نشریه سیاست دفاعی
پیاپی 117 (زمستان 1400)

Polarity refers to the distribution of power in the international community and thus describes the nature of the international system. The most important debate of polarity is the relevance between polarity and stability of the international system and regional system. So the polarity of the structure of international system and its relevance to the peace and stability of the international system are important issues of research. Because polarity is the most comprehensive and common concept in the realist paradigm, so the author of the research attempts to apply the theory of Kenneth Waltz's structural realism and one of his main arguments, the distribution of power, for analyzing the instability and conflict in the west of Asia, after the bipolar structure of the Cold War period. According to Kenneth Waltz's views on the distribution of power and polarity, the bipolar structure of the Cold War period brought about a stable and peaceful system. But with the end of the Cold War and the bipolar structure, west of Asia entered a wave of various conflicts, including inter-state conflicts, inter-identity conflicts, and conflicts between states and non-state groups. The main question, then, is what effect has the structure of the international system had on the escalation of conflict in the West Asian region?Community Verified iconThe results of the research indicate that, ambiguity in polarity of the structure of international system has led to instability and conflict in the region of west of Asia. In this article research method is descriptive- analytic and data collection tool is qualitative.

One of the important issues in the border relations between Iran and Pakistan has been the influence of terrorist groups within Iran's borders and numerous terrorist acts and insecurities that these groups have had. Given the international responsibility of the Pakistani government for these insecurities in the border areas of Iran and Pakistan, the aim of this study is to assess the international responsibility of the Pakistani government for terrorist acts on the Iranian border in accordance with international law, regulations and procedures. The research method is descriptive-analytical; and library resources, documents, and valid international jurisprudence have used to gather information. The findings show that it is difficult to attribute the international responsibility of the Pakistani government to "directing" and "supporting" terrorists, as it is difficult for the Pakistani government to achieve "effective control" over terrorist groups. On the other hand, if it is established that the Pakistani government was aware of the terrorist attacks on the Iranian border, it was also able to prevent the attack, but it neglects to do so and has failed to warn Iran to prevent terrorist acts. It can be concluded that the Pakistani government has taken responsibility for the activities of terrorist groups because it violates international obligations, as well as UN Security Council resolutions on the duty of governments to consciously prevent anyone to use their territory in a way that would jeopardize the rights and security of other countries has been violated.

There is no doubt that terrorist group of ISIS is converted to an avenue for different events in the world, and mainly in the Middle East. To the extent that, a new generation of terrorist concept, that is, a network terrorism, is developed on the bases of its multinational members and access to advanced information technologies. ISIS reflected itself as a security strategic phenomenon for many countries, including its supporters and founders. Utilizing blow back theory of Chalmers Johnson, From this perspective, the leading research has been done in a qualitative manner with a descriptive-analytical approach and the collection of information has been based on library and documentary studies including books, specialized articles and the Internet. Findings of this study show that ISIS multinational terrorist group, as a result of its defeat and hopelessness, is turned upside down into its original countries and found a new space for terrorist activities. In other words, terrorism crisis in the Middle East countries, and particularly, in Iraq and Syria, can be considered as a mirror underhand of western countries leaded by the USA.

In today's world, we face a phenomenon called media; A media that has a very high power and deep influence in the public opinion of all societies and countries. The media as a tool for enlightenment, creating a space for a healthy and constructive approach to views and appropriate information, is one of the most important factors of progress and one of the signs of dynamism and mobility of society in today's world. The main concern of the present study is The political-security role of the media of the Resistance Front in managing the public opinion of the Syrian crisis. The present study is a descriptive survey; Data collection tool in this study was a researcher-made questionnaire, its validity was confirmed by face method and content validity and its reliability was confirmed by Cronbach's alpha coefficient (0.993). The statistical population of this study includes officials and experts related to the media of the resistance movement and the study sample that was purposefully selected included 30 officials and experts related to the field of media in Syria who had sufficient information about this study and The findings of the study indicate that the political-security roles of the media, such as crisis resolution, awareness and enlightenment, political development of society, etc. have an effective role in managing public opinion.

