نشریه سیاست دفاعی
پیاپی 114 (بهار 1400)

The geography of the Islamic world includes various intensifying factors which, considering the specific conditions of the regions in which the Islamic countries have developed, are mostly capable enough to have serious effects on the realization of the new Islamic civilization due to their being of doubled significance. This article has been written by studying the extent of the intensifying factors of the geography of the Islamic world on the realization of the new Islamic civilization, as well as with the aim of identifying those factors in the Islamic world. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. However, it uses survey method for the purpose of analyzing the variables. Considering the criteria and indicators determined in the analysis, we decided that from among indicators, those such as the Muslim population, the solidarity of Islamic countries, the geostrategic conditions, and the resources and reserves of energy are more effective in bringing about unity and solidarity and power in the Islamic world than other ones in order to achieve the objectives related to realizing the new Muslim civilization. Generally speaking, the intensifying forces of geography of the Islamic world world are effective only when the human factors can play their role very well, in that these factors have always been existed, and forever they will exist. The aligned and applied policies adopted by the human force (the resolute nations and authoritative states) is the very thing that is capable of converting these factors into a power for the Islamic world; otherwise, these factors can cause the geography of the Islamic world to be dominated by the great powers, something that has been true in the past and is mostly so today.

Today, the most developed cities have formed in the margins of coasts of seas and oceans. There is a reciprocal relationship between the existence and survival of cities and sea-oriented development. Today, a geoeconomic approach governs coastlines.  Therefore, the Eastern coasts of Iran (Makran coasts) have connected the country to the ocean structure, causing an increase of geopolitical weight and geoeconomic functions. In the present research, the main question is: What are the defense and security challenges of sea-oriented development in the Makran coasts from the perspective of political geography at local and national scales? The method used in this research is descriptive of survey type ( using questionnaire on the basis of Likert scale). The analysis in this research has been carried out by using the statistical software SPSS 23 at two levels: namely Descriptive and Inferential. The data in this article represent part of the challenges (security and defense challenges at two scales: namely national and local) adopted from the doctoral dissertation with the topic of "the challenges of sea-oriented developments in Makran coasts from the perspective of political geography". Results indicate that the security-defense challenges at national scale enjoy a higher weight and average than the security-defense challenges at local scale.

The issue of strategic supervision constitutes one of the most important ones in any social and political system and has an inseparable connection with social responsibility. Strategic supervision coupled with control and supervision in leadership, proper management and steadfastness plays a determining and fundamental role. In Islamic thinking, supervision constitutes one of the most fundamental issues in religious, political and social fields. On top of examining the paradigms and models for carrying out strategic supervision over the implementation of policies on national and transnational levels, and considering the supreme leader's tactful guidance on regulating the issue of supervising the implementation of policies, this research has examined the state in which the general policies of the Islamic system have been implemented in the defense industry. The main objective of this research is to provide a model for carrying out strategic supervision over the general policies of the Islamic system in the defense industry. This research is applied and developmental in terms of objective, and uses a mixed method in its methodology. Initially, this research collected qualitative data, which are then followed by quantitative ones. The qualitative and quantitative data having combined have been combined on an exploratory basis in other words at the first stage It uses qualitative approaches in order to determine the main elements of supervising and controlling the implementation of the general policies of the Islamic system in defense industry, and at the second stage, it completes and validates the identified elements and variables with quantitative approach. The presented model is constituted of 7 dimensions, 33 parameters, and 86 indicators, which have systematically included supervision during implementation. The dimensions include "supervision over the composition of policies", "supervision over the preparations of policy implementation", and "supervision over the requirements of policy implementation".

Many differences exist between what is written in the books and articles of thinkers and researchers about war and warfare and what is in the official documents with legal and executive guarantees that will be accepted and implemented by the institutions and signed by high-ranking military-political officials of a country. This study examines the 36 official documents available from the United Kingdom, France, the United States, and the NATO Alliance, to answer four general questions about, the definition of which one of existing warfare? With what dimensions and themes? With what similarities and differences? With what attitudes? in their doctrines, field manuals, strategy documents, and official texts are used. This research has been conducted with the library method (qualitative) by using Computer software for breaking and recombining the structure of official texts into simpler and understandable patterns. Findings indicated that there is no difference between unconventional and hybrid forms of warfare, latent political abuse of this different naming, and the use of hybrid warfare as an illegitimate method of others (enemies), and the enmity depiction of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a hybrid warrior.

Saudi Arabia's political system has invariably been known as a regime whose partisan activities are prohibited. This has caused the atmosphere of political activities to enter an informal phase. However, the important question is: Considering such an atmosphere, does the role of the opposition and the opposition political groups against the Saudi sovereignty take an increased turn? How is it possible that these groups can exert a pressure on Saudi's political system for gaining concession or political change? To answer this question, one might say that two key uncertainties come to matter for this take place on the part of the opposition: namely, support or lack of support on the part of foreign actors, and the internal political stability and its relationship with four aspects, namely the intraterritorial opposition withing the sovereignty, the intraterritorial opposition outside the sovereignty, the extraterritorial opposition within the sovereignty, and the extraterritorial opposition outside the sovereignty. On this basis, the research tries to study the role of opposition forces, groups and parties in the form of alternative futures as well as to examine scenarios.

The presence of the majority of Shiites population in the Persian Gulf as well as the influential minority in the West Asia, Balkan and the North Africa, has caused the Shiite population and capacities to be reckoned as a counted-on force in the geopolitical space. The Shiites’ privileged characteristic and the factors that contribute to their capability and capacity have converted this group, as a force giving depth to the Islamic revolution and strengthening the resistance front, into an important problem worth being studied. Therefore, the capacity assessment of the parameters and characteristics of Iraqi Shiites and their effect on the axis of resistance has been considered as the main problem of this research. The present research's aim is to assess the capacity of the Iraqi Shiites in, and their contribution, to the development and influence of the “axis of resistance”. The geopolitical, geocultural and geoeconomic factors and other unique characteristics of Shiites play a role in upgrading the position of the axis of resistance. The research method was carried out in mixed manner (based on theoretical literature and tacit knowledge) and a questionnaire was planned using theoretical literature and empirical knowledge. The statistical population was selected to be 18 people in a meaningful way in which both the validity of the research and the reliability of the findings were investigated and confirmed, the former based on content and the latter by using Cronbach's Alpha coefficient. The findings of the research showed that there is a meaningful and positive relationship between the elements of belief in political Islam, political geography, cultural geography, defense policy and culture and geoeconomy. Also these findings indicate that the Iraqi shiites do not only have a dynamic and active capacity, they will produce a strengthened resistance front and a developed revolutionary discourse if supported and enabled by the Shiite groups. Therefore, the Shiites constitute the most vital group and driving engine for the front of resistance.