فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک
سال هجدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 65، بهار 1401)

In spite of presenting some new insights and relevant critiques on traditional geopolitics, it seems that critical geopolitics is reductionist and consequently is not capable of explanation of current geopolitical situation at the global scale. Roots of this reductionism should be explored in philosophical foundations of critical geopolitics. Considering some of its main arguments and concepts, including positionality, situated-ness, and partiality, critical geopolitics is a poststructuralist and postmodern approach. According to the critical geopolitics, geopolitical practices, forces and processes are indeed reduced to constellations of rival ideas and discourses.

This research aims at critically and systematically excavate and evaluate the deficiencies of critical geopolitics. In doing so, there is need to develop an alternative critical theoretical framework which can provide bases for a systematic critique. Accordingly, we aim at employ Bhaskarian critical realism as a theoretical alternative. It seems that having a stratified ontology, makes these two different but mutually reinforcing approaches appropriate bases to critically understand geopolitics as a multilayered reality. Accordingly, the main goal of the research is to highlight and explain the implicit and explicit ontological, epistemological and methodological foundations of critical geopolitics.

It can be argued that critical geopolitics lacks an independent philosophical foundation and therefore has a non-original philosophical base. To put it more precisely, ontology of critical geopolitics is anthropocentric. Hence, it is an idealist, subjectivist and constructivist approach that reduces reality to discourse, and knowledge to discursive interpretation. In critical realist terms, it can be argued that critical geopolitics lacks a stratified ontology and cannot explain non-discursive and structural layers of reality, and more importantly, their interactions. This flat ontology which is associated with an interpretative/constructivist epistemology and a hermeneutic methodology, can easily lead to voluntarism in political sphere – something that is evident in emphasis of critical geopolitics on situated-ness and standpoint of subjects. By overemphasizing on the role and importance of the subject in power relations, although fruitfully challenges the naïve structuralism and mere positivism, critical geopolitics cannot conceptualize the objectivity of power and geopolitical reality beyond the individual human actors and agents.

To conclude, critical geopolitics cannot understand and recognize the relative independence of subjective and objective layers of geopolitical reality. One of the consequences of such an approach is that theory and theorization will be reduced to a mere narrating and describing of mere the empirical level. Hence, there is no possibility to understand and explain different and interrelated layers of geopolitical reality. The whole problem will be reduced to rival geopolitical discourses without considering the link of these discourses to their objective and material bases. Therefore, critical geopolitics arbitrarily limits its analysis to just a part of reality and prevents the possibility of a critical encounter with reality in advance. Such an approach is fruitless and has retrogressive results on the political level. Undoubtedly if we cannot grasp the whole aspects of the problem, as it really is, at the theoretical level, there will be no precise guidance for democratic and emancipatory action..

The term soft power entered the literature of political science, international relations, etc. since about 1989 with the help of Joseph Nye, and now, after three decades, it has become one of the official discourses in policy and scientific researches. In the same context, Nye, in addition to the term soft power, also introduces a new keyword called hard power. In connection with these concepts, he states that hard and soft power are both aspects of the ability to achieve desires through influencing the behavior of others. However, there is a difference between them, so that this distinction covers both the behavioral nature and feature of tangible of the resources. In this regard, in terms of behavioral nature, he bases hard power on coercion or bribery, and bases soft power on attract, accept, and persuade. Also, in terms of being tangible, Nye believes that soft power is rooted in intangible resources such as culture (those parts that appeal to others), political values (in cases where it is considered at home and abroad), and finally, foreign policy (if it seems legitimate and legal) (while military power and economic capacity are among the tangible resources of hard power). However, despite the passage of many years, the scientific evidence and the events of international politics reinforce the hypothesis that this view needs to be reconsidered because the nature of soft power is not limited to specific resources. In fact, it seems that a country's various resources including military power can also be used in this power by focusing on the true nature of soft power. To this end, the study seeks to how and based on what components a country's military capability can affect the country's soft power?

The main question of this research is how and based on what components a country's military capability can affect the country's soft power? The hypothesis corresponding to this is also designed in such a way that it seems that a country's military uses attractiveness to influence soft power. To this end, the authors have used descriptive-analytic methods to answer this question. In this regard, first the nature of soft power and then the position of attractiveness in this method of power is examined and analyzed, and after that based on existing examples and scientific analysis in the style and context in which the military plays a role in soft power, will be mentioned. With these interpretations, the method of data collection in this research has been based on library resources as well as data analysis in the form of content analysis along with inductive reasoning.

