نشریه پژوهش های ایرانشناسی
سال دهم شماره 2 (پاییز و زمستان 1399)

From the early modern period and with the beginning of the political domination of the West in different parts of the world, including the East, the traditional interactions of East and West turned to new issues, and the need to know about new places was considered by Europeans for various reasons. From the seventeenth century onwards, there has been a close connection between Orientalism, as a profession and occupation, and the expansion of European trade, and eventually between imperialism and colonialism. With this approach, their view of other civilizations, especially the Orientals, changed with a sense of superiority and the need to dominate them. Eastern thinkers came up with different ways of dealing with the West. Although the critique of Orientalism began methodically after World War II, the grounds for this critique date back to before World War I and the emergence of national movements in the East. The purpose of these movements was to challenge the political and cultural hegemony of the West. Kasravi’s thoughts were formed at such a time; he was the first researcher in Iran and the East to deal with the issue of Orientalism, although not in a methodical and coherent way. Kasravi’s method of struggle in both areas was somewhat different from the others. It was during this literary struggle that he realized the nature of the research of some Orientalists on the issue of colonialism. The present study seeks to determine what approach Kasravi took in relation to Orientalist studies. The findings of the research show that Kasravi criticized Oriental studies and Orientalists in two respects. First, pointed out the fundamental flaws in the achievements of the West in order to free Iranians of the feeling of shame. Second, he expounded on the relation between Orientalism and colonialism, claiming these scholars to be keeping the Iranians in the past to preserve the domination of the colonial governments.

A historical texture, or a historic district, is a collection of works by past civilizations that show the value and culture of a city. It presents a diverse set of desirable qualities for the benefit of communities. Urban regeneration seeks to solve problems arising from different dimensions of life. Sustainable tourism works in harmony with the environment, community and local cultures and can be a good approach to regeneration. The aim of this research is to find out which types of tourism affect the regeneration of historical textures. To answer this question, the dimensions of urban regeneration and different tourism types are examined. The statistical population of the present study consists of tourism and urban planning experts (university professors) who have the necessary knowledge and expertise in relation to both the theories and the subject of the case study of the research. Since the article does not have a fixed and clear theoretical framework—which is due to the nature and purpose of the research—and because we do not have sufficient knowledge of the number of the members of the statistical population, a combination of non-probabilistic sampling methods such as purposive or judgmental methods (criterion-based), chain (the snowball) and quota and voluntary (available members) is used. The maximum number of people to reach a consensus is set at 30. The results are analyzed by SPSS software using fuzzy Delphi test. Then the relationship of each tourism type with the goals of regeneration of the historical texture is determined. Finally, strategies and policies for the development of tourism types that are more related to the regeneration of historical textures are presented. The results suggest that regeneration of historical textures should prioritize historical (0.072), cultural (0.070), artistic (0.061), creative (0.058), social (0.055), recreational (0.053), and food tourism (0.052) respectively.

In the present study, after introducing the Zoroastrian neighborhood as the most important cultural center of the Zoroastrians in Iran, some of the documents kept in the Yazd Museum of Documents and Manuscripts (Pooladi’s Collection) are examined. The Zoroastrian neighborhood is one of the most important historical neighborhoods in Yazd. It is considered as the most important archive of the Zoroastrian manuscripts and documents in Iran. During the recent years, many documents and Avestan manuscripts were discovered in the neighborhood. One of such discoveries is the discovery of Poolad’s Collection in 2016 in the house of Arbab Mehraban Poolad. This collection contains a number of Avestan manuscripts as well as thousands of commercial, religious and personal letters, and documents and contracts from 1832-1936. The date of some of these documents goes back to the time of Poolad Tirandaz, Mehraban’s father. These documents were all kept in the basement of Mehraban’s house away from the sight of the inhabitants and were discovered accidentally by Mehraban’s grandson who is named after him. The importance and value of these documents were determined after a careful and scientific investigation done by some university professors, and efforts were made to exhibit these documents in the Museum of Documents and Manuscripts. This collection includes some Avestan manuscripts. The oldest dated Avestan manuscript in this collection is from 1645 AD. This collection also includes thousands of letters and documents most of which are legal contracts, business letters, settlements of disputes, family letters, and the letters related to the social issues. The content of these documents can clearly show the important and positive role of the Zoroastrians in the commercial, political, and economic affairs of Qajar and Pahlavi dynasties. Arbab Mehraban Poolad is one of such influential people in the Zoroastrian community who, in addition to his vast commercial activities in different cities such as Yazd, Shiraz, Ahwaz and Borujerd, and other countries like India, England and Iraq, had an influential role in the Zoroastrian community such as the membership of Naseri Council, and the foundation of Zoroastrian Waqfi Garden in Shiraz.

