فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 50 (تابستان 1400)

The US-China confrontation has become more visible in recent years. So that the two countries face each other in different regions of the world and in different areas of politics, geopolitics, economy and security. One area of ​​confrontation between the United States and China is the China Belt and Road Initiative, the implementation of which will make China a superior power on land. In this study, we seek to examine Iran's role in confronting the United States and China. The importance of addressing this issue is that Iran is part of the Belt and Road Initiative, and the relationship between the two sides, the United States and China, with Iran is unique in that the United States confronts Iran and China interacts with Iran. The main question of the research is what is the role of Iran in the confrontation between the United States and China under the belt and way initiative? The process of obtaining the answer to the main question has been through expressing the confrontation between the United States and China and then examining whether or not Iran accompanies the parties to the conflict. The result of this study is to explain the role and influence of Iran in the confrontation between the United States and China in the Belt and Road Initiative, and the conclusion that the presence or absence of Iran in this plan will affect the confrontation between the United States and China.

Examining the global gas energy market, it can be seen that the European Union is still one of the largest consumers in the world, but the operational and tactical levels of the domestic market of this union have changed. The strategy of European institutions from the 1950s onwards was based on the approach of markets and institutions, which had the liberalization of the energy market and a greater focus on companies and private actors. But since 2000, we have seen the EU move towards a regional and empire strategy that seeks to elevate its global position vis-.-Vis large producers such as Russia through biased policies. The main question is what will be the EU strategy towards the domination of Russian gas? The hypothesis that will be considered is that the EU, given the shortcomings of the strategy of markets and institutions, tends to a strategic approach to regions and empires, and at the same time develops a combined strategy to balance Russia's energy power in It uses the global energy market. This article seeks to further examine the operational and tactical levels of EU energy vis-.-Vis Russia in a descriptive and analytical manner, enumerating the characteristics of the two strategies.

The liberal international order, known as the Western-based order or the order created by the United States, was established after World War II and strengthened by the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, the most important challenge that this order has faced in recent years is the growth of emerging powers such as China and Russia, which oppose Western domination, especially the United States, and seek opportunities to reform the international order. Compared to China, Russia takes a revisionist view of the structure of international order and poses more challenges. The main idea here is that although Russia alone is not able to confront the West and the United States, the support of other major powers, especially China, encourages Russia to challenge the liberal order. The main question of the research, then, is what factors motivate China to support Russia's challenges to the liberal order and hegemony of the United States? As a possible answer, this study argues that Russia's challenges are important to China in three ways: First, Russia's challenges protect China from confrontation with the United States and attention to Beijing's growth. Second, the vision offered by Russia does not contradict China's demands and in many cases serves its interests. And finally, the weakening of the Anglo-American core of the liberal order, which could weaken US hegemony, encourages China to cooperate with Russia. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical

After announcing the new strategic priority of the United States based on competition with the great powers especially China, US changes its strategy and is looking for ways to optimize its presence around the world,focusing on increasing its presence in the East Asia.West Asia was not an exception and we saw decrease and change of US military presence, especially in Afghanistan and the closure of three US bases in Qatar and deployment of forces to Jordan.Therefore,the main question of the present research is that to what extent,changes in U.S. Strategic priorities affect US military presence and its basing strategy in the West Asia?By using a descriptive-analytical method,the current research shows US is moving toward smaller and decentralized bases,as well as strengthening the"offshore balancing" approach.US will also have more emphasis on non-military tools, strengthening the deterrent capability of partners and allies(especially missile capability) and also networking of its facilities and capacities and the use of modern technologies in its presence.In addition, the United States appears to be seeking to use a hybrid model for its bases in the West Asia region.This model is a mixture of US traditional bases which are now controlled by host countries, some traditional bases which are currently under US control and also some new ones.In this regard, US is establishing some new bases which have emphasis on resiliency, versatility, educational function, networking and communication, decentralization and smallness and wider geographical distribution. These elements are among the most important elements of new US basing strategy

Following the media coverage of the talks between Iran and Saudi Arabia, analysts questioned whether a successful outlook for the talks could be expected, or whether the talks were merely a manifestation of Biden's change of policy toward the Middle East region compared to the Trump administration? This research focuses on examining this question and concern. This study seeks to answer the main question: "What should be the outcome of the negotiations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia in order to guarantee the success of the negotiations and lead to the establishment and consolidation of strong and stable relations between the two countries in the future?" It hypothesizes that "in order to the negotiations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia to be successful (as representatives of the two blocs and the axis of power) and for the establishment and consolidation of strong and stable relations between the two countries in the future, the outcome of the negotiations must be formed a "security regime" between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia based on the institutional bargaining model developed by "Oran R. Young has been raised." Thus, the security regime formed between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, which should be the outcome of negotiations, is formed around a kind of security-economic uncertainty, and the two countries in their security-economic relations have specific principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures.

The main purpose of this article is to examine the foreign policy approach of Barack Obama and Donald Trump towards international environmental regimes within the framework of US foreign policy traditions. Accordingly, the questions of this study are: Based on each of the traditions of foreign policy thinking, how is the US approach to international institutions and regimes and the global role of this country defined? Given the foreign policy tradition of each of the two presidents, what are the most important differences and similarities between their foreign policy approaches to international environmental regimes? The findings show that there are no similarities in the foreign policy approach of the two presidents towards international environmental regimes, but in terms of differences, three important differences can be noted: differences in highlighting and Or the two presidents' disregard for environmental issues in US national security documents, the difference in the type of policy adopted and the practical actions of the two presidents towards international environmental regimes (policy of adherence to the policy of exit) and finally the difference in the type of representation The importance of environmental issues and regimes in the speeches of the two presidents.

Efficiency is one of the strategic components in order to empower the political system and system, which in its macro and final dimension creates a unified and organized systemic order in a chaotic and chaotic environment. In the field of foreign policy, countries are always trying to be considered as an efficient model by modeling their influence and influence in regional and non-peripheral regions by streamlining regional and international activities. Basically, in turbulent environments where various stressful inputs enter a decision-making system, pursuing an ingenious foreign policy that can neutralize these inputs and manage systemic transformations is of strategic importance. In the Middle East, due to the conflict and chaotic inputs to the existing system and basically a processed environment with conflict and the pursuit of an intelligent foreign policy, the requirements and requirements of a government are taken into account. To this end, the main question of the present study is what path should the Islamic Republic of Iran take in its regional environment to transition from a confrontational order to an interactive and fractal platform? In response to this question, the hypothesis has been raised that it is necessary for the Islamic Republic of Iran to implement an effective type of activism in the new century in such a region in order to change the paradigm. Findings show that the foreign policy model of Iran's regions in order to systemic-regional efficiency of the fractal foreign policy model should be interactive. This article will take a descriptive-analytical approach in