The points that Joseph Nye mentioned from the nature of soft power in a covert way, along with the existence of common keywords from the definitions of soft power, lead us to the point where the root of soft power is influenced by attractiveness. However, the concept of attractiveness, in a way, is reminiscent of the behavioral nature of soft power. But that quality may come from the content and facilities of a country or its style of behavior. Therefore, the nature of soft power is not limited to specific resources. Rather, resources or behaviors that can produce peace, respect, credibility, admiration, imitation, and role modeling, and in a word, attractiveness, tend to produce soft power. According the details raised, one of the current capacities based on attractiveness that can play a role in the soft power of countries is military power. In this regards, the findings show that a country's military capability can be achieved through measures such as helping to train foreign troops, participating in deploying peacekeepers in areas under conflict, helping to maintain international security in the framework of multilateralism, holding or participating effectively in the latest exhibitions of military equipment, technical assistance to nations involved in natural and human crises, maintaining and promoting peaceful military relations with the countries of the international system, scientific-peaceful cooperation of military, hosting the international competitions of the armies of the world, launching peaceful competitions among the world armed forces, attending and winning honors in the international competitions of the armies of the world, intelligence and creativity of the military commanders, etc., play an active role in soft power.

This study, considering the important position of military power in the calculations of a country's national power and the prominent role of soft power in domestic and foreign policy, sought to examine this question was that, how and based on what components a country's military capability can affect the country's soft power. In this regard, the results indicate that experts do not have a clear vision of the role of hard resources in general and military capacity in particular, in soft power. Nevertheless, scientific documents in the field of the nature of soft power and global events confirm the opposite of this claim. As the developments of the international system show that with the entrance of the concept of soft power in the field of policy-making, the armed forces in all parts of the world, especially in the West, have adopted and implemented this method of exercising power. With these interpretations, today one of the elements that can play a role in the framework of soft power is the military capabilities of a country, which is also achieved with the help of attractiveness and various methods. However, the point that should not be simply overlooked is the expression of the fact that an attractive military force, with the help of defense diplomacy, becomes an effective element in the mechanism of exercising soft power..

The space and place are the key concepts in the social sciences, architecture, physics, urban planning and especially geographical sciences. But there is no consensus on the definitions, and scope of space and place. The most important and common definition in the academic community of Iran in relation to space is that: the Space is the relationship between objects and phenomena. But in practice, whether consciously or unconsciously, this definition of space is usually applied in the country's scientific community, an absolute Descartes that remind of the modern age, that is, looking at space as a fixed, coordinated thing. In this view, the space is eternal, stationary, isotropic, networked, coordinate and measurable. From the point of view of this research, the problem generally refers to the failure of most research in constructing the fundamental ontological and epistemological nature of the problem of the space and place. We confront, for example, a relative neglect of the underlying principles that many researchers and theorists base on their understanding of the space and place, that is, the way base the particular object of their research. This neglect is problematic for many reasons, in particular because it impedes the formulation of a dialectical approach to the problem of the space and place, thereby the most research about these consciously or unconsciously constrained in Descartes's philosophically constraints. This article seeks to expose Descartes's implicit foundations of the space and place, and to critically reading Marxist, postmodern and phenomenological views of the space and place to analyze it in relation to everyday life and world life.MethodologyThis research, based on its nature is fundamental research and based on a descriptive-analytical approach with a critical approach and has attempted to critic the foundations of the dominant approach from critical view.

