancers' movements and postures were drawn in a graphic plan. First, the general form of the dances and rotations around the circle, as well as the dancers' rotations around the dance circle and also around themselves were recorded in an overhead shot, and then the specific movements and postures performed in each game, including hand and leg movements, were illustrated.
    Just as the human speech system is a communication tool originating from the existing system in social and cultural structures and organizations, dancing also has its own unique conventional language, which designates elements within the socio-cultural networks of a society. In other words, ritual dance is an arena in which the individual and collective desires, aspirations, and goals are expressed at their highest and most refined levels. The narrative language of ritual dances reflects events from various parts of life (marriage, war, birth, mourning, etc.) that cannot be expressed in words, rather in the conventional signs and symbols associated with such events. This rich and strong symbolism inherent in folk dances necessitates the deciphering of symbols and signs for its interpreters. To understand such a symbolic language, decipher, and make sense of it, it is necessary to obtain a reasonable grasp of the cultural context of a particular folk. Thus, the concepts incorporated in the dance's purpose are achieved through the symbolic language of the dance, that is, the process that goes from perception to knowledge and creates an understanding of a different type of life (different style) in the audience (Fakuhi, 2016, p. 132).In order to approach the symbolic content of the qarsa games, this study first separated the general form of the dances and their specific movements. Then the relationship between forms and movements with the cultural identity and social system of the Kurmanji people was discovered. Data was collected through interviews with researchers and experts in Kurmanji music and folklore, who have published credible studies in this field. Other sources included documented literature that had analyzed the ritual dances of different ethnicities in Iran. Then, from the obtained information, common points and features expressed by the participants in the analysis of dances were obtained as the following six points:  Circular and rotational movements; Counterclockwise movements; Snapping fingers; Qarsas and claps; Special feet movements; Special head movements.

    Conclusion

    This study investigated the form and symbolic content of listeks (Kurdish dance) of the Kurmanjis of northern Khorasan. In the first part of the research aiming to analyze the formal structure of actions and movements in the dances, the steps in each performance were described and then graphical presentation or so-called "note-taking" was carried out for each dance in Adobe Illustrator. The general structure of the actions was drawn as overhead shots, and movements and rotations of each dancer were drawn separately. In the second part aiming to analyze the listeks' symbolic content of the actions and movements, and building on data obtained through interviews with researchers and scholars in this field and the experiences of listek dancers in each region, the commonalities of the contents were obtained in six categories. It is also worth mentioning that in conducting this part of the research, many commonalities were found between the ritual dances of different Iranian ethnicities, particularly between the Bakhtiari nomads and the Kurmanjis.Multiple circular or chain-like dances among the Kurmanjis of northern Khorasan start from "one qarsa" with slow and gentle movements and rhythms, and proceed to anaraky or hand warm-up, and then lead to "two qarsas", "larilari" or "three qarsas”, "six qarsas", and "twelve qarsas", in which the movements of the feet and sitting and standing are done entirely for sports and martial purposes. According to the findings, listek is a combination of Kurmanjis' bravery and border guardianship and is rooted in the combat rituals of the people because warfare and combat are an integral part of the cultural identity of the Kurmanjis living in northern Khorasan. Over time, due to their forced migration from their original homeland to the northeastern borders, their religious dance of thanksgiving and praise have given way to multiple dances, all featuring combat actions, movements, and jumps aimed at increasing physical strength.

    Keywords: Ritual performance, Listek, Kurmanji, Historical identity
  • Mahnaz Sharifi * Pages 163-193
    Introduction

    Jareh Dam can be found 35 km Northwest of the Ramhormoz township in Khuzestan province, Iran; and has been constructed in narrow valleys within the Zard River by stones and plaster.  The Jareh bridge-dam is one of the largest Sassanian bridge-dam in the Khuzestan province. This study provides an understanding of the performance; the structure; the hydraulic mechanism of the Jareh bridge-dam and also the role played by it as a deterrent against the outbreak of the Zard River.

    Methodology

    This study is based on the archaeology surveys ,excavations and library research . The main objectives of construction of new Jareh Dam was to supply irrigation water for Ramhormoz Plain, control floods and generate hydropower energy.  The purpose of this study was to collect all possible data and information, including field sampling, from the ancient Jareh bridge-dam and its surrounding structure before it was submerged and then analyze them. A research project in the area of the Jareh Dam was conducted; following the methodical surveys, a section of the Jareh village precinct was explored with a goal of reconstructing historical and cultural monuments .Other archaeological excavations have also been undertaken in the Ramhormoz plain in the Jare region and seven trenches were excavated in seven sites. Following the archeological excavations in Jareh Dam basin, several settlements mainly belonging to the prehistoric, historic, and Islamic eras were observed and recorded in the catchment area of the dam.   The architectural results suggested three residential phases. According to relative chronology, Phase 1 and 2 belonged to the Sassanian era, and the third phase belongs to the Islamic period. The main question was to find out whether the ancient Jareh bridge-dam is a Sassanid bridge or belonging to Islamic period?
    The aim of the present paper is to report and introduce the ancient Jareh bridge-dam and its surrounding areas and functions, explain th.