Most research on public diplomacy has looked at this issue in terms of what it is and why; For this reason, most related researches have been able to explain the concept and express the importance of this type of diplomacy. In the meantime, less research has focused on how to design and implement public diplomacy. This process view of public diplomacy consists of several stages and components, and this article seeks to answer the question of what is the ecology of public diplomacy like? One of the important design steps is to describe and present the environment of the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Saudi Arabia. . Accordingly, the opportunities and contexts in Saudi Arabia for Iranian public diplomacy are studied on a case-by-case basis. Due to the exploratory nature of the article, no hypothesis has been considered in answering this question. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and based on field validation (using experts). Attempts have been made to collect the required data in addition to library resources through interviews with 18 experts and to encode it with MAXQDA software. The research tool was a researcher-made questionnaire that was provided to 32 experts related to the subject and the results were analyzed using SPSS software to identify and rank the existing opportunities and fields for public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Saudi Arabia.

The transition from a unipolar system to a multipolar global system is causing more countries to engage in wars and proxy disputes between major powers and regional powers. Some countries will actively pursue the interests of the great powers by pursuing a foreign policy, and this will enable them to make the most of the competing interests of such countries in the game of power. Maintain their geopolitical independence. However, some other countries are involved in proxy wars due to economic and political weaknesses, and in these countries, the interests of the great power take precedence over the interests of such countries, and this causes instability and even war for it. Creates. One example of this today is Libya, which has now become a scene of conflict and proxy war between the great powers and the region. The main question of this research is what role did Russia and Turkey play in the context of the Libyan civil war and what are their benefits? The hypothesis of this article is that Turkey and Russia, as rivals on the Libyan front, are trying to reach an agreement and negotiate using the Syrian model to gain influence and a higher position in the future of this country. The study concluded that despite efforts to agree and implement the Syrian model, the Libyan issue has more complex dimensions due to the presence and influence of other countries such as Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt and European countries, and the agreement between Turkey and Russia, although Seems important; But it will not end with a solution to stabilize Libya. This article collects data in a descriptive manner and finally analyzes the complex situation of this country.

Since the end of the Cold War until today, we have faced an international system in transition (formation), the Middle East region is no exception to this rule. Regionalism, Shiism and militarism are not the ideological-security approach of Iran. But under the influence of this approach, at a certain point in time, they can explain Iran's foreign policy strategy in order to become a regional hegemon. Iran's efforts to increase its regional role are further aimed at increasing relative security (defensive realism, defense-security). Increasing the wealth of countries leads them to increase military power and then the spirit of adventure (aggressive realism, aggression - power). The author will use a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach to answer the question and prove his hypothesis through the data under discussion. How has US policy of aggressive internationalism since eleven sephtamber affected the ideological-security approach of the Islamic Republic so far? US aggressive internationalism in the Middle East in the shadow of (the idea of a new world order) after eleven sephtamber has so far shifted Iran's ideological-security approach to (regionalism-Shiism-militarism) by shifting from defense-security policy to aggression policy. The aim of this research is to examine Iran's foreign policy against the aggressive US internationalism in the period under discussion.

The main issue of the present study is the clarification and proportionality between Islamic ideological diplomacy and national-diplomacy diplomacy. Some suggest that if ideological diplomacy is pursued, national interests are not fully met, or national interests are at stake; and with inaccuracy in the dimensions, the components and principles of Islamic ideological diplomacy, on the one hand, and some with a lack of understanding, This study first seeks to explain Islamic diplomacy as a discourse in foreign relations, and then, by clarifying the meaning of national interest, seeks to assess the relationship between them. As a result, it can be said that Islamic diplomacy as a discourse pursues the three general or sub-goals of 'maintaining survival and security', 'fair interaction' and 'expanding influence'. How and when to choose each of the three goals is chosen by the religious ruler using the principles of 'ijtihad', 'expediency' and 'important'. Under each of the sub-discourses, tactics for Islamic diplomacy are considered. In contrast, diplomacy based on national interests promotes a component of 'power' and 'national wealth' that, in achieving the above three goals, may be formulated in accordance with Islamic principles or principles such as utilitarianism, breach of covenant, or colonialism, which can ultimately be felt. The contradiction between these two types of diplomacy is promoted by some media outlets through an artificial and mischievous confrontation, and national interests, including ideological foreign policy, are served.