نشریه تحقیقات اسنادی انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 4 (پاییز و زمستان 1399)

The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution and the realization of religious democracy provided a basis for political and especially, electoral participation. In the last decade, different types of voting have been observed in the Iranian society. The main question of this article is that: What was the Electoral behavior of Iranian citizens in the elections of 2009-2019? In this regard, document analysis method has been used to perform the article and filing tools in different sources have been used to collect data. Since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, a part of the citizens have participated in the elections in a supportive manner as religious duties, and this method of voting still exist in a part of the society. Subsequently, with the intensification of economic development, lifestyle changes and increasing living pressures on society, utilitarian voting increased, and with the emergence of some inefficiencies and weaknesses, the density of protest votes became more prominent. Also, with the pervasiveness of social media, emotional voting is experiencing an increasing trend. At the micro and local levels, sectarian and ethnic-religious voting is also visible.

The present article is an attempt to extract the model of management of ethnic and social diversity in the constitutional law of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran has good capacities for managing diversity, ethnic and social divisions, and the legislator, with humane, Islamic, just and progressive literature derived from the monotheistic teachings of the Holy Quran and the brilliant life of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), provides suitable grounds for overcoming ethnic divisions in Iran. This article is based on an applied, exploratory and qualitative research that has been accomplished using the method of document content analysis with emphasis on the content of the constitution and documentary-library techniques. Emphasizing five legal, religious, political, cultural and economic approaches, the management model is presented by looking at the existing capacities in the Constitution of the Republic of Iran in the strategic field of managing gaps, ethnic and social diversity, which is considered an approach based on Islamic unification.

One of the historical experiences of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign security planning is the "strategic depth". this is one of the basic concepts for analyzing the events of the new world, which can determine the extent of a country's influence and be a good support for the implementation of regional and supra-regional policies of countries. Imam Khamenei (as) in defending the Islamic Revolution and its lofty goals and aspirations, such as achieving a new Islamic civilization, proposed a strategic depth. Given the importance of strategic depth expansion from the view point of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, the present study with a descriptive-analytical approach, and with the aim of explaining the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in promotion of strategic  depth, will answer the main question from Imam Khamenei's point of view, “with what strategies could the strategic depth of the Islamic Republic of Iran be enhanced?” The results show that the promotion of defense and offensive capabilities, the spread of Islamic and Iranian culture, the creation of a reliable economic position in other countries, the establishment of foreign military power, support for the resistance and increase their capabilities, as well as the establishment and expansion of defense-security cooperation with allied and Islamic countries, are some of the basic strategies to enhance strategic depth.

The rise of political and social phenomena is discussed with different readings; But multiple interpretations do not necessarily reflect different facts. According to this understanding, any kind of processing of these phenomena will be selective. The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1978, as one of the political developments of the twentieth century, was analyzed by behaviorists, political scientists, and social scholars with various theoretical readings. Despite the multiplicity of narratives, the role of Iranian indigenous political and social identities in these analysis was neglected. Brighton Moore's theory of modernization and revolution can also be evaluated in this regard. Accordingly, the attempt to analyze the capabilities and capacities of Moore's neo-Marxist theory to understand the Iranian revolution is the main concern of the current writing. According to the research hypothesis, the Islamic Revolution of Iran, not only in terms of foundations, does not correspond to the determining role of classes and social forces and patterns of capital accumulation in Brighton Moore; But is also completely different in terms of  its development, its orientation and its results. The present article tries to test the current hypothesis using  an analytical-comparative method along with a historical sociological theory.

All countries plan to achieve the desired level of development and consider strategies to achieve or improve it. Developed countries are looking for increasing development and increasing their distance from underdeveloped and developing countries; In contrast, other countries are seeking to close the gap. Achieving proper national development requires a variety of tools, including prudent diplomacy. Prudent diplomacy can facilitate national development through the implementation of resistance economic policies and systematic communication with the international community and taking advantage of opportunities; A model that can be considered by diplomacy four decades after of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an important developing country, is trying to become a developed country and the first power in the region, according to its 2050 vision. One of the tools to achieve this is the use of prudent diplomacy. The main purpose of this study is to answer the main that what strategies can be used by deliberate diplomacy to achieve the desired economic development and implementation of resistance economic policies?

Structural adjustment is a set of economic principles and policies that have been developed since the 1980s by global financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization - known as the Washington Consensus - and their comprehensive implementation in various countries, particularly developing countries - in Asia, Africa and Latin America - were recommended. Structural adjustment is rooted in the philosophical and economic school of neoliberalism, which is based on minimizing the role of the state and expanding market rules and regulations to different dimensions of social life, as much as possible. The model of structural adjustment in the Islamic Republic of Iran in the years after the imposed war was accepted and implemented by the President and senior officials of the Rafsnjani administration, and subsequently followed by the so-called reform, compassion and moderation administrations. In this article, firstly the theoretical foundations of neoliberalism and structural adjustment are examined and then the historical process and its economic, social and cultural consequences in the Islamic Republic of Iran are analyzed.

The movement of the Shiite clergy, its influence on the process of contemporary developments in Iran, political and governmental theories, along with the authority and influence of Imam Khomeini's leadership on this movement and its eventual success, were reflected in Iranian left historiography before and after the Islamic Revolution. For the first time, left-wing historians and theorists presented a Marxist-class analysis of the Shiite clergy movement and its theories and practical behaviors before and after the revolution, and based on this ideological view, analyzed, explained, converged and diverged with this current. This research aims to show by a descriptive-analytical approach why and how Iranian left historians and writers, under the influence of their ideological view, analyzed the general endeavors of the clergy, and the influence of Imam Khomeini in the two periods before and after revolution, and from which point of view and according to which ideological criteria, they first made similar analyzes and finally, after the revolution, under the influence of which ideological components, they openly criticized and revealed their deep differences with this current?