فصلنامه مطالعات تاریخ اسلام
پیاپی 52 (بهار 1401)

In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, a tribal power called the Qawasim emerged on the southeastern shores of the Persian Gulf known as Oman Mutasaleh and its opposite shores in southern Iran. They perceived some interests in the region, including from Britain. The emergence of Qawasim not as a group of Arab pirates looting merchant ships in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of ​​Oman, but as the rule of a tribe of Arabs living on the shores of both sides of the Persian Gulf, which could have hampered free trade for the Britain, is of historical importance. In this research, we seek to answer this main question using a descriptive-analytical method and through desk study: What were the results and consequences of Qawasim's political relations with Britain (1192-1309 AH/ 1778-1892 AD)? Their alliance with Britain lad to some changes and transformations such as: recognition of Qawasim as an independent power and state that prevented the danger of the Wahhabi domination of the Persian Gulf, Oman's loss of influence on the northern shores forever, formation of the sheikhdoms of the Persian Gulf, and so on

Farmers were one of the lower social classes in the Mamlūks’ era. The following paper, after collecting data using desk study and documentary methods and research methods, based on the functional explanation concluded that granting Egyptian lands to Arab military leaders and Arab Shuyūkh had a negative effect on the lives of Egyptian farmers in the Burdjīd Mamlūks’ era. The results show that granting those lands adversely effected on the livelihood of Egyptian farmers. Since the military class was unaware of economic affairs and because of its dominance over the political-economic structure, its member were only occupied with their own interests, and therefore taken their decisions made situations for the farmers very difficult. Moreover, the Arab Shuyūkh, who gained a lot of land and, as a result, relative independence in order to control the political rivalries of their tribes with the ruling apparatus, inflicted irreparable damage on the government and exerted more pressure on the farmers too. Finally, these two factors gradually had the greatest impacts on the destruction of production, migration and revolts of farmers. Farmers were one of the lower social classes in the Mamlūks’ era. The following paper, after collecting data using desk study and documentary methods and research methods, based on the functional explanation concluded that granting Egyptian lands to Arab military leaders and Arab Shuyūkh had a negative effect on the lives of Egyptian farmers in the Burdjīd Mamlūks’ era. The results show that granting those lands adversely effected on the livelihood of Egyptian farmers. Since the military class was unaware of economic affairs and because of its dominance over the political-economic structure, its member were only occupied with their own interests, and therefore taken their decisions made situations for the farmers very difficult. Moreover, the Arab Shuyūkh, who gained a lot of land and, as a result, relative independence in order to control the political rivalries of their tribes with the ruling apparatus, inflicted irreparable damage on the government and exerted more pressure on the farmers too. Finally, these two factors gradually had the greatest impacts on the destruction of production, migration and revolts of farmers.

In this study, the behavior of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and the Imams (AS) is examined in the face of the slavery system for maintaining the dignity of slaves and maids using a descriptive-analytical method. The findings show that in the “Age of Ignorance”, slavery was widespread in Saudi Arabia and slaves had little rights and they were traded. With the advent of Islam, the Prophet (PBUH) and the Imams tried to eliminate the prejudices of ignorance among the Arabs, especially slavery in the society of that time. The present research seeks to answer the question that what strategies and arrangements did the Prophet (PBUH) and the Imams devise to change the status of slaves and maids in the Islamic society? The findings of the research indicate that the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and the Imams tried hard to raise slaves’ position in Islamic society through great efforts such as freeing slaves for the God’s sake, mingling with slaves, training and educating them.

Obtaining full knowledge of the Islamic history is not possible without knowing the relevant tribes. The Qoda′a and Kalb tribes were influential in the Arab history and controlled a wide area of ​​the Arabian Peninsula. This study describes the historical propositions of the “tribe” and the archeological findings using historical description and explanation in order to answer its main question, which is to determine the origin of the Qoda′a and Kalb, the causes of migration and their settlement periods in different regions. The results of the research show that members of Qoda′a tribe migrated from Yemen, then settled in the center of the Arabian Peninsula. Hence, they came to the attention of governments and established political, economic, and family relations with them. After the conquest of their gathering center in Duma al-Jandal by the Muslims, they went to Syria, and as a result, the familial relationships between them and Umayyads caused them to become the main political ally of the Umayyads.

One of the ancient knowledges among Muslim scholars is the “Tarajom”, that is miracle-centered ethnography. Mullah Fath Ali Sultanabadi is one of Iranian commentators of the Holy Quran and ascetic scholars. The writers of Tarajom's knowledge have considered him to have shown some miracles. His prediction of the fate of Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri and Ayatollah Sheikh Abdul Karim Haeri were among the miracles attributed to him. This paper seeks to evaluate the report of his miracles. So far, no study has been done for evaluation of the said miracles. This study, using descriptive-analytical method and application of the criteria relevant to critique of historical reports, has concluded that the report is in conflict with historical reality. Lack of knowledge of the Nouri and Haeri families regarding this event and the fact that it has not been reflected by past men of Tarajon are the reasons of invalidity of such prediction reports.

During the Qajar era, an important factor for Iranian society's familiarity with Western modernity was the travel of Iranian thinkers and tourists to India. Among these thinkers, Abdul Latif Shoushtari was a prominent figure, whose role has been much studied yet. The present paper seeks to answer these question: how Western modernity in India was reflected in Abdul Latif Shoushtari's discourse and what effect it had on the Iranian evolution of political thought? This paper is using descriptive-analytical method and discourse analysis theory. The findings of this study show that, although Shoushtari included many components of Western modernity in his book, and as a pioneer in this field, played a constructive role in the initial introduction of modernity to Iranian society as well as later thinkers to this, however, his knowledge was mostly based on appearances and manifestations, without deep knowledge of the basics and foundations of modernity.

The Lodi dynasty (855-932 AH/1451-1526 AD) and Sur dynasty (947-963 AH/1540-1556) ruled Delhi and parts of the Indian subcontinent in the 9/10 centuries AH (15/16 centuries AD). India, like other eras, was very religiously diverse during the reigns of these dynasties, and it was not easy for the Afghan sultans to govern it. Moreover, the Muslims of India belonged to various religious groups and sects, and these groups sometimes challenged the authority of the Lodi and Sur rulers. These rulers also had to treat with the Hindus, who constituted the majority of the Hindus, in a way that would not cause them widespread dissatisfaction and revolt. The present paper intends to examine the religious policy of the Lodi and Sur sultans in a descriptive and analytical manner and to answer the question of what policy the Afghan rulers adopted towards the Sunni Muslims, Shiites, Sufis, Mahdavia and Hindus. According to the findings of this study, the policy of the Afghan rulers towards different religious groups was more dependent on the political interests and ethnic interests of the kings and the ruling class than on the religion of these groups. In this way, the supporters of the government benefited from the tolerance of the kings regardless of their religion, however the opponents were persecuted