Dovecotes are among the most important native buildings of Iran and Turkey. Their importance in the rich culture of the two countries cannot be overemphasized. In Iran, Isfahan province has the most dovecotes, and they belong to the Safavid and Qajar periods, and in Turkey, Central Anatolia has the most and they belong to the Ottoman period. Iranian dovecotes were built only to produce fertilizers to enrich agricultural lands; however, in addition to fertilizer production, Turkish dovecotes were used for the production of meat and gunpowder, which were sold to European countries too—in Iran, for religious and cultural reasons, hunting doves was not common and their meat was not eaten. Turkey is one of the countries where a significant number of dovecotes have been built in different types. Since the construction of these dovecotes was almost simultaneous with the emergence Iranian dovecotes, a comparative study of them in terms of distribution pattern, function, antiquity, and architectural features seems necessary. Thus, the most important research question is what the similarities and differences between Iranian and Turkish dovecotes in the last few centuries are. In addition, the purpose of this study is to investigate the importance of these buildings in Iran and Turkey with regard to political, economic, and geographical relations in the two regions and determine their role in various aspects of economic, cultural, and social life. The results show that environmental conditions have played a significant role in the establishment, diversity of form, materials used, and the purpose of building dovecotes in the two countries. Turkish dovecotes are square, rectangular, or with a circular or oval base (two parts, below and above the ground) and are made of stone or brick in rocky cliffs and away from farms. But Iranian dovecotes are generally brick, larger than the Turkish ones, and are designed in the fields of the plains and along the rivers, in circular shapes and in some cases rectangular (Golpayegan, Khansar, Khomein and Miandoab).

The dismissal of Reza Shah from political power changed the country’s political structure dramatically and began in the political and social spheres a new phase of parliamentary activities, parties, movements, and social classes. These changes affected the National Consultative Assembly election and people’s participation in electing their representatives in Tehran and elsewhere in the country, so that each of these newly-formed parties and movements interfered in it without any legal prohibition, and the election went out of government’s control for some time. The participation of people in the relatively free elections of the fourteenth parliament was the first experience of the Iranian nation after the fall of the first Pahlavi’s dictatorship, and it was widely welcomed. This paper surveys different parties, groups, and personalities that, freed from the difficult political conditions of the first Pahlavi, participated in the elections in Kermanshah as an important and strategic region located in western Iran. This study is based on a descriptive-analytical method and relying on documentary and library manuscripts, with analyzing the voting process, tries to find out what the influential factors in the 14th National Consultative Assembly election in Kermanshah were. The results show that unlike Reza Shah’s era, the 14th election was not monopolized by any of the political and social forces, and the candidates were affiliated with various and opposing influential groups. In the first election of the second Pahlavi era, in order to weaken the Pahlavi court, participation increased and the centers of power especially tribes and nomads and foreign political agents conducted activities during the parliamentary elections to achieve their political goals. Therefore, this period of the election was influenced by domestic and foreign agents. So new candidates entered the parliament.