    Discussion

    Although, accurately quantifying the time of construction seems complicated, but this age range (1370-2100 years) is reliable and include almost all the associated age uncertainty.  The upper limit of the estimated age of 1370-2100 years ago achieved by the MAM OSL Method may still overestimate the time of construction. Even when the minimum age model is applied, the ages of each single aliquot are still an average signal of many grains ranging from unbleached to fully bleached grains.  If the number of fully bleached grain in the aliquots is limited, the calculated ages can overestimate the true probable age.  The samples have been collected from the bottom of the reservoir deposit, upstream from the dam.  The date of the samples provides the time the dam was in use. In other word, it post-dates the time the dam was built.  However, this age range (1370-2100 years) is historically consistent with the Sassanid period and Parthian period. Sassanid period ran from 224 to 651 AD (427 years) or 1368-1795 years ago.  The Parthians ruled from 247 BC to 224 AD.  Archaeological and historical information in addition to this age suggests that the ancient bridge of Jareh, was built in the Shapur I Kingdom period and or after the battle between the Shapur I and Valerian, as explained below.   Shapur I (the first) also known as Shapur the Great, was the son of Ardashir, the founder of the Sasanian dynasty.   He was the second shahanshah (king of kings) of the Sasanian Empire.  Shapur I (240-270 AD), in the battle of Edessa in the year of 260 AD, successfully crossed the Euphrates River then went to the Antioch and seized the city. The Roman Emperor Valerian went to liberate the Antioch and took the city back, but then Shapur I strategically entrapped the Romans. Although the Romans tried to escape, they failed and the Roman Emperor was captured (Ball 2016). Consequently, Shapur I won in the war with Valerian. This victory is one of his most notable victories (Dignas & Winter, 2007).  The failed Valerian army, which consisted of seventy thousand soldiers, were captured by the Sasanian.  Shapur I used these captives for civilian activities in Iran (Ball 2016:23).   Among these captives, there were a lot of engineers and artists who were used for technical and engineering activities in the Fars and Khuzestan provinces (Dignas and Winter 2007). It is notable that in addition to numerous historical sources, in the inscription of the Ka'ba-ey Zartosht, the wars between Romans and Sassanid were discussed.   Tabari (1.827) specifically attests Roman prisoners of war being involved in dam construction. But it seems doubtful that Sasanian Persia relied exclusively on captured Romans to build its dams and bridges.   The different methods Sassanid used to construct various buildings, especially dams, lead the dams of this period to be built with a mixture of both Persian and Roman techniques and style.  This resulted in the construction of the Sassanid bridge and dams on the Dez, Karkheh, Karun and other Rivers in Iran by the Roman captives (Howard-Johnston,2006 :201 & Adams 1962). Among them, the most notable are the Mizan dam (Potts 2012), the Shushtar bridge, Shadrvan dam (Huff 2010: 1083 & potts 2012), the Dezful bridge and the Gampou dam in the Larestan of Fars province (Malekzadeh 2013). However, there is no reason to believe that all Sasanian mortar structures date to the lifetime of the cited prisoners of war. Surely, Sasanian architects were quite capable of building such monuments without Roman help.  The bridge/dam at Gondeshapur is thought to be later (see the cited article by Huff with references). If little is known about this monument, there was also a bridge employing mortar on the Ghilghilchay Wall (Ancient West & East 5, 2006, 173) that is much later.  It is important to mention that none of these dams has been dated by an absolute dating method.  Admittedly, most Sasanian bridges and dams are not well dated – which is why this study is an important contribution.  Note, of course, also that the OSL dating allows for the Jareh bridge-dam to be later than Shapur I (or theoretically earlier). The Jareh bridge Dam material and structure is somehow different to many other dams such as the ancient Gampoo dam; the ancient dams of Bahman, Amir, Mizan and Band-e Kaisar.  While the Jareh dam is only made by sand stones and mortar, the other dams are made by bricks or combination of sand stones and bricks.  However, most of them has been used as both dam and bridge.  Their dual-purpose design utilized a great influence on Iranian civil engineering and was instrumental in developing Sassanid water management techniques. The integration of a dam structure into bridge design became a standard practice of Iranian hydraulic engineering during and after Sassanian (Smith 1971).

    Conclusion

    Due to planning alterations of hydraulic infrastructure, we undertook a pre-flooding assessment of the new Jareh Dam’s impact on cultural heritage and recorded quantitative and multi-temporal data on archaeological sites before they are submerged. The archeological excavations in Jareh Dam basin indicated 3 residential phases.  Phases 1 and 2 belong to the Sassanid era and the third phase belongs to the Islamic period.  OSL dating ages (1370-2100 years ago) suggest that the ancient Jareh bridge dam was built during Sassanid period.  In fact, the Sassanians, after the formation of a powerful central government, made a lot of progress in the construction of dams and gates, of which the Jareh bridge is one of them; in order to meet the needs of residents in the field of irrigation and water supply, and also for the purpose of commuting residents of the area.

    Keywords: South west of Iran, Sassanian, Ancient Jareh dam, archaeological site
  • Ebrahim Zaheri Abdvand *, Valiyollah Nasiri Pages 195-227
    Introduction

    In folk tales, especially in myths, the characteristics of some female characters can be adapted to the female characters in mythology, which can be said to be metamorphosed by the same characters‌. Women are in myths, or in their construction and characterization, female mythological characters are used as archetypes‌. In addition, in other issues related to women such as family formation, fertility and childbirth, sacrifice, human-plant relationship, can be found the influence of mythical attitudes that the purpose of this study is to examine these issues‌. And is the face of female myths in written folk tales in Bakhtiari culture‌. 

