International Journal of New Political Economy
Volume:3 Issue: 1, Winter - Spring 2022

Government in Iran was arbitrary from ancient times. The ruler and the officials appointed by him were not, each according to his station, bound by any body of established rules and traditions, except the expediencies which were necessary to maintain them in power and authority, that is, to prevent their decline and demise. Thus, in principle, rulers and officials were not answerable for their actions except to the authorities above themselves, or - in the case of the ruler himself - to God, from whom he was believed to have received his dominion over the entire society. Absence of established rules and procedures for determining legitimacy and succession, and non-existence of aristocratic and other ruling classes which acted as the state’s social base, were the chief causes of the insecurity of the position and the lives of rulers, princes of the blood, chief ministers, and other high officials, since the latter’s successful coups or rebellions would have been sufficient for the ruler to lose his power and be replaced by the leader of the coup or rebellion.

The institutional economists’ view of transition from the Natural State is one of the common theoretical models pointing to the perception of the historical origins of the underdevelopment in different societies. The societies should pass some bottlenecks in order to transition from the natural state (namely coalition or conflict, organization with personal or impersonal relations, and the distribution of productive or unproductive rent) and pass through the Limited Access Order ranges from Fragile limited Access Order to Mature Limited Access order toward Open Access Order conditions. The present paper tries to analyze the institutional barriers of economic development in the framework of Douglas North's views of the natural state during the 1941-1979. The performance of the ruling coalition members are analyzed in each bottleneck of transition from the Natural State. The present research results indicate that the conflict over the power and the exerting of violence from those groups external to the ruling coalition under the shadow of interference by the foreign factors have led to the decentralization of the state power in this period Under such circumstances, the uncertainty atmosphere overshadowed the political and economic market so that the political and economic superordinates consider short-term targets. The unproductive rent distribution was therefore formed under the shadow of personal relations so the extractive institutions were produced and disseminated for supporting benefit's to a certain group in Iran. This has led to Iran moving toward vicious cycles instead of transitioning from Limited Access Order and moving toward the evolutionary cycles.

The purpose of this study is to calculate the ease of doing business in Anzali Free Zone by using the World Bank method and compare it with the situation in Iran in 2019. The ease of doing business is calculated based on 10 indicators, demonstrating that the Anzali Free Zone is ranked 93rd in 2019, better than the country (128). Anzali Free Zone outdoes Iran in 5 out of 10 indicators of doing business index, including starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, paying taxes and trading across borders. Anzali Free Zone and Iran, however, have similar situations in five other indicators including registering property, getting credit, protecting minority investors, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency. The best situation of Anzali Free Zone is registered for the indicators of dealing with construction permits and starting a business with the ranks of 14 and 21, respectively. One of the reasons for the better ranking of these two indicators is the concentration of the concerned processes at one point in Anzali Free Zone. In order to improve the ease of doing business index in Iran and the Anzali free zone, the relevant rules should be reviewed in order to achieve the goal of creating free zones.

Some researchers argue that oil incomes hinder democracy in oil-rich countries. Others believe that there is no correlation between oil and democracy. In this article, the author tries to compare the situation of democracy in two oil-rich countries(Saudi-Arabia and Norway). My main question, here, is that why the discovery of oil did not destroy democracy in Norway? I will argue that since the political system and political culture were democratic before the discovery of oil, it did not result in destroying the democracy in Norway. In contrast to Norway, neither political system nor political culture was not democratic in middle eastern countries like Saudia-Arabia. The state used the incomes earned through oil exports to suppress people, hence. A country like Norway was democratic before the extraction of oil and maintained its democracy after the discovery.

Do state’s security concerns affect human development? Do these effects vary depending on whether the countries are developing or developed? We argue that state’s security concerns decrease the growth of human development. Employing data on security concerns and human development from 1990 to 2010, we find a negative relationship between security concerns and human development. Our empirical analysis suggests that state’s security concerns, in general, have a reductive effect on the growth of human development. The results also show that domestic security concerns have a greater negative influence on human development than external security concerns. Finally, we find that the effect of security concerns on human development is dependent on the level of development of countries. As the level of development increases, the negative effect of security concerns on human development decreases.

the goal of this article is suggesting a new method for increasing the quality of customers clustering with increasing Customer Price Index (CPI) to monetary variable (M).

At this research, customers of one chain store of Zahedan, Iran according to RFM-CPI and RFM basic model variables and Two-step algorithms are clustered to compare these two procedures. Furthermore, determining the best method for customer clustering can be done. At this research, different steps of data mining and data analysis for discovering the knowledge of them were done according to the standard process of CRISP-DM (1); this process includes System understanding, Data understanding, data preparation, Modeling, Model assessment and deployment

According to the results, increasing the Silhouette index at the RFM-CPI model in recent article in comparing with the basic RFM model defines high accuracy.

This corrected model has advantages toward the main model; these advantages are contained: monetary changes at a period of time are identified, also according to clustering.

