نشریه جستارهای سیاسی معاصر
سال دوازدهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 41، پاییز 1400)

With the distribution of power in the contemporary world and the transition from mass-populated societies to networked societies, various sciences have come to know about these changes and how they affect them. Political marketing is one of these types of knowledge, as an interdisciplinary and modern science, using the knowledge of management, communication and political science and utilizing market rules to understand the use of power in the modern space and the type of human political action and influence. On it. In this regard, the political marketing plan based on indigenous frameworks and its recognition and redefinition based on these frameworks is important. In this research, using the concept of political marketing and its design based on the triple model of Islamic political thought, it has attempted to take a step toward designing contextual frameworks for designing indigenous political marketing methods. The main question in this study is how is the political marketing methodology based on the Islamic political triple model? This is an applied-developmental research. Documentary method with library techniques was used for data collection and interpretive method with qualitative analysis was used for data analysis. Based on the findings of the research, the triple analysis approach with the fundamental concept of need is considered as a suitable model for the political marketing methodologies.

The study of Iran's national identity in the process of historical transformation can be the basis for discussing its content "evolution". What is seen today in the debate over national identity is that the dispute over these territories is based on the dichotomies that have formed; The duality of Iran and Islam, the duality of Islam and the West, etc. It is important to see national identity according to the logic of evolution. In this way, the Iran's national identity from different historical stages, has absorbed and accompanied components, and this has led to the formation of the established identity of Iranians throughout its history. Although there are still many epistemological challenges and obstacles in the world of thought in the area of theory, despite the practical mixes in reality. This article tries to answer the question, what is the issue of Iran's national identity through its historical stages? In this research, using descriptive-analytical method and historical sociological approach, the above-mentioned question is answered in a content manner. The hypothesis of the article is that the Iran's national identity, through the ancient, Islamic and modern historical stages, has absorbed and accompanied elements that have strengthened both the cumulative and process aspects of this identity and how to survive and reproduce it Is located.

This article examines the status of Anti-Colonialism and opposition to interference and influence of foreigners and foreign powers during the coup d'état at 1953 to the victory of the Islamic Revolution at 1979 in the political and discoursive space in Iran, and what has Anti-Colonialism been like in this time period and have there been any fortuity for it at all? In other words, is Anti-Colonialism an issue that has been favored by political groups and discourses before the victory of the Islamic Revolution, or it a discoursive sign that was absent during this period and merely constituted after the political conflicts in the post-Islamic revolution? This article, searching the important political discourses in this period, examines their relation to the concept of Anti-Colonialism.

Efficiency is one of the key concepts in evaluating the performance and success of political systems. Many internal and external factors can affect the efficiency of political systems, one of the most important of which is political freedom. This article seeks to examine the link between the freedom and efficiency of the political system and proposes the question that the higher the degree of political freedom of citizens in Islamic society, the greater its success and efficiency. More will reach its goals. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical and finally the authors conclude that attention is paid to the indicators of political freedom such as political participation, right to vote, expansion of dialogue space and clarification of ideas, providing the basis for top choice. And meritocracy can lead to greater efficiency of the Islamic system.

Sacrifice and martyrdom are two major issues in Islamic culture and the Islamic system is what makes the survival of Islam and the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom, Based on these two axes that Islam stand on his legs and stand up against any storm. With a glimpse of the history of the nations we find that if a nation of culture of sacrifice and martyrdom have had, remain proud and victorious, But for the society on the path of sacrifice and martyrdom to be permanent and stable society is in other words for the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom and not plagued Must pay identify damage and protect them, the study authors aim is that by using document analysisDamage to the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom, according to the Supreme Leader's recognition and In the next phase seeks to protect the damage cope with strategies to pure culture of sacrifice and martyrdom are protected from damage And sustaining the damage before the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom and research question from the perspective of the Supreme Leader What are the ways to protect them and in what form could it be? The findings of the study indicated that extensive damage Before the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom that should provide various solutions offered to be strengthened in the text.

Contrary to the primary forms of colonization, in the new form of dependency, two internal forces along with an external force create a triangular which are involved in expanding and developing the dependency. That is in addition to multinational companies backed by capitalist governments (external force), the local capitalism and the periphery government (internal forces) also help the realization of the dependency of a country on capitalist centers. In this regard, the present study, by emphasizing the second Pahlavi period (Mohammad Reza Shah), intends to answer the following question: “Have Baha'is affected the strength and consolidation of dependent capitalism?” to answer the question, the present study intends to examine the relationship between one of the most important forces (Bahá'í Faith in form of a Omana company as an important part of local capitalism in the mentioned period) and the second Pahlavi government and multinational companies. Researchers of the study argue that the interaction between these three factors deepened the dependency on the international system and the powers of the capitalist center. Explaining the relationship of this triangular in Iran during the second Pahlavi period is the purpose of the present study. Meantime, in the present study the theoretical framework of “dependent development” by Cardoso and Faletto has been selected.

Iraq has been the focus of Western countries, and the Iraqi Kurdish issue in West Asia is a major challenge, although the West and the United States wanted Kurdistan to remain under the Iraqi government, and Western countries use the Kurdish issue and the Iraqi crisis as leverage. The current class structure, institutional framework, and rent-seeking economy of Iraqi Kurdistan have their roots in the 1990s, when Kurdish forces gained permanent control of the region. The new ruling class that emerged in that decade had a profoundly extractive character and exercised its power over a strategy of seizing public resources pursued through the control of political institutions and security forces. In September 2017, the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government held a referendum on independence, despite the possibility of retaliation. The role that nationalism has played in maintaining the power structures of the region is prominent. Ethnic secession was the result of the will and agreement of the Iraqis themselves, Barzani who said that holding a referendum does not mean independence and is only in the hands of politicians to ask for independence with the help of the people of this geographical area to ask for independence. This is what were the positions of regional and international countries regarding the 2017 Kurdish referendum?

Westernization is one of the topics that has been considered by thinkers today because of the crisis in the field of identity. Therefore, the present study aims to investigate the components of Westernization and return to self-identity in the thought of Jalal Al-Ahmad. This research has been done by library and descriptive method in which while using the writings of Jalal Al-Ahmad, it was tried to use the relevant articles. The question that occupied the researcher's mind in this study was what Jalal al-Ahmad had in mind about Westernization and what action he took to get rid of it. The results showed that by turning to storytelling, essay writing, travel writing and various social issues in the form of translation and writing, he called for a return to his own identity and criticized the problem of Westernization with the aim of freeing himself from Western colonial hegemony. The research of his thoughts and views on Westernization is examined and explained by emphasizing the postcolonial theory through the reliance on library resources.