    Methodology

    In this study, the method of selecting sample stories was purposeful selection‌. In the studied works, there are many stories with mythical bases, among which, according to the presence of female characters in the story, fourteen stories were selected and studied‌. The method of analysis is also a qualitative method with the aim of description and analysis‌.

    Discussion

    Based on the similarities between the character of the crescent and Anahita, it can be said that Anahita has found a fictional form in the character of the crescent or in the processing of the character of the crescent, this goddess has been considered as an archetype‌. Given the role of stories in institutionalizing culture in a society, the existence of a role model such as Crocodile / Anahita leads storytellers, especially women, to attributes such as healing, helping, wealth‌. To be rich, to have the aspect of holiness and beauty.The character of Tamti in Bakhtiari folk tales has two important characteristics, wise and guiding, which are also the most important characteristics of the goddess Chista‌. Also, the prevalence of different narratives of this character in Bakhtiari culture can indicate the type of desires and tendencies of women in Bakhtiari culture, ie having an active role in life and especially having the two attributes of knowledge and guidance.The character of a beautiful woman, the story of "beautiful woman and hunter", can be a fairy in myths, whose presence in common stories in Bakhtiari culture, shows in this culture, in addition to a sacred look at There is also a kind of negative attitude towards women; That a woman is a seeker of pleasure and in this way, they may endanger men.The adjective attributed to the head of an ax saw in the story of the same title, whether we compare her with the demon Bushesb or with the demon of anger, indicates a negative attitude towards women in Bakhtiari culture; That a woman can keep men away from the path and away from spirituality and thus, cause their destruction.In the story of "Dragon and the Wicked Woman", Nizan has more dominance than her husband‌. 31)‌. In the field of marriage, during the matriarchy, it was these women who chose their husbands (Mazdapour, 1978: 105)‌‌. In the story of "Lazy Pazardaloo" there are signs of this issue; As in this story, Bibi Akhtar, the daughter ofQalandarshah, chooses her own husband (Limuchi, 2006: 78)‌.In other ways, the man travels for various reasons, such as war, invitation, or conspiracy, which leads to a foreign country‌. He meets a woman in a position, for example, at a party or a party, and thus love is formed between the two‌. A woman's romantic invitation to a man is a common feature of this type of love story‌. Eventually, through the mediation of several people, love leads to marriage, in which the man either stays or intends to return (see: Mazdapour, 1975: 99)‌‌. In the story of Alimisheza, Alimisheza escapes from the house due to a stepmother's conspiracy and enters a new land‌. One day he takes off his ugly clothes and swims in the river when the king's daughtersees him and falls in love with him‌. Through the girl's father, Ali Mishuza is invited to the palace and the king's daughter marries him.For Fraser, the killing of a man-god by a woman-god was one of the signs of feminism among the ancient tribes‌. God becomes a wife with a goddess and always God and not the woman of God finds a sad destiny (see: Fraser, 2013: 438)‌‌. The depth, and self-sufficiency of this idea, has continued in myths and folk tales with all the transformations and transformations‌. Traces of this can also be seen in the story of "Jikumjikum confused, who has not turned his back"; As in this story, the stepmother in the position of the goddess, orders the rejection and killing of the stepfather, in the role of the man of God‌. After the death of a man of God, they mourn for him that in this story, the son's sister buries his brother's bones under a tree and begins to cry and lament for him (cf‌. Limouchi, 2006: 97 )‌‌. After weeping and wailing, the man of God is resurrected.In Bakhtiari culture, in order to be blessed and avoid evil products, the act of sacrifice was performed‌. There are also beliefs today that show that girls were used to ward off disasters and rebellion; For example, if a loved one becomes ill, in order to ward off the disease, a girl is wrapped around her head and they pray that the plague and disease will be transmitted from that person to this girl‌. There are also signs in folk tales according to which it can be said that in order to get rid of malice from agricultural products, a girl should be given to a demonic force in order to protect the products from that force‌. In the story of "King Jamshid", when the father goes to the farm to harvest the crop, he encounters a snake that does not allow him to harvest the crop‌. The snake suggests that the old man should marry one of his daughters in order to allow her to harvest‌. The old man tells the girls that Mahtab accepts his little girl‌. He goes to the snake and marries her‌. In this way, by giving the daughter to the snake, the father and other sisters pick the wheat and remove the rye from the agricultural products.

    Conclusion

    In the fourteen stories studied, some of the female characters are transformed characters of goddesses or female demons in Iranian mythology, or it can be said that in the creation of these characters, goddesses, female divans and fairies ‌‌, has been considered as an archetype‌. Another feature of female myths in ancient Iran was the issue of motherhood, which in Bakhtiari stories can also be some of these features such as decision-making in family affairs, choosing a husband, wife of the martyred god and involvement in He found agricultural work‌. There are also some myths about women, such as sacrificing them to stay away from agricultural products‌. In terms of function and showing the kind of attitude towards women, the use of goddesses as an archetype in these stories, causes a desire to have wealth, fertility and help, based on the story of the godmother and the goddess Anahita‌. And based on the story of Al-Azangi, Jirnal, and the goddess Chista, the personality of guidance and self-awareness should be institutionalized as a female way of life in Bakhtiari culture, and women should move towards such traits‌. The reflection of mythical ideas about women in stories such as Lazy Pazardaloo and the Princess and the Colorful Gardens, causes women to turn to independence, especially in the field of marriage, and based on the story of Dede Pollen to Sholar, Play an active role in life outside the home‌.

