فصلنامه پژوهش های تاریخی
سال چهاردهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 53، بهار 1401)

 The intellectual debates from elite schools to the political arena are always considered an essential part of a society's thought schools. Some of such reflections can be understood from the resources of each period. Refutation is a type of writing whose primary purpose is to prove the invalidity of a particular belief or claim. The present study aims to examine the refutations introduced in the Kitab al-Fihrist of Nadim; some of which have generally disappeared. However, the analysis of their names and types can help to analyze the thought schools of the early Islamic society until 377 AH. Based on the typological technique, this research has studied three types of theologicalrefutations: 1) group-based (religions, eclectic ideas, and cults), 2) individual-based (individuals or their works), and 3) thematic-based. The results show that the Mu'tazilites were the pioneers of the refutations written on others and even among themselves, followed by the Imamis with a long distance. Most Refutations have been devoted to Christians. The determinists in the refutations in sects and religions have been criticized and rejected indicating the intellectual conflict of the Islamic society with determinism. The individual-based refutations written on the person or their works focused on the Mu'tazilites and their theological disputes. Bishr Ibn Moʻtamar and Abu Ali Jobba'i are known as the most famous apostasiographers. In the thematic-based type of refutation, the subjects of 'Imamate, Prophethood, Resurrection, and the Qur'an have received more attention. The origin of refutations came from Baghdad.

In Islam, like other religions, sectarianism has been influenced by various factors reflected in books and treatises. In each era, analyzing the titles of books can help to better understand discourses and intellectual geography. The early Islamic centuries are no exception, especially since it is a period of particular importance for understanding thought schools. These currents are known as the source of change and influence.The writing of books is accelerated from the second century AH, and varied types were produced. The refutation text is one of the types of books. A significant part of Islamic works is documented in criticism and rejection of each other. Although there are not many works left from the earliest sources, examining the books' names and their authors can show the concerns of Islamic thinkers and the intellectual conflicts in the Islamic society. These are the most critical factors eroding the power of the Islamic world.

Considering the importance and precedence of Al-Fihrist, written in 377AH, we examined the refutations based on the typological technique according to their numbers, authors and religion, subject, author's geographical location, and other types of information. The focus of the research is on Theological Refutations.In this research, 369 refutations were extracted from Al-Fihrist.  The necessary information was gathered based on other sources of Biography, Classes, History, Geography, etc. due to incomplete details in the fields.

 Traditional refutations emerged in the early Islamic society by theologians to disprove rival beliefs or claims. The review of 369 refutation titles in Al-Fihrist showed that Baghdad was their primary origin, and their main topic was theological discourse (287 Refutations). The Mu'tazilites were pre-eminent in the theological refutations followed by, with a great distance, the Imamis. The theological refutations of Nadim's Al-Fihrist were examined under three main categories. The refutation is written chiefly about the Christians regarding the eclectic religion.  Determination has been criticized and rejected the most among the sects, showing the importance of determinism debates in the Islamic society.In individual-based writing (individuals or their works) on a particular person or book of refutation, Mu'tazilite theologians were the most suspect of refutation. Yet, many intra-religious refutations have risen from their extreme rationalism. Rationalism based on Islamic heritage was influenced by ideas such as Greek philosophers and Iranian and Indian ontologists as well.Most of the refutations were Mu'tazilites, and most denied in refutations were Mu'tazilites indicating that the Mu'tazilites were claimants of theology. By presenting more or less systematic ideas based on rationalist conceptions, they formulated their theological views and rejected the opinions of others accordingly. This approach was inclusive and was not limited to Islamic sects and religions, as most refutations were Mu'tazilites. Among the refutations of the Imamis against the Mu'tazilites, most works were related to the Al-Shaykh Al-Mufid who encountered them by their methods. He noticed more of the issue of Imamate as the most critical point of difference between Shiites and Mu'tazilites. Imamate, prophecy, resurrection, and the Qur'an have received more attention in thematic-based refutations.