Philology means the study of culture through language and attention to the linguistic nature of culture. Philology has been a major part of European Orientalism since the 18th century. Attention to Eastern languages began with biblical studies, with the advent of philology gradually separating its path from theology and becoming a way of understanding Eastern languages and texts. The need to learn Arabic, Persian and other Eastern languages led to the establishment of schools in Europe. It started in France but continued in Germany. In this article, after a brief overview of Orientalism and expressing the turning points of Iranian studies in Germany, the academic tradition of philology is explained in detail. Then, the importance of the philological method in the two traditions of German Orientalism (romantic and philological) is illustrated. The Romantic tradition relies more on the translation of Oriental texts and uses philology as a means of improving the quality of translation. The philological tradition seeks the historical reconstruction of text and language, and follows a neat trajectory. The importance of the philological method is attention to the text and its context. Classical philology, with its teaching of Oriental languages and manuscripts, has provided rich sources, from dictionaries to catalogs and corrected texts. In this tradition, the analysis of the Quran and the reconstruction of its context play a pivotal role. The importance of the philological tradition in the study of the sacred text is the abandonment of the concept of sanctity, which makes it possible to research the context and details of the text. This article deals with the genealogy of German philologists and the classification of their services at the levels of translation, cataloging, and proofreading of Persian and Arabic texts, and shows its evolution from the first generation to the golden age in the twentieth century. The focus of the article is on correcting mystical and Islamic texts and the projects of German-speaking orientalists in this field.

Many researchers believe that the time to explore the Persian words in Arabic books has come to an end because their predecessors have already said what should be said. Although the efforts of the predecessors in this regard are commendable, there is much to be studied yet. This article tries to argue that some Persian words, despite being used in Arabic texts, are mentioned neither in Arabic dictionaries nor in books related to “arabization.” Moreover, what is expressed about definition and explanation of some Persian words is inexpressive and imperfect. In the present article, we demonstrate that dictionaries have not included “Al-Bārjin” which is a Persian word used in Arabic books. Also the definitions given for “Al-Xordādhi” are incomplete. Two points should be mentioned here: first, in this paper, in order to understand how to use the expressed words, instead of merely analyzing lexical works, various sources from different fields have been examined. These include historical, geographical, and literary books as well as religious books such as jurisprudential and hadith works. Second, such research should not, by definition, be considered a linguistic “entertainment.” And we should not think that it is useless to find the meaning of ancient words that are no longer used in Persian or Arabic today because such research has historical and cultural importance in addition to lexical value; it discusses the interaction of the two languages which is one of the aspects of the relations between Iranians and Arabs. The choice of these two words is due to the fact that they come from the daily life of the people; Al-Bārjin was a tool for eating, and Al-Xordādhi referred to the wine and its container. Words like these in Arabic are evidence of the infiltration of Iranians into the Arabic-Islamic way of life.

The emergence of Islam in the east of Iran, part of which is now called Afghanistan, goes back to the Rashidun Caliphate era. Based on historical documents, the influence of the Shia in this area was initiated by the strict behavior of the Umayyad towards Shiites. The arrival of Ali ibn Musa al-Ridha (Reza) in Khorasan, the Mongolians’ religious tolerance, the Ilkhanate’s conversion to Islam and their tendency towards the Shia, and the emergence of the Safavids are considered important in the expansion of the Shia in this region. In recent decades in the Islamic society of the Afghanistan, Shiites are considered a minority. However, the Shia is more common in the Farsi-speaking Iranian tribes of Afghanistan. Most of the Hazare and Qizilbash (Ghezelbash) tribes are Shiites. In addition, the Tajik, Uzbek, Turkmen, Baloch and even Pashtun and some other tribes have some Shia followers. The Shiites reside in different provinces but most of them live in the central part of the Afghanistan, Hazarejat. Most of Afghanistan’s Shiites are twelvers, although a considerable number of the Tajik’s Shiites are followers of the Ismaili subdivision. The main purpose of this research is to study the sociopolitical life of Afghanistan’s Shiites in Sadozai’s era (1747-1818) and their role in gaining power by Ahmed Khan Abdali (Durrani), the founder of the Sadozai kingdom, and consolidation of the power for him and his children. In gaining power and victories, Sadozai benefited from the military experience of some of the tribes of Hazare. The Qizilbash also helped them in military and ministry affairs. Proximity of these tribes to the core of power sometimes caused reactions from Pashtun who were mostly Sunni. Studying some of the historical events and Shia’s reaction to them would make a ground to better understanding the behavioral pattern of Afghanistan’s Shiites in that period. Results of this study could be useful in further understanding of Shia’s interactions with Durrani’s government and their position in the society.