    Keywords: Myth, goddess, story, Bakhtiari culture, Woman
  • Seyyed Ali Ghasemzadeh *, AliAkbar Fakhro Pages 229-248
    Introduction

    Accuracy in the lexical and grammatical system of neighboring or family dialects and lexical etymology and structural studies in them can lead to the recognition of dialects and their lexical and grammatical systems. Therefore, the original and living dialects of Persian should be considered as the inheritors of the language of ancient Iran, which in a dialogue-oriented or dialectical process helps to preserve and preserve the original Persian language. According to this principle, we believe that paying attention to the phonetic, lexical and grammatical system of the original surviving Persian dialects; Because the Sorkhe dialect and common dialects in the north Like Tabari dialect, it can help to read ancient literary texts such as Shahnameh and sometimes the works of great classical poets. Therefore, this research can be considered as a victory for structural research among Iranian dialects and their role in a more accurate reading of literary texts.

    Methodology

    In this essay, the author tries to induce, on the one hand, the importance of dialectological knowledge in the accurate understanding of classical texts; On the other hand, this research can show the exact meaning of the word "Lu" in Shahnameh and its correct meaning, show the exact form of recording a verse in the story of Bahram Gour Shahnameh and correct the mistakes of correctors and commentators in recording Help it; A point that has been neglected so far from the perspective of Shahnameh scholars, lexicographers and commentators of Shahnameh.

    Discussion

    Analysis of their lexical system and comparative semantics with ancient Persian words can solve many different phonetic and semantic problems of classical Persian texts and even some mistakes of correctors and commentators in that field. Unlike today's standard language, in which a large part of its lexical range, both phonetically and in writing, has distanced itself from the ancient forms of ancient languages, and Persian speakers are fragmented in the original pronunciation of those words, Sometimes common words in living Persian dialects such as Sorkhei, Khorasani, Kurdish, Lori, Tabari, etc. have not yet lost their original and close nature in the ancient Persian languages. Meanwhile, the story of the word "Lu" in Shahnameh can be a good example to prove this claim. Undoubtedly, re-reading this word in the process of the chain of Ferdowsi's theology and its adaptation to the quality of its insertion and registration in the Shahnameh version and descriptions and sometimes Persian cultures is important and special:lu: Among today's living dialects, this word is widely used in at least two dialects, Sorkheh and Tabari. In the Tabari dialect, it is pronounced with the pronunciation of "Li" (Li) meaning the nest or nest of poultry and livestock, and in the Sorkhe dialect it is used in two pronunciations and in two meanings that Of course, in none of the existing Persian cultures have these meanings been mentioned from the oldest to the newest: one with the first pronoun with the pronunciation of "Lu" meaning "sheep pen" and the other, "low" to the first conquest. The importance of this word in showing the correct form of the verse "بدو سرشبان گفت از ایدر برو" in Shahnameh, which is recorded in almost all existing versions of Shahnameh with suspicion and intrusion. It seems that the unfamiliarity of the copyists and proofreaders with the exact meaning of "Lu" has caused this difference between the manuscripts and the inclusion of various forms of it in the Shahnameh editions. The verse in the story of " بهرام گور با ماهیار گوهرفروش " was used when Bahram Goor entered the meadow and confronted the chief shepherd of the area:بدو سرشبان گفت ز ایدر برو    دهی تازه پیش اندر آیدت نو Carefully in other versions of Shahnameh, it is found that due to unfamiliarity, this word has been changed to "now". Other ancient editions, such as the Shahnameh of Calcutta, by Turner Makan, vol. 3, p. 1522, have almost recorded the verse as above. But later correctors, including the Absolute Creator, with a slight change, preferred "رهی" to "دهی":بدو سرشبان گفت از ایدر برو  رهی تازه پیش اندر آیدت نو (Ferdowsi, Shahnameh Correction of the Khaleghi Motlagh, 2009: Vol. 6, 926)Although all later editors of the Shahnameh have used the word "now" instead of "lu", In his dictionary, Ali Akbar Dehkhoda has included the desired verse in another way as evidence for the word "Lu":بدو بر شبان گفت از ایدر بدو ره تازه پیش آیدت پر ز لوOn the other hand, by referring to the ancient dictionary under the word "lu", one can clearly see The basis of Dehkhoda in recording this verse is an adaptation of Jahangiri Dictionary (written in 1017 AH) which has given the following verse as evidence. Apart from what special version of the Shahnameh was available to lexicographers such as the owner of Jahangiri culture, which led to the registration of the above form A version that may not have survived the bite of time and has not reached our time; If we pay attention to the forms in the mentioned cultures, the fundamental differences of the correctors and lexicographers in recording the correct form of this verse will be revealed. It is interesting that in cultures, "Lu" in this verse is brought as a proof to prove the meaning of "ridge and height". This is while due to the accompaniment of words such as the chief shepherd who mostly deals with other shepherds, sheep, cages and meadows due to his job And the relevance of the subject that arises from the general content of the word in the previous verses; It means talking about a lot of sheep and looking for the house of their rich owner in the village"چنین گفت با موبدان روزبه/ که اکنون شود شاه ایران به ده" Not only the word "Lu" should have the same pronunciation (Lu) and common meaning in the Tabari and Sorkha dialects; but also The registration of the word "now" instead of "Lu" is also strange and does not have a clear and precise form and meaning. According to the evidence before and after Ferdowsi's statement to "دهی", it is quite clear that the form "رهی" is preferable to "Rahi", although in most versions, including the Moscow edition, "Dehi" has been recorded.