Nowadays, given that water is recognized as a socioeconomic commodity that plays a ‎vital role in human life, management of its proper use, and emphasis on economic ‎instruments, which is essential for balancing supply and demand. In this regard, the ‎limitation of the water supply has led policymakers to focus on economic demand management ‎tools such as pricing. Thus, the present study aimed to estimate the economic value, analyze ‎the demand function, and water elasticity for domestic consumption, which can be the basis ‎for an effective pricing policy in the water section. To this end, demand functions and ‎elasticity are estimated by consumption levels by using regression analysis. Then, the ‎maximum subscribers’ willingness to pay is estimated and compared with the current ‎tariffs, using the contingent valuation method. The data were collected by filling 385 ‎questionnaires for urban households at NajafAbad city in 2018. The results showed that ‎according to the increasing block tariff (IBT), the relationships between the levels, price ‎, and income elasticity were -0.27 and 0.32, respectively. Also, the weighted average ‎of water economic value for urban households of this city varies from IRR 5664 to IRR ‎‎9379 per cubic meter between the consumer groups and the willingness to pay is lower ‎in the high consumption group. Based on the findings, the economic value of water is ‎higher than the current tariff in all consumption groups. Therefore, it is recommended that ‎water tariffs be reviewed and increased incrementally over time due to its nonzero price ‎elasticities. ‎

Iran's labour market suffers from long term economic challenges; yet harsh sanctions intensified and complicated its problems. At first glance, it seems that Iran labour market was resilient and performed well during severe sanctions (2011-2020) as the number of employed workforce has increased and unemployment rate decreased while the economy suffered from stagnation, declining investment and high inflation rate. This paper shows that sanction has changed the structure of Iran's labour market; as a great part of workers moved from high valued added activities to lower productivity jobs. Most workers, who lost their jobs in industries, had to move to services sector. As the result of sanctions, low paid and temporary informal employment expanded which in turn exacerbated the challenge of widespread poverty and its related social ills. For generating a dynamic labour market, at the first step the sanctions must be lifted; yet complementary measures such as sound fiscal, monetary and trade policies must be implemented; and the unnecessary rules and regulations that hinder productive investment and pave the way for rent seeking and corruption must be removed to encourage productive investment and creating sufficient number of sustainable new jobs.

WTO was established to promote trade liberalization as part of the globalization process, but its founders gradually changed mind in XXI century by questioning commitments achieved in the Uruguay Round and Doha Ministerial Conference. President Trump reshaped US trade policy by adopting protectionist measures and starting trade wars with its trade partners. This article intends to respond to the question “What are the causes of trade wars and what would be their implications for the multilateral trading system?” The hypothesis is that trade wars happen either for inequality concerns in trade relations or in the sake of more profits with optimal tariffs. The findings of the research are that even stronger economies face difficulties in winning a trade war and thus will have little options other than seeking solutions in the multilateral trading system and its institutions, reason for what the world can be optimistic about the future of the multilateral trading system International trade policy makers and business community leaders were preached in the XX century that trade liberalization could serve an effective mean to achieve economic growth and prosperity. Industrial countries encouraged developing nations that to become competitive in the global trade, to gradually remove trade barriers and encourage foreign investors to enter their markets, bring fresh funds and create new employment opportunities.

The Study investigates political as well as economic institutions nexus for the panel of SAARC countries over the period 2004 -2020. We divide data into pre and post samples to find impact of international financial crisis.

Static and dynamic panel Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) techniques are used to seek the estimation with fixed effects.

The empirical results illustrate that improvement in institutions is necessary to enhance long run economic growth for SAARC countries. Pre and post samples differentiate the quality of political and economic institutions

The estimated results show that institutions are important for long run growth of SAARC countries. It reveals that there are some common factors which impact growth through declining quality of institutions. Economies can uplift the growth to overcome the effects of these factors by improving quality of economic as well as political institutions.

The currency value or the depreciation in the value of a country’s currency is related to governmental policies and institutes. In general, central banks, dependently or independently design and supervise monetary policies. Therefore, the higher the independence of the central bank is, the more successful the monetary policies will. Due to the lack of independence of the Central Bank in Iran, monetary policies are still under the control of the government. Thus, the government is an active participant in monetary policies. As the policies adopted by the government and the Central Bank have resulted in the significant depreciation of the national currency, and has negatively affected a large number of in the Iranian society this article is investigating the case in religion perspective. After proving the responsibility of the government and the central bank, the current study explores and discusses the jurisprudential rules relevant to this issue. Utilizing a specific type of political economy of the religion, and economic tools this study confirms the duty of the government to compensate for the economic damages imposed on the citizens. The results of the study show that improper government policies are responsible for current situation of Iranian currency. Based on Shariah, it finally recommends some policies to bail out from such bottleneck.

To define freedom as the absolute or Philosophy is a necessary prerequisite of understanding the political and social actualisations of freedom through history. According to Hegel’s articulation of philosophy, what makes philosophy a self-supporting realization of human freedom is that which is based upon the speculative thought (Speculation). Speculative thought is the process of philosophical actualization that is able to gather all contingencies within its own realm of freedom. Two approaches to interpret Hegel’s relation of philosophy and freedom are still dominant: First, the relation might be accepted as the enclosed totality of philosophy since Hegel’s practice of philosophy can conceptualize all actualized formations of reality; second, the relation might be criticized based on the supremacy of praxis over theory. In other words, the first approach considers philosophy as a closed totality; on the contrary, the second approach is based upon the supremacy of the power of unforeseen praxis over the power of interpretation. I attempted to propose a new way that would be another sort of reading Hegel’s understanding of the relation as a combination of unforeseen openness and an absolute totality at the same time. Accordingly, this article is a conceptual approach to explicate how philosophy is first and foremost able to conceptualize all historical realizations within its own totality as the last moment of the Absolute Spirit; second, how Hegel’s articulation of philosophy still remains a freely open totality to face new social and political realizations in the future.