مجله تاریخ و تمدن اسلامی
پیاپی 37 (زمستان 1400)

The compilation of the Prophet’s sȋrah was begun many years after his and companion death in the Umayyad period and evolved in the Abbasid period. The next look, along with the foresight and the historical distance between the events and the writing and by being aware of the situation of their time, and the past news, caused the narrators to find a suitable opportunity for storytelling. One of the methods used by the narrators is to include the news of the Cohens in sȋrah .This article seeks to answer this question: What are the purposes of biographers who put the news of Cohens in the center of sȋrah and how have dealt with them? A study on the main sources shows that the inclusion of the Cohens reports in the stories was a kind of making authenticity for those stories. This means that a forged story with supernatural forces was represented genuine. This is something that was easily accepted in a society that was far from rationality.

In order to be able to know more exactly the position of a writer and his works in a religion, it is worth examining various parallels. Among these parallels, one of the most important is the study of the Chronology of the attention of the scholars of that religion to the author and his works. al-Qāḍī Nuʿmān al-Maghribi (d. 363 AH) is one of the greatest Ismaili jurist and some of whose books has drawn the attention of Imami scholars in recent centuries. Although his books have officially entered the field of Imamiyya since the Safavid period, but some believe that before this period, Imamis scholars have paid much attention to his works, which can be important evidence in proving the reliability of his books to the Imamis. In order to answer this question, this article intends to examine the ups and downs of the attention of Imami scholars to the books of al-Qāḍī Nuʿmān throughout history, especially in the pre-Safavid era, and in this way, it makes the position of his works clearer among them.

The Zanjan-Abhar plain is one of the most important region in the north western of Iran. However, now, it remains as an unknown place historically and archaeologically. This paper aims to examine the position of citis suited in the grand Abhar-Zanjān plain in the system of administrative division in Iran from the Early Islamic to the Qajar period. The results show that Zanjān and Abhar towns were considered sometime in Jebāl province, sometime in Deilam and sometime in Azarbaījān. In the 8th A.H century, by the construction of Sultāniyya in Sharouyaz, it became as seasonal capital of the Ilkhan with an independent administrative identity and distinguished city from Abhar and Zanjān. In early 10th A.H century and with the decline of Sultāniyya, its position reduced to a village in Jebāl or sometimes in Azarbaījān, affiliated to Zanjān and by the end of 13th A.H. century was a village depended to khamseh province.

Safīna-yi Tabrīz is a manuscript collection consisting of 209 titles of treatises, poems, tables, letters and book excerpts that Abolmajd Tabrizi wrote in his own handwriting in the first third of the eighth century AH. In this article, the treatises on the science of awfāq and geomancy in Safīna have been reviewed. There are two treatises Al-Modjez fī ʿlm-i- aʿdad wefq and Khawaṣ aʿdad wefq on the science of awfāq, and three treatises Ashkā raml, Ketab fī ʿlm al-raml, al-toḥfah fī ʿlm al-Raml on the geomancy have been written. The treatise of Al-Modjez fī ʿlm aʿdad wefq according to adaptation has different chapters compared to the common treatises of its time, so that one chapter is for matching numbers and has the section of odd squares, evenly-odd and evenly-even, and the other chapter by common methods in matching names and dhikrs  is assigned. In the treatise on the Khawaṣ aʿdad wefq, the properties of squares up to the order of 9*9 are written, while in the treatises of this period, more ranks are usually mentioned. Raml's treatises on the Safīna-yi Tabrīz are selected and together form a complete collection of Raml's works. The first work was in the form of poetry, the second work was in the form of a table and had a completely different innovation and structure than other works in this period and it seems to have less influence than other works, and finally the treatise of al-Toḥfah fī ʿlm al-raml, which has a different structure with similar works in its era.

In the numerous manuscripts of the Ikhtiyārāt-e Badī‘ī, there are significant differences of various origins that make it very difficult to publish a critical edition of this book. The most important differences are the relatively large number of notes by “Ibn-e Mo'allif” (son of the author) in a considerable number of manuscripts of Ikhtiyārāt, which are also included in uncritical editions of it; some have even considered these notes as Hājī Zayn al-Aṭṭār's citations from one of his sons; but this son added these notes gradually, or at three or more stages, after the death of his father, at least until 850 AH /1446 AD. Ḥusayn ibn Ali ibn Ḥusayn Ansārī’s extensive use of Ikhtiyārāt in Dastūr al-Aṭebbā min ḳawā’id al-Ḥokamā (compiled in 839 AH), along with the scribing of two manuscripts of Ikhtiyārāt with the most of Ibn-e Mo'allif additional notes (in 846 and 850 AH), makes us consider him the same Ibn-e Mo'allif. Most of these additions contain other names (especially local Shirazi names), unusual properties, morphology, essence, and types of each drug. A number of them, especially the additions related to Shiraz and Fārs, are the result of Ibn-e Mo'allif personal experiences, and a number of others are taken from often untold sources. Comparing these additions with possible sources, it can be seen that Ibn-e Mo'allif has used Kāshānī’s ‘Arāyis al-Jawāhir wa Nafāyes al-’Atāyeb in the subject of gems and perfumes, and in the case of perfumes, Bīrūnī’s Ṣaydanah (which, of course, he has quoted from it in other positions). In adding material to the compound medicaments book, he has used Ḥunayn Ibn Isḥāḳ’s al-Masā’il fi al-Ṭib and its commentary by Ibn Abī Ṣadeḳ Neyshāburī.

The Imperial Bank of Persia was the most important foreign financial institution in Qajar era of Iran, which was established in 1306 AH (1889) by granting concession by Naser al-Din Shah and was active in Iran for a total of 60 years (total time of concession), so that it can be named as one of the best examples of foreign direct investment during the colonial era in Iran. However the bank was facing serious conflict of interest issues, as it was the most important commercial bank in Iran, it had the exclusive right to print banknotes, the Iranian government was one of its most important customers, it had to answer to its non-Iranian shareholders, and the British authorities had certain political expectations from it. The main subject of this paper is to study the bank's policies facing these conflict of interests in order to better understand an important part of the financial history of the Qajar era, and  the attempts has been made to do the research in historical way and by using descriptive-analytical method and with reference to the available sources and references. This study seeks to answer the question of whether the bank was able to perform its various tasks efficiently. The paper concludes that the bank was neither significantly profitable for its shareholders, nor did perform its' functions as a state-owned bank properly, and nor did its' duties in realizing the British government's colonial goals