نشریه تاریخ نامه ایران بعد از اسلام
پیاپی 26 (بهار 1400)

In the Qajar period and following the increasing exposure of Iranians to Western civilization, the need for modernization in the field of units of measure, under the title of metric system was felt by the politicians and thinkers and it was implemented by the government at the time of Reza Shah Pahlavi. Since, the government was responsible for establishing a metric system, it turned into a tool to achieve the government goals. The present study examines the process of establishing the metric system in Iran and the goals of Reza Shah's government from the establishment of the metric system using a descriptive-explanatory method. Here, the main question is what goals the Reza Shah government pursued in establishing the metric system.  The findings indicate that the connection with Western civilization and the need to investigate Iran's backwardness led to the correction of weights and values ​​based on the metric system to facilitate trade. The metric system has been established not only to facilitate trade, but also to increase government control and oversight of all members of the society.

Bravine's political mission in Iran (February 27, 1296 to September 31, 1297 A.D.) as the first ambassador of the Russian Bolshevik government marked the beginning of a new era in the political relations between the two countries, but this mission did not end happily for Bravine. According to him, the British disagreement with the activity of the Bolshevik ambassador in Tehran, as well as the fear of the Iranian government and ruling body to announce their official positions in accepting the Soviet revolutionary government, were among the most important problems facing the first Soviet ambassador to Iran. Thus, if Bravine overcame these problems, he could have established his presence and position in Tehran, but in practice he could not achieve diplomatic success in Tehran. In the forthcoming research, this question arises; "What were the reasons for Bravine's failure in his mission to Tehran as the first Soviet ambassador?" The findings show that, despite the support of Bravine by the Jungle followers and some democrats, the conditions of World War I, especially the British government's influence on the Iran's political structure, Iran's and Caucasus's political turmoil and the Iranian government's reluctance to formally recognize the Soviet government and its ambassador, as well as the Soviet rulers' lack of firm support for him, were important factors of Bravine's failure in this mission. The present study is conducted using a historical and documentary approach implementing a descriptive-analytical research method.

One of the consequences of the long wars between Iran and the Ottoman Caliphate was the conclusion of numerous treaties and compromises. Most of the concluded contracts were based on Amasya agreement, in which it explicitly addresses the issue of holy shrines. Here, we examine six peace treaties in which the issue of holy shrines and the security of pilgrims are addressed.   The main issue of the present study is to investigate the role and impact of the holy shrines and holy places on the spread and influence of Shiism in the Ottoman Empire. We also examine which of the agreements between the two countries have clauses dedicated to the Iranian pilgrims to the holy shrines and what obligations have the parties undertaken? The present study shows that creating security for Iranian pilgrims to the holy shrines and maintaining their sanctity has been one of the binding principles of the treaties. The Ottomans also reciprocally demanded that the Iranian Shiites refrain from cursing the three caliphs and Aisha, the wife of the Prophet (PBUH).

Following the Iran-Russia wars and the Iranians' awareness of their backwardness, pursuing the path of achieving political, military and economic power over the West through modernization and socio-political transformation, became an urgent goal in the minds of the Iranian elites. The Constitutional Revolution was a manifestation of the realization of this goal. But the intellectual-political debates over the constitutionalism and the tensions between the ruling forces, as well as the parties and currents within the constitutional system and the regions, delayed the original goal of progress and led the authoritarian mind of the Iranian intellectuals to authoritarian modernity. Following the October Revolution in Russia, the groundwork was laid for the emergence of authoritarian modernism in Iran with the support of Britain. Authoritarian modernism, with its ostensible understanding of Western modernity and its romantic conception of nationalism, led to policies and actions that, in addition to inciting the Islamist resistance, failed to achieve its goals. The rise of political Islam in this period, of which the devotees of Islam were prominent representatives, was in opposition to the politics of authoritarian modernity. Using a descriptive-analytical research method, this article seeks to explain the relationship between the authoritarian modernism and the emergence of political Islam with a focus on the ideas of the devotees of Islam in Iran.