    Conclusion

    In this article, due to the necessity of re-reading the words of classical texts and comparing and matching them with living and common Persian words in Iranian dialects, the word "Lu" in the chain of bit accompaniment in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh has been studied And while preferring the form "Lu" in Shahnameh over other selected words and A preferred recording of this verse has been obtained as "بدو سرشبان گفت از ایدر برو/ دهی تازه پیش آیدت پر ز لو " in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh.

    Keywords: ferdowsi’s shahnameh, text correction, Sorkhei dialect, tabari dialect, Lu word
  • Najmeddin Gilani *, Mahsa Mousavi Pages 249-281
    Introduction

    The continuation of ancient Iran’s political culture and thought during the era of Islamic Iran has attracted significant attention. A large number of studies have been conducted on Andarznama (Epistles) and Siyar al-mulûk (the Lives of Kings), especially Nizam al-Mulk’s Siyasatnama (Book of Politics). Tahir’s letter to his son, Abdullah, is one of the first epistles written in early centuries of the Islamic rule. The contents of this epistle compared to the epistles of Sassanid Kings in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh is a subject that is overlooked to date. This study is conducted using the intertextuality method with the purpose of analyzing and comparing Iranians’ political culture in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh and Tahir’s letter to Abdullah. There are many constructs in Iranians’ political culture that suggest the presence of an intertextual relation between Tahir’s letter and Sassanid Kings’ epistles in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh; constructs such as protecting ancient houses, paying attention to race and origins, the divinity of kingship, the tradition of covenants, moderation, condemnation of mistrust and lies, consultation with the wise, the tradition of Kings’ meeting with the public, the tradition of ‘the King’s eye and ear’, and instructing one to make use of advice.By referring to ancient references, particularly Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh and Tabari’s History, this study seeks to provide answers to the following question: Which constructs of Iranians’ political culture can be compared between Tahir’s letter and Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh?

    Methodology

    The present study is conducted using the descriptive-analytical approach by referring to library sources.

    Discussion

    Tahir bin Abdullah was an Iranian commander in chief under al-Ma’mun, the Abbasid Caliph, who founded the Tahirid Dynasty in Khorasan. Many sources include information on Iranism or lack of attention to the Iranian culture of the Tahirids. Certain scholars assert the lack of attention paid to the Iranian culture of Tahirid people (see Azartash, 2017, p. 104); meanwhile, some have spoken of their focus and familiarity with the Iranian culture (Zamani, 2018, p. 97; Allahyari, Foroughi Abri, & Morsalpour, 2010, p. 16). However, by referring to Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh and using the intertextuality method, this study will reveal numerous similarities between the epistles of Sassanid Kings and Tahir’s letter. A similarity that clearly suggests the Tahirids’ profound knowledge of the Iranian culture. Scholars are aware of the common grounds between many cultural components among various nations and ethnicities; and Tahir’s letter is no exception. Since Tahir was brought up amidst the Islamic Iran’s culture, it would be natural for him to have been influenced by both cultures. Nevertheless, certain advices from Tahir are completely incompatible with the Islamic culture and are deeply rooted in ancient Iranians’ political culture. For instance, the tradition of respecting and protecting ancient houses and paying attention to race and origins entirely stem from Iranians’ political culture which is examined in the present paper. Furthermore, in this study, the following aspects are placed under comparison with the advices of Sassanid Kings based on Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh: the divinity of kingship, condemnation of mistrust and lies, moderation, whitewashing, the tradition of covenants, renouncing gossip, supporting orphaned women and children, the tradition of Kings’ meeting with the public, the tradition of ‘the King’s eye and ear’, and instructing one to make use of advice. The present evidence suggests a conscious or unconscious relation between the contents of Tahir’s letter and Sassanid Kings’ advices in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Since the entire political components present in Tahir’s letter which are also a mixture of both Iran’s and Islam’s cultures cannot be addressed here, this study focuses on the Iranian dimension of said letter and comparing it with the Iranians’ political culture in Shahnameh. Accordingly, similarities were indeed found between certain components examined in this research with Islam and other religions.

    Conclusion

    The continuation of Iranians’ political culture and thought has attracted scholars and historians’ attention. The present study is a different look at such continuity. Accordingly, eighteen advices from Tahir to Abdullah were analyzed and compared with ancient Iranians’ political culture in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh based on the intertextuality method. Results showed that as one of the first Iranian dynasties following Islam, Tahirid people were influenced by ancient Iranians’ political culture due to being born and brought up within the Iranian culture, esp. Khorasan which used to be the origin of collecting, maintaining and transferring Iranians’ political culture. Such an influence is clearly reflected in Tahir’s letter to Abdullah. Though Tahir’s letter can be regarded as a mixture of both Iranian and Islamic cultures, the letter points out components that are completely incompatible with Islamic culture. These components include: paying attention to race and origins, maintaining blood and adhering to boundaries between classes, respecting ancient houses, the divinity of kingship, the tradition of ‘the King’s eye and ear’, and the tradition of Kings’ meeting with the public. In addition to the above aspects, certain other components are mentioned in Tahir’s letter which are mutual between the Iranian and Islamic cultures. Yet since Tahirid people were brought up in the Great Khorasan amidst the Iranian culture, it would be more likely for them to be influenced by the Iranian culture. Particularly, evidence suggest their pride in Iranian myth and regarded themselves as decedents of Rostam; they would also reward the people of Shu'ubiyya. The following are certain components that ancient Iranians took pride in: moderation, benevolence, truthfulness, condemnation of lying, refraining from malice, condoning faults, adherence to covenants, consultation with wise, renouncing gossipers, non-compliance with the ungrateful, supporting orphans and making use of advice. These components were emphasized in both Sassanid Kings’ epistles and Tahir’s letter.

