فصلنامه جامعه شناسی کاربردی
سال سی و دوم شماره 3 (پیاپی 83، پاییز 1400)

Social Cleavage is divisions between individuals, institutions, and social groups rooted in their interests, values, and positions. This rupture can lead to the formation of conflicting groups and social forces that give their members a collective identity. empirical evidence and some reports indicate the emergence of various social cleavages in our society. This article examines and recognizes the social cleavage, its dimensions, and its factors. The research method was a survey and the data collection tool was a questionnaire. The respondents were 527 citizens aged 15 to 75 years in 22 districts of Tehran who were randomly selected by stratified sampling and interviewed.The results show that in the first level, the highest variance was related to cultural values (0.616), religious values (0.551), and political values (0.436) and in general, the average political cleavage (2.22) was cultural cleavage (2.16) and generation cleavage (2.15) are more than other types. Groups with a reformist political identity, a strong religious identity, and a secular cultural identity are more likely to be confronted than other groups. Also, among the theoretical factors studied, the value priority factor (traditional-religious) has the most relationship with social cleavages.

Political satisfaction is very important for political systems at the national and international levels so that the spread of political discontent in a society can shake the foundations of that system's legitimacy. Among the factors affecting citizens' satisfaction, which has been emphasized in various theories, is the degree to which social capital and religiosity are used. To collect political satisfaction in three areas of social activist satisfaction, political institutions and working methods and rules of the political system, a sample of 395 respondents aged 18 years and over who were selected by systematic random sampling method was collected. The results showed that the religiosity of the respondents in both emotional and ritual dimensions had a positive and significant effect on political satisfaction and also two components of social trust. And civic engagement has had a significant impact on political satisfaction and has increased the level of political satisfaction among citizens. Model fitting results show that F was significant in all models tested. The coefficient of determination in the final model of the study also indicates that the sum of the variables tested explains 35% of the variance in political satisfaction. The indirect effect of religiosity on political satisfaction was also confirmed at the 0.05 level.

Medicine, because it is closely related to the human subject, needs to be related to the humanities. Despite more than half a century of debate, the debate over how to form and develop the medical humanities remains one of the most serious academic challenges in the world. In Iran,medical humanities is one of the most important interdisciplinary needs, which, of course, has not been seriously considered for various reasons. The purpose of this study is to investigate this issue from the perspective of humanities faculty members.The theoretical framework is the foundations of interdisciplinary science and Marcus's one-dimensional man theory. The present study is a national qualitative study that was conducted in 2019.Considering the saturation criterion, data were collected with 23 semi-structured interviews and two open end questionnaires.The study analysis was performed by thematic analysis method. The results showed that the participants posed a serious gap in the formation of the medical humanities.According to the participants, the most important obstacles and challenges in the formation of medical humanities are presented under the four general themes of modern mentality, politics, society and organization, biomedical domination, and inefficiency of humanities.It is suggested that science policy makers and health policy makers in the country take basic measures to remove these barriers.in this regard, paying attentionto the humanities and strengthening it on the one hand and reducing the dominance of biomedicine on the other hand, along with institutional and organizational measures can lead to the development and expansion of medical humanities in the country.

The starting point of this study is to focus on social malingering, which means the avoidance of performing legal and moral duties with reference to external and unjustified factors.we have pursued social malingering, based on the classic GTM scheme, the classic model of Glaser, in the emerging design to the grounded theory method, and social malingering and its strategies have been observed in various ways in the daily life and in practice of the employees and Clients in complex No. 10 of the dispute resolution council center in Tehran. In this way, 36 people were selected for depth interviews by theoretical sampling, and the data were analyzed and categorized using the two-step coding process in the classic GTM scheme and using MAXQDA software.This study identified the "survival strategies in conditions of social turmoil" as a core category. thus, social malingering in the oscillation among disintegration and social dependency is a strategy for survival in conditions of social anomy. circumstances in which the decline in social capital, on the one hand, and the existence of many motives for revenge of the community, on the other, lead individuals to avoid responsibility and shirk their legal and moral duties; and at the same time, the social dependence arising from the attachment of necessity causes the pretension, justification and rationalization, and reference to external factors as an excuse for non-fulfillment of obligations and lack of conscientiousness.

Social capital as a complex or multifaceted construct or concept, although sociological literature has become a pervasive and controversial subject, but there has been less study and effort in the field of its validity and value in the field of suicide. This article attempts to review the available resources, presenting the results of the researches of the researchers and critique them and show the relationship between social capital and suicide in the Iranian provinces. The most general result we have obtained from reviewing the literature on social capital in Iran is the lack of consensus among scholars on the indicators of social capital in Iran. The research method is the comparative method of cross-section Sub-national.The research showed that the hypothetical relationship between suicide rate and social capital in Iran faces many challenges. However, there is a relationship between suicide rate and some components of social capital; but it does not have a clear and stable relationship with social capital as a whole. Correlation coefficients between trust and suicide rate show that the relationship between the two is in the opposite direction of social capital theory. In other words, in the worst case, the rate of suicide increases with increasing trust in institutions (institutional trust) and in the most optimistic case, there is no inverse relationship (assumption and prediction according to this theory) between them and this finding with the assumption and prediction of the theory.