The first attempts to provide a definition of the concepts of space and place are in the field of philosophy, presented by Plato and Aristotle. After these two other philosophers, such as Descartes, Kant, Hegel, Marx, Bergson, Husserl, etc., attempted to develop these concepts. But it was during Strauss and Foucault that more serious questions arose. Are history, historicity and historical conscience inherent in human existence? Or are the concepts imposed on different histories across places? Such act needs to be rearticulation the notion of space and place in the 'modern' not only to re-examine this issue where space and place have been abandoned, but also to consider where and how had located places and spaces. We also have three general views of space and place that we must consider about some epistemological chasms. 1) The Newtonian view in the context of Euclidean geometry- this view that knew everything mathematically and quantitatively and measurable based on that space and place were measurable and capable of being represented quantitatively. 2) The view attributed to Leibniz and Einstein, unlike its predecessor, sees time and space as part of human mental structures. In this view, time and space are not the output but the result of construction of human input; the space in a relational thought is a relative matter, and a way of knowing about the relationships between the elements of the physical world. 3) Kant's view; Kant's compromise on understanding space as a real thing but only accessible through intuitive and immediate efforts can build a bridge between Newton and Leibniz. In this study we attempt to analyze the categories of space and place through a critical rethinking and from the perspective of the three Marxist, phenomenological and postmodern schools, all three schools aiming to move from positivism and Descartes dualism to a higher level of explanation, intellection or interpret. Critical research criticizes the positivist approach for not being able to examine people's meanings and understand their capacity to feel and think. Marxists with a certain interpretation of Marx completely rejected the positivist spatial representation. In their view, all spatial relationships and processes are in fact social relations that have taken the spatial form. Phenomenology has also been introduced as a new, critical and compelling scientific position against positivism, and Husserl considers its duty to expose and review all the fundamental claims and assumptions that the positivist sciences (objective, dogmatic) have assumed, and ultimately Postmodernist viewpoints, with their crushing criticism of positivism and other early approaches, all them question as the schools of »being« and the metaphysics of presence as their central theme.

The conceptual definition of the categories of space and place is based on the ontological, epistemological, and methodological nature of important philosophical paradigms, and without understanding the philosophical underpinnings of these concepts, conceptual confusion is inevitable. The three paradigms explored in this study have been the dominant views since the 1970s. Archimedes-based views began their analysis by critiquing the dominant mechanistic view and by considering the theories that Achilles' heel of positive theories. Marxist analysis is based on exposing the antagonistic relationships of the capitalist system, which produces and consumes space like other objects. In this school, the production of capitalist space must be understood dialectically and as a whole flow (process) and place (form) because the two are intertwined and it is necessary to understand the totality of the capitalist system. In this view, all spatial relationships and processes are in fact social relations that have become spatial form. In phenomenology, space and place are intertwined. The World life is an important issue that in this view the space prioritizes over space and time; in phenomenology, although place provides context for places, but also derives its meaning from places. And finally, in postmodernism, the category of space is examined as fragmented, partial, special, and case; the category of space is multiple and multifaceted in power relations, and it is constructive of a discourse that it has always been engraved with the symbol of power and have plunged into another area within subject-oriented discourses.

After the victory of communist revolution in China, Nationalism had been combined with communist teachings as result of cultural revolution at the Mao era. The outputs of mentioned process caused to formation of ideological and transnational principles in Chinese foreign policy. But after nearly three decades, People's Republic of China has not achieved its foreign goals and faced with turmoil in domestic economy. Therefore, at the late of 1970s Beijing endeavored to improving their relations with the outside world, especially with the United States. Over the 1980s-decade transnationalism ideas replaced with pragmatist nationalism. These developments paved the way for control the nationalism narrative by China development-oriented government. It is important to point out that one of the most important factors which influence states foreign policy is the kind of nationalism narrative. There are different kinds of nationalism in china's political temporary discourse, but only one of them has taken dominant position in China’s foreign policy. The aim of this article is to analyze the conceptual developments of Chinese nationalism and its impact on the development-oriented foreign policy. The research will examine main kinds of nationalistic attitudes in China and try to answer the following question: how do dominant narrative of nationalism contribute to construct the development-oriented foreign policy in china? Developmental outlook of China has directed it to interpret and promulgate nationalism in a pragmatist way as well as along its development-oriented foreign policy.

To analyze above mentioned issues the authors used a research desk method; we used various international publications, like monographs, scientific articles, and statistical data. This research has written by descriptive-analytic method and constructivism theory used as analytical framework.

Researchers owing to the goal of their research have classified Chinese nationalism from different perspectives. The authors of this article divided Chinese nationalism into three following categories: ethnical nationalism, liberal nationalism and pragmatism nationalism. The first one (ethnic nationalism) is usually defined as “to the process whereby a group or community that shares a common history, culture, language, and territory is persuaded to assert its identity in such a way that it acquires the authority to be in charge of its own affairs, usually through the creation of an independent state.” When ethnic nationalist interests are mobilized to achieve state interests, that is, state nationalism, a more assertive brand of nationalism tends to emerge. The second one (liberal nationalism) was introduced in the early twentieth century as a means to improve China through political and social reforms. It defines the nation as a group of citizens who have a duty to support and defend the rights of their state in the world of nation-states, but also to pursue individual freedoms. The third one (pragmatist nationalism) is a state-led and largely reactive, pragmatist nationalism does not have a fixed, objectified and eternally defined content, nor is it driven by any ideology, religious beliefs or other abstract ideas. This kind of nationalism is a form of nationalism that is more ready to compromise with the outside world for the sake of state interests. After Deng Xiaoping launched the reform pragmatist nationalism has taken significant foreign policy implications. China’s diplomacy began to serve economic development under the guidance of keeping a low profile and accumulating strength quietly. In addition, nationalism is becoming more influential within the government as it begins to overshadow communism and becomes the concept that draws the government and people closer to the economic objectives more effectively.

