نشریه پژوهشهای سیاسی جهان اسلام
سال یازدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 39، تابستان 1400)

Throughout the 20th century, Syrian national identity had witnessed some crises. This paper investigated the concept of nation is used by Syrian modernists and intellectuals in 20th century. It does so by refer to their attempts to create and redefine a new national identity. In this way, we showed the differences between that modernist by typology their view, it also argued that these differences are based upon their different standpoint, social class, occupational background and career. For the purpose of the study we used The hermeneutic approach of Quentin Skinner. This article points up the need for more attention to rhetorical perspective for reach a high level knowledge of some concepts like nation, nationalism, as well as the importance of variety of standpoints of thinkers. It should be noted that concept of nation has a dynamic meaning in history so by ground-clearing and highlighting the context, we can understand it better.

The purpose of this study is to compare the solutions offered by the two countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America on the Palestinian issue. The research method is analytical-comparative and it is inferred from the results of this study that the Islamic Republic's proposed plan is quite realistic on the courageous resistance of the Palestinian people to force the Zionist enemy to hold a referendum with all the people of this land - especially refugees - to determine The future political system is focused on it; The deal of the century, on the other hand, is an American-backed Zionist plan that seeks to replace the Palestinian people in determining the future of Palestine without respecting the views and rights of the Palestinians.

The Constitutional Revolution in Iran, as a turning point in the political history of the country, in addition to extensive socio-political developments, introduced new concepts such as justice, law and freedom, etc. into Iranian political literature. Meanwhile, "freedom", the concept and dimensions of which have always been one of the most challenging scientific issues in the humanities, during the constitutional period, various approaches to its study, meaning, perception and dimensions emerged and thinkers, religious leaders and political activists. They expressed a different view of this basic concept of political philosophy, and each defined freedom according to his own intellectual foundations and with the tendency to which he was bound, and expressed his conception of freedom. However, the analysis of the discourse of different thinkers about the concept of freedom can make us more aware of a more accurate understanding of the intellectual foundations of the spectrum related to that thought. Based on this, in this treatise, an attempt has been made to analyze the discourse of one of the prominent personalities of the constitutional era, from the range of legitimate scholars on the concept and dimensions of "freedom", ie "Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri". In the present study, which was conducted by analyzing the discourse of Laclau and Moff, it was concluded that the central signifier of Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri's discourse on freedom is the discussion of security, order, stability and intellectual and religious cohesion of Iranian society, and his discourse on freedom On concepts such as "chaos in the country and weakening in Islam", "danger of the decline of religion", "prevalence of denials and intoxicants", "conflict of the constitutionalists' concept of freedom with religious teachings", "abuse of deviants" and "elimination" "Going for integration in the country" can be articulated.

Security is considered as a crucial need for every individual and also every country in the world. Security has two main aspects. Regional security and international security. Historically, governments, as the most important political units, found out that many issues arise not at the global level but at the regional level, and consequently need to adopt regional strategies to solve problems and succeed in their international politics. The problems in the West Asian region, on the one hand, and the Persian Gulf subdivisions, on the other, prepare a good arena for the presence of various convergence and divergence contexts that must be properly analyzed, and with a proper understanding of the region and its conditions, seek to find all possible capacities to create convergence and to minimize the divergence among nations and governments. In addition to internal factors, national security is also affected by external factors, so the Islamic Republic of Iran needs a stable and secure region to achieve its territorial stability, and therefore it is necessary to consider all possible ways to achieve a stable region. Because negligence of this issue can turn the existing areas and talents of convergence into divergent factors and greatly increase the cost of providing security for the country. Regionalism has an effective role in the development of security indicators and the use of this capacity in its various dimensions can provide national security at higher levels and thus improve the country's position in other areas such as culture, economy and other political fields. This paper seeks to answer the question of how the Islamic Republic of Iran can use the capacity of regionalism to ensure its national security in a sanction condition. This article intends to study the role of regionalism in ensuring the security of the Islamic Republic, using a descriptive-analytical method based on Barry Buzan’s Regional Security theory.

Interaction of political Theory and Action in Shiite political thought and its role in the transformation of the first half of the second Pahlavi (1320-1332) Looking at the historical transformation of Islam, we can distinguish three tendencies about thought and action. The tendency that prioritizes action, the tendency that prioritizes theory over action, and the third tendency to believe in the interaction of theory and political action. Among these, Shiites belong to the third tendency. Throughout history, the Shiites have chosen various approaches, including taqiya, reform, and revolution, in interaction with the political environment. With the approach of the contemporary Shiite period, it has distanced itself from the approaches of taqiyyah and reform, and especially with the emergence of the Pahlavi period in the contemporary history of Iran, it approaches the revolutionary approach and the attempt to form an Islamic government. Here, the main question of the research is what effect did the objective context and transformation of the first Pahlavi period of the second Pahlavi period have on the Shiite political thought in that period and how did this thought affect the political action of the active Shiite scholars in this era? The hypothesis of this article is that the objective context and transformation from 1320 to 1332, which after Reza Khan's efforts to secularize and secularize to marginalize religion and its most important supporter, the clergy, caused changes in Shiite political thought and type of action. It has been done in such a way that these changes, while influencing the political action at that time, provided the grounds for the formation of the Islamic Republic Revolution in 1357