Agriculture and water resources are vulnerable to global climate change. Agricultural and farming practices should, therefore, adapt to the changing environment in order to avoid or to alleviate related risks. The aim of this study was determinate of farmers' adaptation behaviors in facing with the water scarcity by using the protection motivation theory and cognitive theory of stress model. Statistical population was farmers of Shoushtar Township in Khouzestan province. The sample size was determined and selected using the Bartlett table (n-251) and Random sampling. the present study collected data through a nationwide self-administered questionnaire. The face validity of the questionnaire was confirmed by a panel of experts. The questionnaire’s internal reliability was investigated using the Cronbach’s alpha coefficient. All scales indicated a good-to excellent reliability index (0.6–0.88). The results of structural equation modeling analysis revealed that in protection motivation theory, the response efficacy, collective efficacy and response cost regarding climate change were significant predictors of adaptation behavior. Protection motivation theory can explain approximately 33%, of the variance in pro environmental behavior. The results of cognitive theory of stress analysis showed, demand appraisal, self-efficacy and collective efficacy have direct effect on Problem-focused Coping and coping has direct effect on adaptation. the explanatory power of this model explained 28% of the variance in adaptation behavior. Moreover, the results revealed that demand appraisal, self-efficacy and collective efficacy indirectly and significant relationship with adaptation.

The latest emerging communication technologies such as the Internet and online social networks have drastically shaped individual’s participation. Now, with the spread of new technologies (social networks), people can pursue some of their political interests and activities in the online interactive space. Therefore, understanding the political participation of individuals in society without considering its online dimensions would not be enough. In a world where the spatialization of online (offline-offline) is increasing day by day, political participation is not limited to one dimension (i.e. participation in offline (real) space). Another dimension called online political participation (political participation in cyberspace) is also provided for political participation. The prominent role of social networks like Facebook, Twitter, and Telegram in the evolution of political systems shows this crucial point. Taking into account the ‘dual speciation of the social world’ and the rational choice approach, the present study tried to examine the relationship between political costs (perceived and received) with students’ political participation in both online and offline spaces.

In this survey study, the data collection tool was a questionnaire with mostly closed questions organized in several sections. The first part was demographic characteristics; the second part was online and offline political participation; and the third part was about measuring political expenses. The formal validity was used to ensure the validity of the questionnaire and Cronbach's alpha coefficient was used to ensure the reliability.. The reliability results of the questionnaire spectra with Cronbach's alpha coefficient were acceptable as follows: the online political participation with the coefficient of 79%, offline political participation with the coefficient of 72%, perceived virtual political cost with the coefficient of 93%, and the virtual and real paid costs with the coefficient of 84%. The statistical population in this study was all 20000 students in Shiraz University in different stages. Using Cochran's formula, the sample size was 390 for this study. The stratified random sampling method with proportional quota was used in this regard. In this method, the statistical population was divided into different classes based on faculty, field, gender, and educational levels. From each class, in proportion to the quota of that class, the participants were randomly selected from the sample size and completed the questionnaire voluntarily.. To analyze the data, SPSS software at both descriptive and inferential levels and Amos software were used. The present study seeks to answer three questions: 1) Is online space a less expensive area for participation? 2) Do groups whose participation and activities are thought to be costly or paid more in real space have more political participation in cyberspace?; 3) Can the rational choice approach provide a good explanation for individuals' online and offline political participation?

The present study investigated the relationship between political costs and political participation in both online and offline spaces based on the rational choice approach. Political participation encompasses various levels in the political system, ranging from non-conflict to holding political office. The rational choice approach denotes that the way people look at political participation, like other people's actions in life, is in terms of profit and loss, that is, people with a kind of rational and computational view based on light and cost-benefit decisions decide to participate or not. In general, in the discussion of political participation, individuals can be divided into two categories: those who do not engage in participation and who remotely watch the activities and political behaviors of other people, and those who engage in political participation and look at the cost-benefit perspective at different levels of political participation. People in the first group seek to benefit from the participation of others without paying any costs. The cost-benefit view of this group of people is accompanied by the argument that if the people involved in the partnership achieve their goals, they are also partners in the profit, and if the political partnership fails to achieve the goal, the people involved pay the cost. Individuals will not incur costs due to their absence from the scene. These people can be called a group who seek a "free ride:. Activists of the second group either simply vote and participate in campaigns and contact political figures and parties (conventional participation) or engage in collective action, direct action, and political violence (unconventional participation). The rational choice approach assumes that both groups take such actions by calculating the cost-benefit. It could be argued that it can make more profit by paying less. Among the components of perceived political cost, the highest average was related to perceived political cost online. Thusit can be concluded that the online space is a more secure space in terms of cost than the offline space. This means that those who participate online will pay less politically, and those who participate in the offline (actual) space will pay more. However, perceived political costs in online (virtual) space are more than offline space, and this may be a factor in preventing people from attending online space. The results showed that contrary to the hypothesis derived from the rational choice approach, the higher the political cost paid by students, the higher their political participation would be.. Therefore, it can be said that people who have high participation are probably the ones who have a stronger belief in their political path and expenses; in addition, suchexpenses cannot stop them from following their path. The next point is that such people who have the experience of paying political costs are not afraid of participating in politics. The sum of these findings indicates that we in Iran and among students cannot speak of a rational political activist and calculator by defining a rational approach. From this perspective, students are not rational and cost-effective political actors, because their perceptions and calculations of the costs and benefits would not direct their political participation. Also, the costs paid offline do not cause them to engage in political participation in the online space at a lower cost, and vice versa.