پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال شانزدهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 63، تابستان 1400)

The emergence of the catastrophic Corona disease has taken the lives of countless people while disrupting lifestyles and governance models. This invisible virus, by disrupting the lifestyle and marginalizing the joy and vitality of the modern lifestyle, has once again exposed the bitter and sad reality of life, the issue of death, to human beings more than before, and has also contributed to the birth of tragedy. The man of the post-Corona period is now faced with a crisis of meaning, in other words, he has much distanced himself from the hope and vitality of the post-Corona period, wondering whether the human will itself gave birth to such a painful tragedy or a supernatural force in Figuring out such a tragedy has been effective. This article based on descriptive and analytical approach to show the destructive effects of coronavirus in political, economic, social and cultural-religious context of Iranian society with a focus on the bilateral action of political agents and citizens, intends to emphasize love in its material and spiritual aspects and promoting it as the basis of Iran's policy system as a fundamental solution of the coronavirus crisis. The painful and catastrophic effects of this destructive virus can be dramatically reduced and awakened a sense of hope in life in the form of artistic creation, to embellish the suffering psyche of society.

Superstition is the achievement of a society that has turned away from rationality. Why religious society such as Qajar, especially in the pre-constitutional era, fell into the trap of superstition, is the question that this article seeks.The answer given is due to the unpleasant merging of two different Streams of thought: the stream of jurisprudence-hadith based and the stream of Sufism. In general, neither of these two can be considered independently and necessarily the cause of the spread of superstition, but according to the social conditions of Iran and due to the proximity of the epistemological foundations of these two Streams of thought, reducing the position of rationality, Sufism hadith-based jurisprudence limits the space for dynamic and rational jurisprudence. Sufism hadith-based jurisprudence has overflows of superstition in society; because science is declining in this viewpoint. Therefore, religion loses its ability for correcting and reforming, in the absence of rationality, to answers to new problems; so superstition becomes the only haven of society.The present research is done in the framework of historical sociology and using the method of documentary analysis, by reviewing the works and documents of various intellectual streams of the Qajar era.

It seems that the 1400 presidential election can be considered a turning point in the path of the Islamic Republic and an important change in the electoral participation process. The results of the 13th presidential election in Iran were announced in a situation where official statistics indicate that this period, in terms of electoral investment, was one of the least successful election periods in the history of the Islamic Republic .During this period, Seyyed Ebrahim Ra'isi was elected by the people as the eighth president of Iran by winning a majority of votes 48.8% of those who participate in the elections participate. Therefore, in terms of quantity, this popular turnout is the lowest social participation in all periods of the Iranian presidential election since the beginning of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, in order to answer the question "What are the reasons for the decrease in the participation of the Iranian people in the 1400 presidential elections compared to previous periods and what will be the future of the electoral behavior of Iranian citizens?", This study tries to Milbrath's theoretical framework, the most important causes of this event and the popular approach should be examined and based on Schwartz's theoretical approach, the future of people's electoral behavior should be designed in the form of scenarios. Obviously, the non-participation of the people in the 1400 elections can include many factors such as health issues and the Corona crisis, political issues such as the disapproval of some representatives and other cultural and social categories. However, this research, knowing the range of reasons presented in many scientific circles, in order to commit to Milbrath's theoretical framework, is only in line with his three desired levels, namely "social status", "environmental stimuli" and "characteristics". "Personality" will address the reasons for the decline in electoral participation.

Methodologically, the present study is descriptive-analytical with the approach of "matching theory with case" and "theory-case test". Collection of information and data required in this research in a documentary manner (library and receipt), use of works, research and articles available on the Internet and news agencies and scientific reports is valid. This research is practical in terms of purpose, because with the results obtained through it, while gaining knowledge of the roots of meaningful behavior of the Iranian people in the 1400 presidential election, it can be used to meet the basic needs, expectations and demands of citizens. And finally used to improve electoral participation.