Facing chronic economic problems and acute political crisis at home and from a relatively weak geopolitical position abroad, the Chinese state took a pragmatic attitude toward nationalism and made sure that China’s foreign policy was not dictated by emotional rhetoric. The results of the article shows that China's development-oriented foreign policy has compelled Chinese ruling party to economic interpretation of nationalism which have led to impressive economic indexes so that will replace the US dominant economic status in third decade of new millennium.

Exploring and explaining hydro-political interactions requires an in-depth understanding of the nature of water issues. Water issues are in complex interactions with the values, norms, and ideas of the stakeholders, as well as nonlinear and dynamic interactions and feedbacks with social, political, and security dimensions, so they named a complex coupled human-natural ecosystem. Water systems, as common resources among two or more stakeholders (at local, national, international scales), not only ignore political boundaries, also cross multiple natural, societal, and cultural boundaries.Analyzing hydro-political relations, also requires understanding the theories, values, and assumptions that interpret them. The Neo-Malthusians argue that population growth increases resource consumption, which causes resource depletion, exacerbates resource scarcity, increases resource competition and ultimately results in armed conflict. In contrast, the Cornucopians argue that there is enough energy and food to provide for the rising population of the world. They point out that technological innovation and cooperation can overcome resource scarcity. They believe that resource scarcity stimulates innovation and the development of technology and resource competition motivates cooperation between states and nations, rather than violent conflict. Hence, avoiding confining researchers' insights into a particular paradigm and developing a comprehensive understanding of different issues requires to learn for thinking across paradigms, or perhaps beyond paradigms.Reflecting each paradigm of international relations in hydro-political relations offers a specific view of conflictive and or cooperative relations on shared water resources in transboundary basins. The purpose of this study is to investigate and address these key questions: according to different theories and paradigms of international relations, what kind of tools are fruitful for transboundary water resources in hydro-political interactions? In addition, what are the philosophy and roots of each attitude and deficiencies of each strategy in hydro-political interactions?

This paper has a theoretical-fundamental methodology. In terms of data collection, data of this paper are qualitatively collected through the library methods. The theoretical framework of this research is formed by dominant paradigms in international relations. Therefore, at first, we will introduce the Realism paradigm and the reflections of these theories in hydro-politics interactions in form of three theories of Water War, Neomalthusians, and The Tragedy of the Commons, and also criticisms on these theories are presented. Second, the Liberalism paradigm and the reflections of these theories in hydro-political interactions in form of three theories of Cornucopians, the Economic Value of Water, and Water Institutions as well as criticism of these theories are presented. Finally, the nature of hydro-political interactions is explained.

Exploring the paradigms of international relations, their theories on hydro-political interactions, and analysis of water conflicts and cooperation among countries, are so significant. Because it shows what are the deficiencies of policies and strategies and how can they improve. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding from the reflection of international relations paradigms in the field of international water and environmental issues is essential to gain more comprehensive understanding of hydro-political interactions and, accordingly, outlined appropriate strategies to sustain countries' water interactions. There have been different paradigms throughout the history of hydro-political interactions. It is important to understand the various paradigms throughout history. Because understanding history helps understand and analyze the current situation. Historical lessons can also help provide more comprehensive strategies and more sustainable policies for the future. Analysis the history of hydro-political interactions shows that:1- The relation between conflict and cooperation in hydro-political interactions is complex. Some scholars use an either/or approach to examine this issue. Other scholars disagree with separating conflict and cooperation and contend that conflict and cooperation can co-exist.2- Transboundary water interaction is an inherently political process and the outcomes are determined by the broader political context.3- Conflict is not always undesirable. Like a virus in our body, we cannot remove conflict from our life but we should manage it. Conflict can be constructive and may lead to increase cooperation.4- It is a misconception that conflict and cooperation are set against each other so that increasing conflict means decreasing cooperation.

