نشریه تحقیقات سیاسی و بین المللی
پیاپی 49 (زمستان 1400)

The remarkable growth of Confucian institutes and schools around the world since 2004 has been a sign of the rise of the People's Republic of China. Chinese leaders in the 1980s, after realizing that Communism was no longer attractive for a powerful international presence, sought to redesign the Confucius as a way to achieve the aspirations of the Chinese people. Today, the word “Confucius” by the Chinese government, refers to cultural institutions that are aimed at promoting Chinese language and culture throughout the world. This paper attempts to examine the Chinese government's plans to promote Confucius schools by using a descriptive and analytical way and tries to answer the question of what role do Confucius schools play in promoting the hegemonic goals of Chinese leaders around the world? The paper, examining the performance of these institutions, shows that "Confucian institutions strive to develop Chinese culture and literature for establishing the basis of a Chinese-led soft power in the framework of the world order." The article also shows that the establishment of these institutions is a deliberate move by Beijing's leaders to develop cultural hegemony and expand China's power and influence in the world.

In the current international system, countries try to create the desired networks by linking issues with places. India is no exception and is trying to build its own network. The research question is what is the attributes of network building in India's foreign policy and what is the position of Iran in this strategy? The results show, the first pillar of India's foreign policy network building strategy includes its immediate neighbors with the aim of connecting South-West Asia with Southeast Asia. The next circle includes the countries of the Indian Ocean, including Iran. Finally, the third link seeks to connect India with Central Asia and beyond in the form of a north-south corridor. Of course, the three rings are completely connected and together form a network to eurasia. Iran is in the second ring of India's networking, and India is looking to compete with China and Pakistan in Chabahar. However, with a long-term approach, it seeks to implement the North-South corridor with the aim of becoming a major power. This research uses network theory as its theoretical framework and the research method is the method of matching the case with the theory.

In recent years, the formation and enlargement of the Islamic State in Iraq and Sham (ISIS) lead to new dynamics in Middle East politics. It regards to the US foreign policy toward the ISIS impact on the new structure of relations, coalitions and disintegrations in the region. In the basis of offshore balancing grand strategy, the United States tries to prevent in formation any regional hegemon in the Middle East. The main question of this article is: what we can explain the United States foreign policy toward the ISIS(From 2013 to 2017) in the Middle East? The hypothesis of this article is: «the United States by using of offshore balancing grand strategy, in one hand, buck-passing the liability of control of the ISIS to Iran, Syria and Iraq, and the other hand, using ISIS as an instrument for balance of power in the Middle East». The present study is an applied research in a descriptive-analytical method. The findings of the study indicate that the United States in 2013-2017 is trying to curb ISIS on the one hand and increase its influence on the other hand at the expense of the government to which it has been transferred.

China alone has questioned lots of presuppositions of the world system after the cold war, those which were in America's benefit. Now the question is whether China's rise, just as status quo, will traverse a peaceful trajectory. To answer this question, we should consider different suppositions. The first supposition is piece in the meaning of Chinese surrendering to U.S. and the acceptance of American intentions in East Asia and in other regions in the world. The second one is China's confrontation with the United States and entering into war with U.S. in regions dominated by this country, especially eastern Asia. But there is a mediocre third supposition. In this supposition, one country can neither go to immediate war, nor do its interests and power allow it to compromise. Our hypothesis is that China follows the third logic, i. e. neither war nor piece. But if China's rise continues, disputes will grow notably in eastern Asia. This essay uses "offensive realism" as a theoretical framework to be applied on this subject. The results are going to be shown according to history and experimental considerations.

France has historically and politically been closely linked to the issues of Southwest Asia. By announcing the US strategy towards the region, France provided a good opportunity as one of the middle powers to expand its relations, and the country is trying to expand its relations in Southwest Asia in line with the major foreign policy goals. The aim is to examine France's political, economic and military relations with the Arab countries, especially the countries bordering the Persian Gulf, which will lead to the expansion of the arms race in the region and, consequently, regional divisions and tensions between the Arab countries and the Islamic Republic of Iran. . In this article, the author states that the continuation of the current situation and the continuation of tensions between the Arab countries and Iran and the strengthening of relations between the Arab governments and France in the long run will increase Iran's passivity and isolation and strengthen security threats in various dimensions. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the required information and data have been prepared based on the library method and filing.

In recent years, in order to consolidate and develop its national interests, Iran, by establishing a traditional strategy of looking to the East, has paid special attention to establishing close relations and close interaction with countries present in the Indo-Pacific strategic region. Considering the strategic transformations that have overshadowed the Iranian diplomatic apparatus, the authors of the present study have tried to answer this strategic question by answering this strategic question with a descriptive-analytical approach and applying the hidden theoretical assumptions in the new regionalist theory. How is the Indo-Pacific powerhouse evaluated? The hypothesis raised by the above question suggests that the system was influenced by the difficulties imposed by the unprecedented sanctions imposed by the West as well as by the special position that the Indo-Pacific strategic area has achieved in the post-Cold War geopolitical equations of Iran. The more active presence in multilateral regional systems and the increase in the level of its political-economic interactions with the system of East Asian powers such as China, the direction, axis and scope of its foreign policy is directed to the regions beyond the eastern borders.