The findings of the present study in order to explain the reasons for the decrease in popular participation in the 1400 presidential elections and the future of citizens' electoral behavior can be considered in two parts, which are: And 2- Scenarios leading to the electoral behavior of the Iranian people based on Schwartz's theory. In explaining political participation, Milbrath examines various factors in the form of three environmental stimuli, social status and personality. According to him, categories such as belonging to an organization is one of the main factors in involving citizens in political activities and access to information. Obviously, one of the most important organizations in the current transition and developed countries are the parties, while with a history of more than forty years in the Republic of Iran, the parties still have many problems in nurturing and producing political people.According to Milbrath, personality categories such as sociality and extroversion are effective in motivating citizens to enter politics. This is while one of the most important personality traits of the Iranian people is unpredictability. On the other hand, when these people are on the eve of the intense news of the internal and external opposition, they are largely passive. But another factor that Milbrath points to, and more than any other category in the current situation, is tangible for the Iranian people; Social status is based on indicators such as income, social status and class status. It seems that high inflation, unemployment of citizens, especially university graduates, reduction of welfare and increase of living problems; It has increased dissatisfaction with the current situation and, in addition to having a direct impact on increasing the number of invalid ballots, has also had an impact on popular electoral participation in general. Over the past decade, the existence of an unfavorable and passive macroeconomic program and strategy in large and pervasive areas such as industry, mining, housing, and in general tangible production and uncertainty in the areas of livelihood, trade and business, the results of its poor performance. Has put it well in front of the citizens. The mentioned management results clearly and tangibly show the depth of unfavorableness and economic catastrophe that different angles of Iran's economy, from agriculture to mines, from oil to downstream industries, from inflation to unemployment, from stock exchange to exchange rate, from employment crisis to services to It has exposed deep inequalities between different classes of people. Thus, as the suffering of the people increased among the various strata of society, it was increasingly felt that the electoral process, and ultimately the rotation of the elites, would end the necessary capacity to improve their lives or address the country's major problems, such as strengthening economic spheres. It does not have a political stalemate and empowerment of civil society to fight corruption and inequality. With these interpretations based on Schwartz's theory, the thirteenth government and its supporters today see two solutions to deal with sanctions and domestic problems. One way is to negotiate and reduce or lift sanctions. According to the new government, experience has shown that the West wants not just a nuclear issue, they do not accept the ideology, regional policy and even the governing structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, therefore, the 13th government is unlikely to succeed in negotiating with Western governments. But the second way is to use domestic capacities and forces to produce sanctioned goods and reduce and neutralize the effects of sanctions. Of course, this is the path that the thirteenth government will choose, and of course, if a binding and fair agreement with the European governments is possible, it will also consider negotiating the lifting of sanctions. Obviously, the government's success in these areas will return the electoral passion, especially for the next presidential election, to the Iranian youth and citizens. Surveys and statistical analyzes show that people are more dissatisfied with the economic dimension and their immediate demand to solve this problem .It is clear, then, that the closer the thirteenth government gets to this goal, the more likely it is to succeed in alleviating political boredom and frustration. This is while today the government sees a difficult way and many obstacles in front of solving the problems of the citizens; Obviously, if we do not succeed, we should not expect the enthusiastic presence of the people in the field of political participation in the future.

The results of the research, which has been obtained by descriptive-analytical method, show that according to the three components of "social status", "environmental stimuli" and "personality traits", Iranian citizens, in addition to the lack of parties and organizations laying the groundwork for participation. The political, and emotional features that had prevented their maximum presence through domestic and foreign opposition propaganda and media were significantly dissatisfied with important and influential problems such as inflation, class divisions, unemployment, and increasing economic and livelihood problems.The combination of these factors both fueled citizens' frustration with the current situation and reduced the effectiveness of the presidential election and the rotation of elites in solving problems in their eyes. According to Schwartz's theory, for the future of the electoral behavior of Iranian citizens, four scenarios can be imagined in the form of three types of future: Possible future: 1. The failure of the government's economic and social efforts, resulting in reduced electoral participation and increased frustration; 2- Increasing regional and international tensions, turning to resistance economy, not solving popular problems in the short term and as a result, lack of prosperity of people's electoral participation in the future and possible future: 1- Gradual transformation of non-electoral participation into habit.