Different and conflicting opinions have been expressed about the political relations between Agha Mohammad Khan and Zaman Shah. According to contemporary Afghan scholars, Zaman Shah was assumed to be an independent king with a realm beyond its realm. Thus, they have provided a specific interpretation of some of his political actions such as sending an ambassador to Tehran and corresponding with Agha Mohammad Khan. In contrast, a significant number of Iranian scholars consider Zaman Shah to be merely a local ruler that has attempted to separate parts of Iranian territory. The main purpose of this study is to critically evaluate these narratives and reach a new interpretation of these relationships. In this perspective, the narration of the Qajar and Durrani sources on the issue of Khorasan, the borders of the two sides on the side of Khorasan, and the exchange of ambassadors are examined. One of the main questions is, as a significant number of scholars have stated, is the following: Can the relations between Agha Mohammad Khan and Zaman Shah be evaluated on the basis of the Sultan governor model? In the present study, Durrani and Qajar narratives have been compared simultaneously using a comparative method. Based on such comparative method, we believe that Ahmad Shah, as one of the leaders of Nader Shah's army and his grandson Zaman Shah, like Agha Mohammad Khan, sought to gain power in Iran not separating it from the motherland. It is assumed here that that Zaman Shah did not seek to separate any part from the territory of Iran and the events of the following decades and the British colonial policies should not be related to the Durians retrospectively. As such, in some cases, our interpretation of events is based on subsequent events and not on the events themselves and the persons involved in the event.

After the assassination of Nader Shah Afshar, his fledgling government quickly collapsed and members of the family and the commanders of his army fought with each other for power. In the meantime, Ahmad Khan Abdali, one of the commanders of Nader, succeeded in forming a government in the eastern regions of Iran and parts of India. This action of the former general Nader Shah later took on other meanings. This means that Ahmad Khan himself had the intention and motive to separate some parts from his homeland. But like other commanders, he was just trying to gain power. However, later the course of events took place in such a way that a co-government called Afghanistan was formed with the intervention of the British. Had Durrans conquered all of Iran, would we interpret the behavior of Ahmad Shah and Zaman Shah in its current form? It seems that sometimes our interpretation of events is based on subsequent events. In the present study, the relations between Zaman Shah and Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar are reconsidered with regard to the intentions and behaviors of the actors of that time.

In the present study, Durrani and Qajar narratives have been compared simultaneously using a comparative method. The main problem in previous studies has been the lack of a comparative method as the focus of Iranian researchers on Qajar sources and the focus of Afghan researchers on Durrani sources; therefore, the narration of each of the parties has been known in advance.

The historiography of the Durians and Afghans on the one hand and the Qajars on the other has been more realistic about the relations between the two kings in the past than today and despite the passing of time, biased narratives and interpretations have penetrated historiography in order to preserve national interests. If history is subject to politics, then, not the events themselves, but the past and present interests of governments and nations would determine the trajectory, analysis, and explanation of events. The present study exposes erroneous narratives, scholars' misconceptions and views based on the national interests of Iranian and Afghan historians.