After the establishment of the Ilkhanid government, for the first time since the fall of the Sassanids, the name of Iran was revived as a land with political and geographical independence, and the Ilkhanate were called the rulers of the vast land of Iran from Jeyhun to the Euphrates. This issue has been mentioned in the histories of the Ilkhanid period. This research studies how the concept of Iran is represented in the important historical epics of the Ilkhanid era, namely Homayoonnameh, Changizi Shahnameh, Zafarnameh, Shahanshahnameh, to determine how much the poets of these historical epics tried to call the realm of the Ilkhanid Iran. The results of this study show that in these poems there are two different attitudes towards Iran: in Shahnameh, Zafarnameh and Shahanshahnameh, the domain of the Ilkhanid rulers is often called Iran and its borders as from Jeyhun to Rome and Egypt. Furthermore, the Ilkhanid rulers are introduced as Iranian kings who defend the borders of Iran. But in Homayoonnameh such examples are rarely seen. It seems that the most important reason for Homayoonnameh’s different approach is that this poem was written early in the formation of the Ilkhanid government, when the concept of Iran and Iranian identity were still less considered; but the composition of the other three poems was done in the period of stability of this dynasty. The personal views of the poets are also influential in their approaches. The main purpose of Zajaji was to narrate the history of Islam, but Kashani, Mostufi and Tabrizi included their Iranianist views in interpreting historical events. These two different and meaningful approaches in these poems show that the poets have consciously and purposefully used the name of Iran in their works. In addition, the results of the research prove that in the period of stabilization of the Ilkhanid rule, Iran was once again recognized as an independent territory with certain geographical borders, which the kings knew their duty to defend against the invading enemies.

This article examines a discussion about Iranian music that emerged during the 1950s and early 1960s. During this period various writers attempted to criticize Iranian music on the basis that it was connected with the Sufi tradition of Iranian culture. Therefore, criticisms of Iranian music appeared in various periodicals such as Muzik-e-Iran. Critiques voiced their opinion against characteristics of Iranian music that they considered to be negative. Most importantly, what they considered to be the “otherworldly” characteristic of Iranian music was stressed upon. Such cultural criticism of Iranian music during this period originated from the writings of two intellectual currents: the writings of the left wing during the Pahlavi period, and the writings of the famous social and cultural critic of the Pahlavi period, Ahmad Kasravi. Therefore, these criticisms in the writings of the left wing and Ahmad Kasravi against Sufism are briefly reviewed. Moreover, responses to such reading and criticism of Iranian music are examined. We have pointed out that during the same time some musicians advocated Sufi-based readings of Iranian music. According to them, Iranian music had Sufi characteristics and such features had to appear in its performance and context. It is also illustrated how this reading of Iranian music was connected to an understanding and practice of music. Furthermore, the concepts of “mahfil” and “bazm” in the cultural history of music performance are briefly examined. What was advocated by those defending a Sufi reading of Iranian music, to a large extent, had its roots in the listening culture and practices of mahfils. Moreover, it is explained that some of these musicians, following the discourse of the “cultivation of people’s taste” during the Pahlavi period, believed music to have a social role. At the end, it is argued how the aforementioned Sufi reading of Iranian music that was tied to a specific culture of listening in the private sphere, along with the debates on the social function of music and its role in nurturing people’s taste, came to be reflected in a radio program of Iranian music, Golha.