    Keywords: ferdowsi’s shahnameh, Ancient Iran, Sassanid, Tahir Dhul-Yamīnayn, Intertextuality
  • Mohammad Motalebi *, Faranak Neshat Alizadeh Pages 283-313
    Introduction

    Rudani (= Rūdāni) Dialect is spoken in Rudan county of Hormozgan province. The center of this county is Rudan city, located 90 kms away from BandarAbbas, the capital of Hormozgan province. Rudan is restricted to Hajiabad from north, to Faryab from the northeast, to Kerman province from the east, and to Minab from the southeast and south. Rudani dialect has several varieties, including Jaghini, Pakuhi, Rudkhanei, Berentini, Abnemayi and Khuraji.
    Rudani is a sub-branch of Bashakardi (Baškardi) dialect group, and hence, genealogically belongs to the new south-west Iranian dialects. Gershevitch divides Bashkardi dialects into 3 subdivisions: 1. Dialects outside of Baškard proper; 2. North Bashkardi 3. South Baškardi. According to him, Rudani as well as Minabi, Bandari and Rudbari, belongs to the first subdivision. (quoted by Skjærvø, 1988: 846)
    This research aims at describing the verb conjugation system in this dialect.

    Methodology

    This study is based on the descriptive analysis method with a synchronic approach. The data, that is the linguistic corpus of Rudani, was mainly collected through interviewing with informants. These informants were male and female native speakers living in the area, chosen from different age and education status. Analyzing the data, the verb conjugation system of verb was described, including verb components (stem and inflectional affixes), types of verb according to tense, mode, aspect, voice as well as word formation. Modal verbs were also discussed.

    Discussion

    3-1. verb components 3-1-1. stem: verb has 3 stems: present stem (also denominative and causative), past stem (also secondary) and perfect stem (past active participle and past passive participle). Causative affix is -on, attaching to the non-causative present stem. Secondary past stem is made by adding -id and rarely -(e)st or -âd to the present stem. 3-1-2. Inflectional affixes of the verb: be- and its allomorphs bo- and bi- are used for subjunctive and imperative modes. The continuity prefix is a-. In present perfect continuous, -ē comes after the personal endings. Na- and its other allomorph, ne-, are used for negation. The negation prefix for the imperative is ma- and me-. Personal endings are -om, -ī and -t(e) for singular, and -eng, -ē and -end for plural. 3-2. verbal derivatives The suffix for infinitive is -en which attaches to the past stem. Past active participle and past passive participle that are also the perfect stem, are formed by adding -a, respectively to the past stem of intransitive and transitive verbs. 3-3. tense, mode and aspect Present indicative and present subjunctive are made respectively by a- and be- + present stem + personal endings. Present progressive is made by a- + the infinitive + present enclitic forms of hasten, ‘to be’. Imperative is only for 2nd person, and is made by present stem and the personal endings, -Ø (singular) and -ē (plural). Past conjugation for transitive verbs is different from that of the intransitive; Transitive verbs have the ergative structure somehow. The enclitic personal pronouns have the function of the personal endings, and come at the end of the past stem as the personal endings do. They can also attach to some words before the verb, such as the subject, object, adverb, negation prefix. Simple past is made by past stem + personal endings (intransitive) or the enclitic personal pronouns (transitive). In continuous aspect, a- comes before the simple past. In present perfect of intransitive verbs, present enclitic forms of hasten, ‘to be’ follow the perfect stem but in the case of the transitive verbs, present perfect is made by the perfect stem + the enclitic personal pronouns + -e, present 3rd person singular of hasten, ‘to be’. In the continuous aspect, a- precedes the stem and -ē comes after the personal endings. In past perfect of intransitive verbs, past enclitic forms of hasten, ‘to be’ follow the perfect stem but in the case of the transitive verbs, past perfect is made by the perfect stem + the enclitic personal pronouns + -a, past 3rd person singular of hasten, ‘to be’. Past subjunctive is only for the intransitive verbs, which is made by perfect stem + present subjunctive of the auxiliary verb, buden, ‘to be’. Passive voice is made by perfect stem + the auxiliary verb buden, ‘to become’ appropriate to the tense, mode and aspect. hasten, ‘to be’ in present indicative has enclitic forms, composed of present stem, h-, and personal endings. Personal endings attach to hast- and make the free forms. In past tense, hasten also has enclitic forms, composed of past stem, ar-, and personal endings. These enclitic forms attach to hast- and make the free forms. The conjugation of xâsten, ‘to want’ and butesten, ‘can, to be able’ in present tense is similar to that of the transitive verbs in past tense; Personal pronouns are used instead of personal endings. 3-4. Modal verbs xâsten, ‘to want’ and butesten, ‘can, to be able’ are personal modal verbs. The main verb is present subjunctive. Bāya, ‘must’ is impersonal. The main verb is either present subjunctive, past perfect or past continuous. 3-5. types of verbs according to word formation There are 4 types: simple, derivative, compound and phrasal. Verb derivational prefixes are dar-, fer-, vor-, vâ- and vo-. The most frequently used verbs in making compound verbs are respectively kerden, ‘to do’, zaden, ‘to beat’, buden, ‘to be, to become’, dâden, ‘to give’, vā geten, ‘to take’ and gesten, ‘to throw’.

