فصلنامه مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 64 (بهار 1400)

Proposing the basic question: what is Imam Khomeinichr('39')s managerial model in crisis resolution?, the present study has hypothesized that his managerial model originated from an intellectual system based on epistemological, ontological and anthropological principles and following such principles as theism, democracy, law-basedness, attention to moral principles and observance of the interests of the Islamic system have been established and pursue goals such as the growth and excellence of society, maintaining the Islamic system and providing security. The article uses a descriptive-analytical method and reflects on the works in which Imam Khomeinichr('39')s biography in the face of crisis is contained; it tried to prove the research hypothesis by analyzing information. Given that the Islamic Revolution is organized on the basis of a particular ideology distinct from the model of liberalism and Marxism, so the method of presenting the model of crisis management will be derived from the same ideology.

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the administration of the government, within the framework of the basic rules of Sharia, in practice, faced deadlocks that could not be overcome except by going beyond the appearance of Sharia. This issue required new ijtihads that were carried out by Imam Khomeini. Thus, a special formulation of the relationship between laws and sharia led to the formation of a political system in a different way. In this article, focusing on Imam Khomeinichr('39')s political thought and using descriptive-analytical method, we seek to answer the question: what are the theoretical mechanisms for the challenge between Sharia and laws in Imam Khomeinichr('39')s political thought? An analysis of Imam Khomeinichr('39')s political thought led to the answer that Imam Khomeini (ra) with a special jurisprudential reading through concepts such as government rule and the principle of expediency, secondary rules, and the "absolute" rule of the jurist presented a mechanism to resolve the challenge between Sharia and law.

With the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the action of the enemies in the form of imposed war and the reaction of the internal elements of the society with the approach of Shiite political thought, led to the holy defense. Social convergence or divergence due to the resulting conditions is an issue that has not received much attention. The Crisis of the imposed war fundamentally changed collective action-reactions to social solidarity. So the question of the present study may be taken as: how the holy defense of IRI against Iraq has affected social solidarity? This descriptive-analytical study seeks to investigate the influential components and intellectual roots of strengthening the concept of social solidarity in the conditions of imposed war. Therefore, by forming national and Islamic identity, loyalty and division of social work, the holy defense strengthens common social values and actions, and by promoting religious motivations, the spirit of national sensibility and public support, a common policy and national harmony strengthened social solidarity.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution is known as the most important development in the Middle East; because establishment of the Islamic Republic in place of a monarchy led to revival and expansion of Islamic values in such countries as Bahrain and Syria. The Islamic Revolution, as the center of the spread of religious values and the rise of popular uprisings after 2011, provoked regional rivals such as Saudi Arabia to confront Iran over concerns about the influence of the Islamic Revolutionchr('39')s discourse. This descriptive-analytical article seeks to answer the question: what is the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards Bahrain and Syria in order to counter the influence of the Islamic Revolution of Iran? In the framework of diffusion theory, the Islamic Revolution of Iran is considered as the center for expanding Islamic values and religious democracy, the existence of religious and historical commonalities with Bahrain and ideological influence in the Syrian system have been known as its aims of dissemination. In this regard, Saudi Arabia claims to be the leader of the Islamic world and tries to counter the influence of the Islamic Revolution by using tools and methods such as promoting Iranophobia, suppressing the Bahraini protesters and trying to overthrow Bashshar Assad.

Iran and Saudi Arabia have been competing in the Middle East since the Islamic Revolution. This rivalry has taken shape in Yemen and has increased since 2015, especially after the invasion of Yemen by Saudi Arabia and its allies. The Iran-Saudi conflict in Yemen has often been studied in the context of a realistic or structuralist approach and less studied in other formats. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study seeks to explain the question of how the Iran-Saudi Arabia conflict in Yemen is analyzed from the perspective of Robert Jervischr('39')s psychological approach. Considering that the behavior of countries is regulated based on their beliefs; findings show that the misunderstanding of Saudi rulers about increasing the IRI`s regional influence, as well as the tendency of Saudi rulers in the previous belief and image of Iran, which is understood and processed with new information about Iranchr('39')s power, entangled them in a security dilemma. From this perspective, it has intensified the conflict between the two countries in the Yemeni crisis.