Although various variables are engaged in emerging and escalating of international crisis, geopolitical variable has some special and important weight. Geopolitics is a hybrid concept that studies the role of geography, power, and politics in international affairs. The geopolitics and international crisis studies cross paths while discussing the escalation of international crises and their Reasons. The researchers believe that there is a strong connection between these two subjects. In the present paper, we will investigate this connection. The research hypothesis is that the more prominent the Geopolitical situation of a crisis-ridden country (enjoying natural resources and location in a strategic region which is critical to great powers) the more potential for escalation of the existing crisis to international level. In other words, the significant geopolitical position of a country is an important factor in the likelihood of intervention of the global and regional powers in the crisis and turning it into an international one. To approve this hypothesis, we will discuss the Syria crisis as a case study. In the present study, three key subjects are investigated and analyzed: the role of geopolitics in the study of the “international crises” from the viewpoint of “Michael Bercher, the leading crisis researcher”, the geopolitical position of Syria, and finically the “geopolitical interests” of the regional and international players in Syria.

The present research, in terms of the nature and method of research, falls into the category of descriptive-analytical research. The data is gathered by referring to the books, articles and strategic reports available in the internet sources and is analyzed based on the question and hypothesis presented. Attempts are made to use the articles and strategic reports of world-renowned think tanks.

The geopolitical position of a country in terms of natural resources and the regional interests of great powers plays an important role in international crises. Any state with these two factors that is facing an internal crisis would be in danger of facing the intervention of regional and international players, which has the potential of escalating the crisis into an international one. The crisis in Syria is an ideal example of this phenomenon. It can be used to approve this hypothesis and to study the interactions of geography, power, and politics which forms the basis of all geopolitical theories. If not the most important factor, the unique geopolitical position of Syria was undoubtedly one of the most important factors in the altercation between the regional and global powers in the country. Indeed, the unique geopolitical position of Syria (material, value and strategic resources) turned the country into an arena for the competitions between the regional and international players and escalated the crisis.

According to “Michael Bercher” the leading geopolitics expert, two main factors are required for an internal crisis to be escalated into an international one: first, the crisis should occur in a strategic region that is important for great powers, and second, the abundant natural resources of the region of the crisis. Since Syria ranks 30 among the world countries in oil reserves and 42 in natural gas reserves, it is unlikely that the regional and global players were motivated by the county’s oil or gas resources. Rather it is the geopolitical position of the country (its strategic value) and its presence in the heart of the fragile Middle East belt that has led the regional and global powers to step in. The unique position of Syria and the following four factors: 1) its geographical position in the Middle East and in the heart of the long-standing Arab-Israeli conflict, 2) its position on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean and the junction of three continents, Asia, Africa, and Europe, with more than 183 km of coastline, 3) its neighboring countries: Israel, Lebanon, Turkey and, Iraq and 4) its position at the heart of the regional competition between resistance and conservative forces, have given the country a superior geopolitical position, both regionally and globally, and have forced two great powers (Russia and United States) and four regional powers (Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel) to step in and intervene in the brewing crisis.

Military power and superiority of countries throughout the history and civilization of human beings have been an important issue in the survival and longevity of countries and powers during different historical periods. But this competition, which has been especially concerned by the political and military rulers of the countries during the post-cold war, has been accompanied by extensive developments in the field of organization structure. These developments, in addition to the transition from the army to the professional army and the deterioration of their structures, have become more effective in practice. The transition from the military has been more noticeable in countries that have geopolitical conflicts. The Islamic Republic of Iran, because of its geopolitical conflicts, needs to keep pace with global developments in the field of military and defense. In this research assumption is that it is possible to draw a clear picture of the process transition from the functional army to the professional army in Iran. in fact, to transition from the functional army to the professional army, a set of successful countries and patterns of countries that have such an experience is necessary, but the logical way is that to develop a comprehensive and comprehensive roadmap, it is necessary to capture and domestication successful models and patterns of successful countries.

The present research is descriptive - analytic and from the perspective of data gathering procedure is based on the library findings, as well as interviews with experts. Therefore, it is tried to assess the situation of transition from the functional army to the professional army in the sample, the situation of the countries, its methods in transition from the army duty to the professional army, and demographic information of each country in the field of human resources of the countries discussed.