Yazid's behavior with Imam Sajjad (AS) after the event of Karbala should be considered. He allowed the Ahl al-Bayt to mourn after deciding to correct his behavior. He then respected the captives, placed Imam Sajjad (AS) and the other captives in a house near his palace, and gave them food and gifts. He also invited Imam Sajjad (AS) and his brother, Umar, for serving food with him in the morning and evening. Before moving the captives to Medina, he allowed Imam Sajjad (AS) to choose either to stay in Damascus or go to Medina. He suggested the Imam stay in Damascus so that he would be respected and honored by him. Imam Sajjad (AS) did not accept it and returned to Medina with Imam Hussein’s family. Yazid appropriately treated Imam Sajjad (AS) even until the Harra uprising. He had some advice for Muslim Ibn Aqaba (d. 64 AH), his military commander, one of which was treating Ali Ibn Hussein (AS) kindly.The Umayyad interactions with Imam Sajjad (AS) also continued after Yazid in the period of Marwan. Two reports have been quoted in Sunni historical sources in this regard. First, Marwan lent Imam Sajjad (AS) 4 or 6 thousand dinars after the Imam’s return to Medina and advised Abdul Malik not to take it back from him.We can also refer to Marwan's recommendation to increase the generation of Hosseinians. Continuation of this behavior can be traced to the event of the Harra uprising, in which the Umayyads were expelled from Medina and Marwan asked Imam Sajjad (AS) for asylum for his family and the Imam approved it. Marwan then thanked him and this was probably why he tried to ask the people of Medina to give Imam Sajjad (AS) protection during the allegiance of Muslim Ibn Aqaba. In this story, Muslim Ibn Aqaba summoned Imam Sajjad (AS) to pledge allegiance to Yazid. The Imam (AS) came to Muslim with Marwan and his son, Abdul Malik. He considered this behavior as a kind of request for safety and mentioned Yazid's benevolent advice for appropriately treating Imam Sajjad (AS) as the only reason for not attacking him and just rejecting it.From the very beginning, Abdul Malik, like his father, Marwan, had an interactive approach with the Imam. In the event of the Harra uprising, Abdul Malik had witnessed that Imam Sajjad (AS) had given his mother (Ayesha/Aban’s mother and Uthman’s daughter) protection. Hence, the Imam was revered by Abdul Malik from the very beginning of his rule. Abdul Malik always praised him and said that Ali ibn Hussein (AS) had a position beyond what people had known for him. He provided financial assistance to the Imam and set a pension for him. He entrusted the charities of the Prophet (PBUH) and Ali Ibn Abi Talib (AS) to Imam Sajjad (AS) and even stood against other Hashemites on this issue. The culmination of the relationship between Abdul Malik and the Imam can be seen in the report saying that Abdul Malik ibn Marwan has been willing to marry one of his daughters to Imam Sajjad (AS), but he has refused to accept it.The interactions of the Umayyads with Imam Sajjad (AS) were not permanent. Their confrontations with him began at the end of Abdul Malik's period. The historical reports show that Abdul Malik's attitude towards the Imam has changed from a certain time, which can be probably from the early 80s after the removal of Ibn Zubayr’s sedition (AD 72 AH) when the Umayyads have been relieved of the danger of the Zubayris and have not needed to interact with and satisfy the Alawites. Also, there are reports of Abdul Malik spying on the Imam. Abdul Malik asked Imam Sajjad (AS) to send him the sword of the Messenger of God, which was one of the symbols of Imamate and leadership in the eyes of Shiites and had been claimed to now belong to the Imam. Abdul Malik's request was met with a negative response from the Imam and thus, he threatened him in a letter to cut his pension from the treasury. Abdul Malik's same concerns probably led him to finally summon the Imam to Sham (today’s Syria) in the early 90s. This confrontation continued during Walid's time. In political matters, Walid had maximum pressure on the Hashemites. His pressures were specifically on Imam Sajjad (AS) as well. Concerning alms, which were one of the most important financial sources for Imam Sajjad (AS), the alms related to Imam Ali (AS), the Imam’s grandfather, were entrusted to Hassan Muthanna during the period of Walid (Late 90s AH). The Umayyads' confrontation with Imam Sajjad (AS) had reached a point where he kept defending Hassan Muthanna, who was a clear opponent of the Umayyads. Eventually, Walid and the Umayyads could not tolerate Imam Sajjad (AS) and poisoned and martyred him like other opposing Hashemites.

The Inallus are among the Turk tribes that played a special role in the government of the Mamalik of Syria and after joining the Safavi, as Shamloo Ghezelbashs, one of them became the governor of the Chadegan region and then his descendants until the Pahlavi period as the governor and the political elite, the local military had many economic and cultural activities such as the creation of mourning ceremonies in the first decade of Muharram. In this regard, the important issue that the present article addresses is "What role did the Inallus play in launching and continuing the Ghameh zani ceremony in the Chadegan?" which in this article are studied in the current and the period of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, that is compared and analyzed with the information presented in the travelogues of Safavi period tourists to investigate the history of the Ghameh zani. The findings of the research indicate that the Ghameh zani of the Chadegan in the contemporary period is very similar to the Safavi period, and the more we go back to the previous periods, the more prominent the role of the Inallus in holding the ceremony. Therefore, the continuation of the four hundred year rule of the Inallus in the Chadegan, caused the continuation of the Ghameh zani in the Chadegan and the centrality of the Inallus in holding ceremonies from the Safavi period, opening a hole to the dark background of the Ghameh zani, in the records and origins of the Ghezelbashs, before entering Iran.