The relation of states is usually explain in terms of behaviors based on maximizing power and benefit. This article introduces a different model for explaining the relation between the Iran and United states, which focuses on the Struggle for recognition. States want their identity to be recognized as an independent unit of sovereignty, their respect as an equal member of the international community, and their dignity as a member with particular characteristics in the international community and struggle to be recognized. States act not only for different interests , also to defend their identity; The interests of States are not only material and individual, States also want their historical narratives to be confirmed by others and accepted in the international community. This article Using the qualitative method of discourse analysis and based on Axel Honneth theory shows that "struggle for recognition" has been the main motive in the formation and continuation of the conflict in Iran-United states relations and the determining factor in the confrontational relations between these states And it argues that binary representations of self and other informs the identity narrative of each state and how they are recognized. For this purpose, the special context of the Iran-United states conflict on the nuclear issue has been used.

In the thought-seeking law of the Qajar Iranians, one of the concepts that was considered alongside the law was "justice". The law, in its new sense, had a close relationship with justice, and this was not something that was hidden from the eyes of the Iranian modernists of the time. Using Skinner's intentional hermeneutic method, this study seeks to answer the question: What are the relations between law and justice in the thought of Qajar Iranian modernists? On this basis, their intellectual "background" was "modernity", their "motive" was "law" and their "intention" was "justice". In the first two cases, there was a lot of similarity between them, but in the "intention" of justice, there were different views. Malkum and Talibov considered the "law as justice" and also had an "institutional" view of justice. On the one hand, Mishtar al-Dawla paid attention to "equality and law" and on the other hand, to the "rivalry between Sharia and law" and justice, and Akhundzadeh can be considered the main critic of any relationship between "equality of law and sharia" and justice And the law was based solely on its modern, liberal view.

During the transition from the Pahlavi regime and the establishment of the Islamic system, Kurdish political parties and groups, given the atmosphere created by the power vacuum of the central government and the existing contexts, saw the conditions for gaining autonomy and caused a crisis and challenged the interim government. In dealing with this situation, there were two tendencies among the officials in the center. One tendency to think through the political lens to solve the Kurdistan problem, and the other tendency wanted to deal with the crisis.In this research, first we deal with the backgrounds and causes of the formation of the Kurdish uprising, then how the process of developments and negotiations, and finally the deadlock and non-outcome of the negotiations. The present study seeks to answer the main question, what were the causes of the Kurdistan crisis and the reasons for the continuation of this issue after the victory of the revolution, using the method of historical analysis and relying on various documents and sources in the framework of the theory of "political mobilization of ethnicities"? What steps did the interim government take in this regard?The Provisional Government sent three delegations to Kurdistan to negotiate, but due to differences in approach at the center and the priority given to the option of intensifying action by some revolutionary forces and the adoption of an armed approach by the Kurdish parties, the Provisional Government failed. The issue of Kurdistan was dealt with.

The main purpose of this study is to provide a model for explaining the intergenerational voting behavior of Iranians with emphesis on Iran’s thirteenth presidential election, which was conducted by survey method and using a questionnaire. The statistical population of this study includes all 15 years and older citizens in Isfahan, which according to the 2016 census was equal to 2243249 people. The sample size was obtained using the Lin table of 384 people who were selected by stratified random sampling method. Findings show that there is a significant relationship between the variables of political Hobbyism, political conscientiousness, Political interest and sense of social belonging with respondents' voting behavior among the first generation. There is a significant relationship between the variables of political Hobbyism, political conscientiousness, Political interest, sense of social belonging and pursuit of interests with the voting behavior of the respondents among the second generation and for the third generation between all independent variables. There is a significant relationship between social belonging, tendency to make changes, social approval and the pursuit of interests) with the dependent variable. The overall results of the study show that the pattern of Iranian voting behavior is dynamic and not static in nature; More precisely, this model has always been fluid and transformed during the four decades that have passed since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, and over time it has been constantly moving from traditional to modern concepts, so that a new phenomenon called political Hobbyism has emerged.