The findings of this research are related to the following issues and axes:The study of the latest resources and scientific information about the military transformation of countries in the world.The explanation the strengths and the most important influential parameters of leading countries in the field of transformation from functional army to professional army.The explanation of the most important role models of transformation from functional army to professional army is based on the scientific study of research.Identification the non - military variables affecting the process of transformation and defensive innovation through comparative study of the structure and organization of the countries of the world. AnalysisBenchmarking of a successful and developed structure is considered the first step in achieving the goal of a large and complex revolution. In the present study, researchers have attempted to identify the dominant patterns in the defense and military structure and introduce them to the military service in order to develop native speakers. At present, there is an active pattern in the world that each of the relative merits in the formulation of the national strategy brings the army to the professional army. These patterns are: 1) Countries without mandatory military service (Professional army); 2) Countries with obligatory military service (from 6 months to 10 years); 3) Countries with non-combat service or without weapon; 4) Countries with voluntary and voluntary service combinations; 5) Countries with selected services in the present study.Turkey, Germany, Russia, Pakistan, China and the United States, which have followed a formal and written plan in the transition from the functional army to the professional army, have achieved good results. On the other hand, the conditions and challenges of the armed forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran have been studied in the process of army transformation and task - oriented forces to the professional army. The study of the situation and the strategies of the countries suggests that the defense transformation of these countries helped them to preserve and protect their interests, while the professional army has contributed to the use of new military instruments and the reduction of their military defense costs in expanding the scope of geopolitical domain.

The result of the research suggests that defensive transformation in each field without considering the ability of other countries and successful working patterns cannot be achieved easily. The countries of the world have gained an important part of development and development in their armies for observing the defensive plans of other countries. Therefore, competition in the structure and defense models of other countries is as follows: 1) In the economic sphere defense economic planning is necessary. Turkey, Pakistan economic management in the field of defense is effective for Iran; 2) Defensive Manpower Management: in this area, countries that are aligned in terms of population growth and workforce potentials can be considered as political - military strategists (Germany, Turkey); 3) The field of structure and organization: in this area the countries that are evolving from the functional army to the professional army and recently implemented this strategy can provide a suitable model for Iran (Turkey and Russia); 4) The area of equipment and technology: in this area of countries where modern equipment and technology are embedded in the organization, countries such as China, Russia, America and Germany can be a good example for Iran.

Over the last decade, some scholars began to argue that the Turkish foreign policy is experiencing a pivotal change. In a general look, their contributions are largely influenced by three major trends directing Turkey's foreign policy approaches: First, there is an unprecedented development in Turkey's relations with Eastern rising powers, especially Russia and China. At the same time, Turkey's relations with Western allies, especially the United States and European powers, are in a state of instability and tension. Third, Turkey has played an active and relatively independent role in the regional developments, especially in the Middle East, that present its leader’s assertiveness to consolidate Turkey's position as an emerging regional power in the changing Eurasian geopolitics. Accordingly, the mainstream ideas maintain that the geopolitical vision of Turkish foreign policy has shifted away from transatlantic alliance to Eurasianism. Is Eurasia becoming a geopolitical alternative in Turkey's new foreign policy? By reassessing these contributions, this article seeks to explain the geopolitical mechanisms of Turkish foreign policy pivot to Eurasia in a systematic way.

This research method is descriptive-analytic, and the data gathering procedure is based on library findings. In order to diversify the research literature, this article employs a variety of literature and data in Persian, Turkish, and English.

Contrary to the prevailing arguments manifesting Eurasianism as an international shift in Turkish foreign policy and its reorientation from the West, this paper argues that the rise of Eurasianism is a pragmatic reaction to the changing structural, regional and domestic politics environments rather than a shift of axis in Ankara's geopolitical vision. Accordingly, by the conceptualization of Eurasianism in Turkish foreign policy, this article contributes that the global power shift with the rise of Eastern powers and institutions in the structure of global governance, crisis in transatlantic relations, changing regional geopolitics, and domestic political dynamics, especially in the post- 2016 coup, have led Ankara to pursues multilateralism and diversification of geopolitical vision. In such a context, Eurasianism or pivot to Eurasia is not perceived as a geopolitical alternative to Turkey’s traditional Western orientation. Hence, a pragmatic discourse of Eurasianism in Turkish foreign policy is being formulated. In the light of this pragmatic approach, the Erdogan government is consolidating its power and securing its political regime at home and expanding its influence in the changing regional and international sphere. Although Erdogan's regime security concerns play a meaningful role in the growing tendency of Turkish leaders to pursue the Eurasianism in the foreign policy, a pivotal turn to the East does not make sense in the absence of convergent geopolitical and economic interests with Eastern powers. For the time being, Ankara has significant differences with Moscow and Tehran over the developments of Syria and the future of Bashar al-Assad's government, Middle East conflicts, the Caucasus, the Black Sea and the eastern Mediterranean, which are not easily reconcilable. However, Eurasianism is a pragmatic tactic to strengthen Turkey's leverage in the transatlantic alliance and political bargaining with Western allies to recognize its security concerns and strategic interests.