The arrival of Britain in India under the cover of the East India Company at the beginning of the 17th century led to the country’s gaining access to the legendary financial resources in the subcontinent. However, with the British presence in India, the Zoroastrian community of this country, known as the Parsis, also underwent a significant economic transformation. Evidence of the increase in the wealth of the Parsis after the establishment of the British East India Company in the subcontinent is that in the 19th and 20th centuries, with the capital possessed, they set up numerous and large factories in India. Were there any special relations in the economic and professional field between the Parsis of India and the company? This is the question that the present study seeks to answer. In this study, using related historical sources, including works about the Parsis of India as well as compilations about the beginning and implementation of the British East India Company, the reasons for the positive perception of the company leaders of the Parsis are examined using a descriptive-analytical approach. Then, by reviewing the professional life of the Parsis, in two important ports of Surat and Bombay, which were the main points of contact with the company’s employees, examples of the Parsis services to the British East India Company and the privileges donated to the Persis leaders by the British are recounted and analyzed. The results show that the Parsis cooperation with the British government representatives in India was not limited to economic fields and that the British also had the assistance of the Zoroastrian community in the political arena.

The followers of Zoroastrianism have been known in India from past times as “Farsi” or “Parsi”. In fact, since the annexation of the western parts of India to the Achaemenid Empire, Iranians travelled to these areas. Also, Iranian Zoroastrians, especially their clerics, travelled to India before Islam to propagate this religion for business. But the issue of their migration to India after Islam is mainly based on a poetic story called "Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān" composed in 1008 AH (1600 AD). The narrator of the story events has been a trusted Zoroastrian priest to Bahman Keyqubad, the story’s composer. Based on this source, after the Arab invasion of Khurasan during the conquest of Iran, the Zoroastrians of a village called Sanjan in north-eastern Iran took refuge in the nearby mountains and spent a hundred years there. Then, they travelled to the island of Hormuz and lived there for fifteen years. "Dib" on the southern shores of the Indus was their next destination, where they remained for nineteen years. Then, they moved to Gujarat and settled in an area that was reminiscent of the former land of Sanjan, where they also spent five hundred years. Therefore, this group of immigrants left India in the middle of the second century AH. The question is, how did the narrator get these exact time intervals?The editor of Qesse in the introduction of the book indicates the existence of sufficient references to prove the truth of this story. One of the documents he presents is the narration of Baladhuri in "Futuh al-Buldan" in which the people of Kerman fled from the Arab army. But this narration is not applicable to the story of Sanjan. The narration of Baladhuri indicates the escape of a number of people of Kerman in the first half of the first century AH from the Arab army and their departure to Hormuz and the conflict with the Arabs on this island. Baladhuri's words in this regard end with this report: many people of Kerman fled by sea. The existence of many ambiguities in the story caused its rejection by some contemporary Zoroastrian scholars.However, the story says the adventure of the Parsis refugees in which they asked the Hindu ruler of the region to stay in Gujarat, and he agreed to live there under certain conditions. Among his conditions was: In the language, domination, and clothing of women, the Hindu customs should be considered, and also the means of war should be avoided. Accordingly, the Parsis accorded themselves perfectly to the culture and customs of the environment; this point was probably one of the reasons for the British approach toward them. Karaka writes in this regard: “It is a characteristic of the Persis that they have behaved appropriately to other peoples, even though their beliefs and customs are different, and they have adjusted themselves to the conditions, although the conditions were not according to their desire”. Jonathan Duncan, the British ruler of Mumbai at the beginning of the 19th century, criticized Muslims in a conversation with Abdul Latif Shushtari, comparing them to the Parsis, who easily adapted themselves to the custom and culture of the superior people: “What is the reason that wherever the monarchy of the Muslim exists or a sect of Muslims resides, their work is on the harshness ... unlike other religions which are smooth and gentle?"On the events of 986 AH / 1587 AD, Badayuni, the historian of the court of Jalaluddin Akbar has reported the presence of Zoroastrians from the city of Navsari in the Gujarat region in the court of this ruler and writes that this powerful ruler ordered that the fire always be kept lit in a certain place. The report shows that in the late 16th century, the city of Navsari near Surat was the main settlement of Zoroastrians in India and since the agricultural conditions of the region met their job and economic needs, they had not migrated to Surat. Although the Parsis lived in this port before the arrival of the Europeans, the increase in their number was closely related to the arrival of European companies in this city.The endeavour of European countries to penetrate east by sea led the Portuguese Vasco da Gama to become the first European sailor to set foot on Indian soil. Nehru reminds us that this first step was taken after the end of the Muslim rule over Andalusia in 1492 AD. Perhaps from the view of the new Iberian rulers, this move was revenge to conquer the East and spread Christianity in the face of the spread of Islam in Spain. Wasn't that the Portuguese paid special attention to the spread of Christianity in the East, and their violence of the Muslim merchants whom they called the Moors (Spanish Muslims) was unexampled? It is said that the intensity of the Portuguese violence was due to the superiority of the Muslims in trade, while part of it must be attributed to their dissatisfaction with the long Muslim rule in southwestern Europe.From the Europeans’ point of view, the port of Surat, in the south of Gujarat and on the bank of the navigable Tapi or Tapti River, about 30 km far from the Arabian Sea, was suitable for their ships to travel to India. The knowledge of European capitalists of the geographical location of Surat, which was connected with the Far East countries on the one hand and with the Iranian and Arab ports, on the other hand, encouraged them to build several factories in this port from the second decade of the 17th century. Also, the relative proximity of Surat to Deccan and Gujarat, the centers of cotton cultivation and production in India made the Europeans eager to build factories there. Then, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the French, and the British came to this port and each established a trading company in their own name. The location of Surat made this port the most commercially productive one in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries and was distinguished among Indian ports. This supremacy continued until the rise of Mumbai in the commercial arena, and then Surat was ignored.Although the British East India Company arrival in Surat after Portugal managed to repel the enemy with military force, the French financial bankruptcy in Surat automatically led to their removal from the port. The company, which ostensibly bore the name of the company and was in fact the British government with shareholders (mainly military personnel), after a while, took over the country's political destiny in addition to monopolizing India's trade.In this study, the reasons and methods of the East India Company's use of the Parsi society of India, as one of the tools to increase their influence in this land, as well as the type of cooperation of the Parsis with the British and its results for them are discussed. So far, no specific research has been done on this topic; however, numerous works related to the history of the Parsis, as well as writings related to the emergence and decline of the East India Company, contain scattered materials on the subject of this study. The manuscript of “Waqaye-i Hind” by Abdul Latif Shushtari at the beginning of the 19th century, which deals with the events in India, especially the island of Mumbai, has useful and relevant information in this regard. Shushtari, who was on behalf of the company, overseeing the affairs of Iranian businessmen in Mumbai, met daily with the island's Parsi leaders and recorded valuable notes of their relations with the company's leaders. The History of the Parsis, a work from the second half of the 19th century, also contains useful information on the subject of this article, due to the proximity of the author's era to the period of intimate relations between the Persians and the British. An article with the title Pyarsis and the British also contains notes on the relations between the Parsis and the East India Company which Hinnells published in 1978 in the journal of Kama Institute. 