Mohammad Javad Mashkour (1297-1374 AD) is one of the contemporary academic and university historians who studied various issues and topics in the history of Iran from ancient to contemporary during his four periods of scientific and academic activities. Considering his wide research scope, in the present study, Mashkour's historiography and historical view in relation to the cultural issues and issues related to the history and language of Azerbaijan were studied. During the second Pahlavi period, which was the era of the dominance of the nationalist approach in the official and academic historiography of Iran, one of the most important issues was how to deal with the issue of Turkish language and identity in Azerbaijan. One of the most important efforts in this field was to prove the cultural and linguistic identity of Azeri, as a branch of the ancient Pahlavi languages for Azerbaijan, an approach that resulted in the denial of the Turkish language and identity to Azerbaijan. Mohammad Javad Mashkour, in line with the conditions of the time, devoted an important part of his research to the history of the Azeri dialect in Azerbaijan and its relation to the Turkish language. Regarding the evolution of the language of the Azerbaijani people in the context of history, he believes in several historical periods. First era is a pre-Aryan history in which the common language in Azerbaijan was Manna and Urartian. The second period is related to the migration of Aryan tribes and the ancient history of Iran, during which the "Median -Pahlavi" language became the common language of Azerbaijan. With the transition of the Iranian society from the ancient period to the Islamic period, a branch of the Median - Pahlavi language continued in Azerbaijan, which Mashkour called it "Azeri Fahlavi". According to him, from the Seljuk period, with the establishment of the Oghuz Turks in Azerbaijan, the Turkish language gradually spread in Azerbaijan and during the Safavid period as a dominant language, replaced the "Azeri Fahlavi". Mashkour called the common Turkish language in the present day of Azerbaijan "Azeri Turkish" and considered it as the result of merging "Oghuz Turkish" with the "Azeri Fahlavi" dialect.

The depiction of the dimensions of the world of children in the Safavid period, such as the history of women, has often been recorded in connection with the events of the court and the elders. Historical sources such as the reports of the travelers and travel writers on the history of children of the Safavid era, including the precise definition of this period, the age limits and all the characteristics of children, do not have enough independence, but repeatedly the advantages and disadvantages of the children in the court, including the princes and other children of the courtiers have been mentioned. Scattered allusions, however, have to some extent reflected the social life of the ordinary and non-court children. This article, while considering the importance of childhood history, tries to answer the question of how the advantages and disasters of the children's history in the Safavid court were determined. It also examines the quality of social life of non-court children. The findings of the study show that the court children including the princes, although enjoyed an advanced and appropriate education system, but in the process of crisis of succession and bloody conflicts and also, from the second half of the Safavid era, by being in the circle of the harem, have suffered from a crisis and serious damage, which often led to murder, mutilation and blindness of the children. Sufferings of the court-affiliated children included becoming child slaves, a sexual commodity and also addiction. In the case of non-court children, although they had some commonalities with the court children, such as in education, textbooks, and religion, they were at risk of disease, war, famine, and rape. Instead, these children enjoyed more freedom of activities and social relationships. This is a library research based on the historical analysis.

With the outbreak of the Industrial Revolution in Europe and the spread of mass production, global exhibitions were formed with the aim of offering technical and technological capabilities and finding new export markets. After four exhibitions in England and France, the Fifth World Exhibition was held in Vienna, Austria, in the year 1873 under the slogan of "Culture and Education". Iran also participated in this event officially and with a prior planning. The purpose of this study is to identify the various dimensions of Iran's participation in this exhibition. It also examines the impact of this presence on the prosperity of Iranian carpet production and exports as the country's leading industrial arts. It seems that the official presence and visit of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar to this exhibition strengthened the view of the ruling side of the European Union and put the Iranian pavilion at the center of attention. Meanwhile, the display of Iranian hand-woven carpets, which was admired by the cultural elites and critics of mass production, played an important role in the tendency of Western societies to buy hand-woven carpets as the cultural manifestations of Iran and revived the production and export of this traditional Iranian product in the Qajar era.

Sadat, as the survivors of the family of the Prophet (PBUH), had high social status in the Iranian society of the Islamic period and most of the rulers and different social classes paid special attention to them. This particular approach to Sadat continued in the period of Al-Muzaffar and there were many interactions between this group and the rulers of Al-Muzaffar. Some of these interactions can be attributed to the religious beliefs and political thoughts of the rulers of Al-Muzaffar. Those who grew and gained power in connection with the Muslim Ilkhans and the atmosphere prevailing in the seventh and eighth centuries AH, paid special attention to various social and religious groups such as the Sadat, the Shiites and the Sufis. In such relations, Mozaffari's rulers considered some goals such as using Sadat's credibility to gain legitimacy and public acceptance and to consolidate the government. In this regard, Al-Muzaffar at times handed over important positions such as the ministry, the judge and the commander of the division to Sadat and considered accepting Sadat's intercession in some political events. However, in the few cases in which the group sought to seize power and jeopardize Al-Muzaffar's political life, relations between the two sides were strained. Using a descriptive-analytical method and citing first-hand historical and literary sources, this study deals with the issue of how Sadat interacts with Mozaffari rulers. It also examines the forms of Sadat's role-playing in the rule of Al-Muzaffar.