For Ankara, the Eurasianist discourse is not an ideology or a roadmap for pursuing Turkey's grand foreign policy goals, but a means to meet emerging political and security challenges and seize economic opportunities in the shifting the international system. Turkey's strategic thinking is to strengthen its geopolitical position as a "bridge" between Europe and Asia by balancing Ankara's strategic relations with the West and the East. In this context, Eurasianism pursues to maximize geopolitical influence in the neighboring regions. Accordingly, Turkey's strategic partnership with Russia, China, Iran, and its desire to play an active role in Eastern institutions, including the SCO, does not mean severing strategic and institutional ties with the West and redefining Turkey's international position as an Eastern power. Given the main argument of this article, the prospect of Turkey’s Eurasianism will primarily influenced by the dynamics of its relations with the Western allies and the Eastern powers will play a secondary role. Rather than having decisive ideological and structural roots, Turkish Eurasianism is mainly based on personal ties and changing regional and international balances. Given the asymmetric partnership between Turkey and Eastern powers, Turkish leaders are still unsure that to what extend pivoting to the East can provides Ankara's strategic autonomy in pursuing an independent foreign policy. In the foreseeable future, Turkey is likely to remain in the transatlantic alliances, maintaining a level of strategic partnership with the EU and the United States, while expanding its economic and diplomatic ties with Eastern powers.

There are developments that can change the world order. The transition of the international system from simple and linear to a complex and chaotic system, in the context of international multi-body systems, has brought new challenges to explain its order. International relations literature has studied order from a simple and classical perspective and the international system is perceived as a linear system, while this is a complex and chaotic. Complexity theory offers a new set of conceptual tools to help explain the global order. It constitutes a challenge to more traditional forms of theorizing in international politics and offers new ways of thinking about it. A new pattern of order is emerging, which can be conceptualized as the dissipative and bifurcated order. 

The most prominent methodological aspect of achieving this goal is to utilize the abductive model in theoretical inference and to utilize the complexity-chaos theory assumptions and its conceptualization in the complex international relations. The abduction methodology refers to some form of explanatory reasoning. It refers to the place of explanatory reasoning in generating hypotheses, and also in justifying them. Abduction is finding the best explanation. Chaos and complexity as two important characteristics of the international system lead to dissipative and bifurcated order as the best explanation of the new world order.

Complexity theory offers a new set of conceptual tools to help explain the global order. It constitutes a challenge to more traditional forms of theorizing in international politics and offers new ways of thinking about it. A new pattern of order is emerging, which can be conceptualized as the dissipative and bifurcated order. This article seeks to provide a theoretical model for explaining the new order based on the element of complexity and its theories. In this regard, the author pioneers the dissipative and bifurcated order as an innovative theoretical model to the scientific community of international relations. This model is based on the ontology and epistemological foundations of complexity theory.

The article provides a new theoretical model in the framework of dissipative and bifurcated order by establishing a link between multibody and complex systems theory and international order. The model has the essential features as follows:The multibody system as main construction of new international order;Systemic pressures as the cause of bifurcation, and formation of dissipative structures and processes;Bifurcating and dissipation as the main response to systemic pressures;Feedback strategic stability and feedback strategic deadlock as a new concept to explain the balance of power and dynamic equilibrium;The layered hierarchy as one of the most important theoretical concepts to explain the new order. In this model, polarity is replaced by centrality. The order has two properties, including circularity,centrality-based and layered, nested hierarchy;The convergence of different sub-networks and their dynamics and forming a global nested network along with differentiated clusters;The dissipative and bifurcated control system as the main model of control;The equation of internal order and external disorder. This type of control system provides order by using internal capacities and creating branches in the externalOscillational equilibrium as the main route to evolution..