 have been the main sources of the author for writing this descriptive-analytical article.

The British East India Company made its way to India later than Portugal, the Netherlands, and France in the early 17th century, but soon overtook European rivals and pursued its capitalist goals singly. In the meantime, the British needed the help of the natives of India to achieve their goals. People with abilities in business, sea voyages, knowledge of local products and facilities, knowledge of local leaders and celebrities, skills in intermediary in transactions and linguistics were among the characteristics of Parsis. On the other hand, the Zoroastrian community of India was eager to cooperate with the East India Company in order to be more successful in business, obtain various goods, and receive support during business trips. Although Parsis did not gain a high position in the company and even export goods directly to Europe, and the company's leaders viewed them as instrumental and a means of profit, in order to continue their cooperation, they were constantly provided with business opportunities and more income. The British acquisition of advanced technology in the textile industry, their progress in land and sea transportation, and entry into Asian markets, relying on the military in the 19th century, also had a positive impact on Parsis business. Their cooperation with the British for more than three centuries provided them with more wealth than they had imagined. The wealth they accumulated in the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century through various means, especially trade, was invested in the industry from the second half of this century. In the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, they held half of the managerial and regulatory positions of Mumbai factories. They owned India's first steel plant. Some of them violated some of the moral limitations of Zoroastrianism and followed the British way of life to earn more money. At this time, Britain was their homeland. But the Parsis’ dependence on British capitalists also caused them some harm. In the late 19th century, the center of India's foreign trade was moved from the west of India, the center of Parsis’ gathering and life, to the east by the heads of companies; thus Parsis’ role in trade diminished. Opium exports from India to China also declined. New industries entered the world of Indian industry in 1900, and Parsis paid less attention to these industries due to the continued focus on cotton and fabric production. Together, these factors halted the economic growth of Parsis in the second half of the 20th century compared to the previous century. The Parsis’ close and intimate relations with the British also caused them cultural damages such as the loss of religious identity which has been considered and protested by some followers of this religion.