After the Islamic Revolution, Iran-Saudi Arabia relations have changed from strategic allies to strategic rivals. Political scientists have often considered the difficult aspects of this competition. But after presenting the concept of soft power in academic forums, it is essential that analysts seek to identify Saudi soft power threats against Iran. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyze the consequences of Saudi soft power for Iran.

This study negatively analyzes the threats of Saudi soft power and positively prepares the ground for the implementation of the strategy against the consequences. So the question is, what are the consequences of Saudi Arabia's soft power for the Islamic Republic of Iran?

Using a qualitative method and in the form of a documentary analysis method, the authors hypothesize that the sources of Saudi soft power in the three economic, political and cultural spheres are far from the criteria of soft power and are more rigid.

 Economic resources of Saudi soft power (oil as a tool and source) (1) Use of oil tools to create internal pressure and reduce external influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran (2) Provide the necessary resources to strengthen the Salafi and Takfiri current in the region In the political sphere, the sources of Al Saud's soft power (assuming the role of Umm al-Qura for itself and maintaining the monarchy), (1) seeks to weaken Iran's allies in the region, and (2) divides Shiites and Sunnis within the country. In the area of ​​Saudi cultural resources (Wahhabism and cultural diplomacy) (1) it causes media attacks against Iran in the region and (2) promotes Wahhabism.

The research conducted on the subject of soft power of Saudi Arabia was not mainly related to the Islamic Republic of Iran and did not include the component of economic resources. Therefore, a theoretical assessment of the consequences of Saudi soft power against Iran in this study indicates That they are hard in nature rather than soft in nature. Therefore, they do not have the necessary efficiency.

Drug traffickers have created numerous problems (narcoterrorism) for the newly independent republics in order to reap the benefits of the transit of these goods into Central Asia. Because most of the terrorist forces in Central Asia, including the Taliban, have strengthened themselves through the establishment of a drug transit network, and through this, while attracting the desired forces, they have gained access to significant financial and even information resources and caused many problems in this region. می شوند. In this article, while examining the problems and difficulties created by drug traffickers in Central Asian countries, the necessary information has been collected through books, articles and online resources in a descriptive-analytical manner. The main question is how drug traffickers have seriously endangered the security of Central Asian countries and, consequently, Russia, and what strategy Russia's strategy for managing the crisis during Putin's presidency. Has it adopted a foreign policy? The hypothesis, based on the theory of defensive realism and based on the Russian national security document under Putin, states that drug traffickers solve economic, political and security problems through terrorist operations in the region. Have created. Therefore, in the Putin era, in order to control this problem by strengthening the common borders with Central Asian countries and cooperation in bilateral and multilateral dimensions, as well as regional cooperation through established institutions and organizations, seeks to reduce the problems created by narcoterrorism in Is Central Asia.

Today, in the age of globalization, all issues are linked and interconnected, one of which is security. In other words, in such a global environment, the security of a state is equal to the security of all, and conversely, the concept of security is a reciprocal, equal and equal concept for all governments. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the geopolitical and regional factors affecting the security of the borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

This is a descriptive-correlational study and the research method is survey. The statistical population of this study is all staff of professors and political science elites in Tehran. The sample is 125 people. The data collection tool in this article is a questionnaire (a researcher-made questionnaire with 36 questions). To assess the validity of the research questionnaire, face validity was used and Cronbach's alpha method was used to measure its reliability. After data collection, data were analyzed by SPSS software.

The results showed that the effect of 4 geopolitical variables (religious differences, smuggling, border security, cultural relations) was significant. But since the significance level of the variable in political relations between Iran and Pakistan is (0.886) and more than 0.05, the influence of the presence of takfiri currents on this variable is not confirmed. Also, among the 5 dependent variables of the research, religious differences with regression coefficient 0.398 have the highest regression coefficient and the least variable in political relations between Iran and Pakistan with coefficient 0.063 have the weakest regression coefficient.

Understanding the strategic importance of Sistan and Baluchistan in both its current and emerging status, it is the multilateral cultural, political and economic agreements between Iran and Pakistan on the one hand with India, Afghanistan and China to enable the two Chabahar and Gwadar ports on the other, It can be predicted that existing crises will decrease and relations between the two countries will expand.