    Conclusion

    According to the description given, on the conjugation system of verb, the most important features of Rudani can be summarized as follows. verb stems are similar to those of Persian, regarding the type and formation. Rudani has the prefix of continuity a- instead of mi-. Using -ē as the suffix of continuity in present perfect, is one of the characteristics of Rudani. In Rudani hasten, ‘to be’ has two form, both in present and past: enclitic foms and free forms.Rudani lacks future verbs; present tense is used for future either.The construction of present progressive by means of the infinitive is a charactristic of Rudani and other Bashkardi dialects. This verb which is made in Persian with the auxiliary verb dâštan ‘to have’ is a newly borrowed construction.The main feature in the conjugation system of the verb is the use of ergative construction in the past tense of the transitive verbs. In this construction, enclitic personal pronouns have the function of the personal endings and are an integral part of the verb; Even when the subject is mentioned, they are not deleted. There are only 3 modal verbs. Unlike Persian, the main verb does not appear as infinitive. Rudani and Persian have the same types of the verb according the word formation.

    Keywords: Rudani dialect, Bashkardi dialects, Morphology, verb conjugation, ergative structure, dialectology
  • Maryam Nemat Tavousi * Pages 315-345
    Introduction

    Folklore is an important aspect of cultural memory of human societies that play a crucial role in defining and re-defining collective identity of a nation, a community, or even a group of people. It consists of know-how, indigenous knowledge, customs, rituals, feast and festivals, performing arts and of course oral literature. After, UNESCO convention on 2003, all manifestation of folklore is declared as intangible cultural heritage (ICH) that should be safeguarded and preserved for future generation. The significance of ICH is not just being linked with past and our traditions, but it has been transmitted by generation to generation, either by apprenticeship or orally. In this respect, we have responsibility in safeguarding and preserving them for next generation in sake of our cultural memory and as a source for incoming creative works. However, safeguarding different aspects of folklore can not be possible if we do not attempt to understand them deeply. Fairytales, as part of folk tales, are always fascinating for both kids and adults because of their supernatural creatures and promising massage of hope and prosperity, especially for those who value justice and good deeds. Iranian fairies (Pari in Persian) are one of the most mysterious and contradictional creatures in Persian literature. During pre-Zoroastrianism, they were considered as the goddess of fertility (Sarkarati,2007,p. 6), but in Avestan corpus as well as some Pahlavie texts they were mentioned as female demons who prevent rain and deceiving heros and kings (Mazdapour,1999, pp. 124-125). However, after Sassanid collapse, they appeared in classical Iranian poetry as beautiful and beloved creatures (Sarkarati, 2007, p. 7). Notebly in fairytales, they are neither the goddess nor female demons, but can show both faces in different situations. However, so many details about their lives have been mentioned in fairytales, in terms of modes and appearance. These details help us to have a better understanding of these imaginary creatures. In this regard, the main question of this research would be what is the characteristics’ of Iranian fairies in terms of their habits, appearance, superpower abilities, deeds, relationships (with human being and themselves), etc.These characteristics are attributed to them during centuries by storytellers in whole Iran.

    Methodology

    To answer mentioned question, Murzloph’s research on typology of Iranian tales would be very beneficial and is a good source to explore Iranian fairy. Based on this typology there are sixteen types that fairies are appeared in some of their variants, either as a central figure such as a hero/heroin, villain, supporting character, minor character, etc. The mentioned types are as following:403: Laughing flower; 425: The groom is an animal: Wicked witch; *425A: The dumb husband; *425L: A lock around the fairy-groom; *432: The fairy-groom; 459: The prince who falls in love with a doll; 513C: The hunter boy; 516B: Falling in love by seeing the strand of an unknown lady in water; 530: The guardian of tomb; 552A: The helper animals in role of husband: 706: Accusation: The mother who kills her kids; 707: The innocent woman; *737C*: Wealth as destiny; *832A: Losing a fairy- wife because of disobedience;
    *923B: The girl who determined her destiny; *936: The mountain of gems. Every type may have so many variants, some has been recorded and some still not the chance. It has been tried to find out at least four variants for every type and recording fairy’s characteristic in each variant. However, to respect the permitted word count of the article, the outstanding variants will be mentioned in discussion section.