Prolonged tensions in the Middle East and its symmetry with recent global developments have left the region with a new wave of nation-state-building over a rift of conflict. Conflicts that began with the incomplete process of state-nation-building in the last century in the Middle East and appeared and spread in national-regional levels in various forms, and reached the peak of the nation-state conflict with IRI and continued with the popular movements at the beginning of the third millennium. Continued. This article, as a descriptive and analytical research, seeks to answer the question: How do national and regional conflicts and the state-nation-building process in the Middle East relate to each other? The results of the studies show that there is a bilateral and inverse relationship between the two. In the sense that the incomplete process of state-nation-building has created numerous conflicts that have led to the continuation of this flawed process and ultimately to the intensification and expansion of national and regional conflicts.

Ideology plays an important role in the process of movements and is the driving force of many intellectual and political changes in the world. In the Islamic world, too, Islamic ideology has played a major role in contemporary political developments. Given the dominance of the system of domination and isolation of political Islam, this study deals with the origins of the reproduction of this ideology in the present era. It seems that the most important criteria in reviving this political Islam are related to the political actions of Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi. He considered the distance from Islam as the cause of the decline of Muslims and tried to present the religious faith and Islam in the form of ideology and bring it into peoplechr('39')s lives. He provided criteria for the revival of Islamic ideology, which paved the way for the renaissance in Iran and the Islamic world, and influenced the major Islamic uprisings and reform movements until the Islamic Revolution. This article uses content and data analysis.

The present article is devoted to the study of the distributive special function of the Pahlavi political system in creating public dissatisfaction and shaping the revolutionary situation in Iran. A feature that is related to the distribution of values and scarce resources at the community level. In this article, documentary and library-based technique have been used to collect data and qualitative analysis method has been used to analyze them. In terms of nature, this research is descriptive-historical. The research hypothesis and findings of the article are as follows: the regime`s distribution model of sources and values in the fields of economy, policy and social dignity led to an unjust distribution of sources and values and following it caused a gap of exploitation and dissatisfaction and ultimately led to the rise of deprived, marginalized and oppressed groups and classes against the distributional pattern of the Pahlavi political system and, therefore, to the Islamic Revolution of Iran.

The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the distribution crisis on the fall of the Second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of Lucien Pye Crisis Theory. The main question of the present study is what was the role of the distribution crisis in the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The findings of this study indicate the fact that the Pahlavi regime was in a distribution crisis for reasons such as authoritarianism, lack of proper distribution of power, lack of political participation, and unbalanced and unjust allocation of oil revenues. The Pahlavi regimechr('39')s confrontation with the citizenschr('39') participatory-based demands in politics, the excessive concentration of wealth among the Pahlavi regimechr('39')s leaders, and the promotion and distribution of values contrary to the religious and traditional beliefs of Iranian society eventually exacerbated the distribution crisis and led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and causal research. The technique of collecting data and the method of the study are library-based documentary analysis.

The Renaissance and the Industrial Revolution affected the contemporary world, the dramatic material advances of the West persuaded other countries to make changes to reach the caravan of the West. Some countries considered the change in the education system as an effective solution for this change. The Qajar government followed the same path. But the establishment of a new education system faced with damage. This article seeks to investigate these injuries with a descriptive-analytical method in two dimensions: the principles and methods of transference and establishment of a new education system. Findings indicate that issues such as: superficiality toward Western culture, disregarding the colonial spirit of Westerners, intellectual and ideological dependence, alienation from the national and religious identity of learners, among the basic injuries and sending students abroad, the establishment of new schools, the translation movement, and the press are some of the harms that can be considered as the ends of method of transference of the new education system.