Muslims’ economic activities in the early centuries of Islam have been one of the major parameters in the formation of Islamic civilization and development in the form of Islamic economic system, which has led to a leap in the production of wealth. In the development of this economic system, diverse personalities, including Imam Ali’s, have played a significant role. In this article, a descriptive-analytical attempt was made to examine the impacts of Imam Ali’s thoughts and economic performance on the development of Islamic civilization, as well as the civilization of Shiite governments. The research findings indicated that his economic thought and performance in economic justice, economic innovation, and explanation of economic jurisprudence, as well as construction and expansion of endowment work, had an effect on the development of Islamic civilization. Similarly, following the pattern of Imam Khomeini’s discourse of justice, the governments of the Idrisids, Tabarestan Alavids and Yemen Zaidis, engaged in the economic systematization, which resulted in the prevention of discrimination, tax cuts, poverty alleviation, and economic prosperity of production.

One of the significant features of Islam is the concern for economic issues in a novel and purposeful format with the aim of regulating economic relations, meeting requirements, gaining universal prosperity, and the hereafter happiness of human beings. In the form of this new economic system, along with efficient manpower, natural facilities, and new technology, Muslims have been able to pave the way for the emergence of Islamic civilization by boosting wealth creation. In the process of building the structure of Muslim civilization based on the historical sources and Imam Ali’s background and position in the history of Islam, Imam Ali’s thoughts have had a significant impact on the various religious, political, cultural, and economic fields of the Islamic society and infrastructure establishment for the formation of Islamic civilization. In his life and especially during his caliphate (35-40 AH.), Imam Ali has been able to provide a good model of systematization of Islamic economy. Likewise, through his connection to Bani Hashem Family, who have had a long history in business, Imam was aware of Muslims’ decisions and economic issues during the Prophet’s government. He has had perfect knowledge of economic jurisprudence and advice. Various successors to the first caliphs have been the influencial factors of his success in presenting this economic model. On the other side, in his personal life, he has been particularly interested in construction and development. Also, he has been diligent in the development of endowments. The combination of these factors has caused Imam Ali to present the most harmful views in the economic field. Considering his background and position, it is natural that his economic performance and thought in the process of Islamization, more specifically by Shiite governments, have been considered and modeled.

This research was conducted based on library data collection. In terms of review and explanation, it was a descriptive-analytical method. First, the main factors, based on which Imam Ali’s thought and economic performance were effective, were identified according to the main sources and then Imam’s achievements of economic actions and reforms were explained in the process of Muslim civilization and modeling of Shiite governments based on his tradition.Numerous researches Imam Ali’s actions, reforms, and economic thought have been published, most of which are based on his economic life, actions, and reforms, as well as his desired economic system during his caliphate. However, they have analyzed his economic behaviors and have not dealt with the influences of his thought and economic performance in later periods, especially in the formation and development of Islamic civilization. Thus, in the present article,  the different influential angles of his economic thoughts on the development of Islamic civilization were coherently studied.

 Based on the sources, the Shiite governments of Idrissids, Tabarestan Alavids, and Yemen Zaydis were found to be influenced by Imam’s essential discourse of justice. In fact, a comprehensive economic reform program was implemented to eliminate discrimination, establish equality, abolish class customs, adjust taxes, alleviate poverty, and observe affairs. They were conducted to the public benefit regardless of the agents’ behaviors. The results of these justice-oriented reforms were the spread of Islam, establishment of unity and solidarity, developments of commerce and industry and public welfare, and finally flourishing of Islamic culture and civilization in their territories.Imam’s actions and reforms were of high importance. Among them, economic innovation, explanation of economic jurisprudence, and construction and development of endowments were found to be highly mentioned.It made a significant contribution to increasing production, better managing resources and optimally using them, improving productivity, developing employment, and fighting corruption in the Islamic society.