    Discussion

    3-1. Fairies Habitat Fairies’ territories are remote and unfamiliar, somewhere like Netherland. Sometimes they are referred by legendary name such as the mountain of Qaf or the mountain of Abar- referring to an unreachable place- (Darvishiyan & Khandan, 2004,Vol. 2, pp. 253& Hosseini, 2002, pp. 180-179). In some variants, rivers, lakes, oceans, seas marks the borders of their territories. In this case, water is a barrier that they can not pass over it.Therefore,it happens a human invade their territory without their permission. Their attempt in arresting him, can not be succsful, because the invader can pass over the water and they fail (Enjavi Shirazi, 1975, Vol. 2 , pp. 14-8).
    However, in some variants, there are fairies that live in vicinity of a fountain, a well or a river (Darvishiyan & Khandan, 2004, Vol. 2, pp. 79-65& Ibid, Vol. 3, pp. 393-412& Darvishiyan & Khandan, 2005, Vol. , pp. 13-33). The most extraordinary and fasinating places as their habitants are underground gardens (Mihan Doust, 2000, pp. 11-19), and the most common inhabitats are abundant castles (Darvishiyan & Khandan, 2004, pp. 263-247).3-2. Physical Characteristics Nothing is mentioned in details about their physical characteristics. They are just referred as creatures with celestial beauty, both for female-fairies and male-fairies (Darvishiyan & Khandan, 2009, pp. 385-387). 3. Animal Fairies It seems animals can be fairies too. There are variants with horse-fairy, cat-fairy, lizard-fairy, and fish-fairy. They have superpowers like other fairies; horse-fairy can be so faithful to the owner to sacrifice her/his life to save the owner (Mihan Doush, 2000, pp. 160-168). The cat-fairy is mentioned as clairvoyance and warns her/his owner from incoming danger from time to time (Pezeshkian, 2005, pp. 54-59). The fairy-lizard can give decent human the most precious magical ring because of a favor done to the family (Enjavi Shirazi, 1975: Vol. 2, pp. 43-61). Generally they appear mostly as supporter characters. 4. Moods and Dispositions From a human point of view, they could be maleficent or benignant, on a given situation. Their habits, law, and orders differ from human beings. They used to conceal their secrets even when they marry human beings. If the couple is a human being as husband and a fairy as a wife, most of the time their marriage did not last. The reason lies in husband's violation of her wife's orders. Fairie’s deeds and their odd behaviours should never be questioned by her human-husband, otherwise, after an explanation she leaves her husband forever (Enjavi Shirazi, 1975, Vol. 1, p. 10& Darvishiyan & Khandan, 2004,Vol. 12, pp. 255-265, Mihan Doust, 2000, pp. 11-19& Ibid, pp. 24-20). 5.. The Supernatural Powers  Faireis’ metamorphosis as different species such as pigeon, serpent, dragon, frog, monkey and even human appeared in Iranian Fairytales. Based on situation, they may help and reward human or harm them. The most common fairy’s metamorphosis is turning into a pigeon to reveal secrets. On the other hand, the rarest fairy’s metamorphosis is turning into a human. The latter case implies but not explains clearly different aspects of human beings and fairies in terms of their appearance (Mihan Doust, 2000, pp. 43-49& Darvishiyan & Khandan, 2005, Vol. 12, pp. 254-251& Ibid, pp. 51-43& Behrangi, Dehani, 2000, Vol. 2, pp. 27-31& Mirkazemi, 1999, p. 33). 6. Transforming part of their bodies into gold or gem In some fairy tales, there are fairies whose blood droplets transform into gem (& Darvishiyan & Khandan, 2011, Vol. 12, pp. 254-251& Ibid, pp. 405-520). In rare cases the ashes of a fairy transforms into gold (Marzlof, 1993, p. 97). 7. The fairies and plants Some fairies are destined to be born from plants. Usually they live in the middle of magical trees’ fruits such as apple, pomegranate, sour orange, etc. These trees, that are abile to talk; are guarded by demons. The hero should have found a solution to pick the fruits without any confrontation with the demon-gaurds (Enjavi Shirazi, 1974:Vol. 1, pp. 339-340-199& Ibid, 1977, Vol. 3, pp. 67-45). Because of the function of these fairies, they may symbolize an Iranian Goddess of vegetation whose presence triggers blooming flowers, reviving trees or even appearing decidedly rare flowers (Barfar, 2009, p. 131& Nemat Tavousi B, 2016, pp. 221-214). 8. The concept of death and fairies  Death is accompanied with uncertainty when the subject is a fairy. Sometimes it means she/he comes back to his/her territory, sometimes they are burn to ashes and disappear forever. In some variants they come back to life, because they beloved partner fixes the damage (Darvishiyan & Khandan Mahabadi, 2012, 263-247&Ibid, pp. 81-82& Ibid, pp. 125-122)

    Conclusion

    According to the typology of Iranian tales done by Ulrich Marzolph, fairy tales were surveyed in details of different aspects of Iranian fairies. This study has paied more attention on fairies' characteristics such as: their living habitant, physical characteristics, moods and dispositions, abilities and powers, vegetation existence, the concept of death, etc. In a holistic portrait it can be concluded that while fairies have their own territory, they live among us, in abundant castles, near or in fountains, underground gardens, etc. They are both men and women. Even some animals can be fairy too. Although they get married to humans, just the marriage between woman and male-fair would last. They may behave kindly and maliciously. The most precious thing for them is their secrets that should be respected. They change their appearances as animals and some of female-fairies grew on a tree (in the middle of a fruit). Seemingly, there is no boundary between the animal, plants and fairy worlds.

    Keywords: Fairy transformation, Children literature, Fairy habitant, Underground garden, Iranian Fairy