فصلنامه مطالعات بنیادین و کاربردی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 11 (بهار 1401)

One of the most complex and sensitive relationships in the international system over the past decades has been Iran-US relations. An examination of the policies of various US governments shows that the conflict pattern of that country towards Iran has continued in different governments and no change has been made in its behavior pattern. With the departure of Bush and the coming to power of Obama, with the slogan of change, there was a perception that he would present a new strategy and policy towards Iran. With Obama's entry into the White House, the White House's political literature changed, but such changes did not have much effect on US policy toward Iran. At the same time, the techniques of US political and diplomatic behavior toward Iran changed. This means that although there have been changes in the literature and techniques of Obama's US diplomatic behavior toward Iran, this has only created grounds for rebuilding diplomatic relations in limited areas. In this regard, Obama's strategy for changing Iran has been based on patterns and processes of persuasion through options such as persuasion and seduction. With Trump in office, the situation will change somewhat. In the view of the Trump administration, Iran is an unreliable partner for participation in international politics, so despite its declarative positions, it has not been able to prepare enough to play a role in Middle East security. In other words, Iran's hegemonic role does not have an approach that is in line with international politics, and instead of being in line with it, it is the opposite. On the other hand, the same strategists believe that Obama's negligence in thwarting Iran's strategies has caused Iran to continue to threaten its national interests. In this regard, Iran's organized actions in missile tests as well as Iran's interventionist behavior aimed at destabilizing the region are among the threatening actions of Iran that Western officials, especially US Republicans, have warned of the dangers. The main feature of Trump's foreign policy toward Iran Trump was unilateralism, confrontation, the escalation of sanctions, and the campaign for maximum pressure. There is also a return to Borjam at the heart of Biden's foreign policy, which is pursued by strengthening and expanding its provisions and extending it in later stages, as well as extending it to Iran's missile program and regional influence. Biden's foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran revolves around Borjami's policy. Statements and statements by Biden and his foreign policy team suggest that Biden's possible US policy toward the Iranian nuclear challenge will be a reciprocal return to the UN Security Council. This is the policy that Biden promised before the election. In an interview with Thomas Friedman, he also expressed his commitment to this policy. The main purpose of this study is to examine and compare the foreign policy strategy of the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations toward the Islamic Republic of Iran. So the main question is: What patterns has Obama, Trump, and Biden's strategy towards Iran focused on? Findings show that the issue of Iran in US foreign policy is subject to a grand agenda that is explained transnationally by US institutional structures and the pattern of US conflict behavior towards Iran is one of the main and main priorities in US foreign policy. Has become. Evidence shows that the two countries, on the one hand, need mutual security cooperation in critical areas, on the other hand, have ideological contradictions, and each is trying to re-establish its legitimacy in the process of future strategic rivalries. In other words, the pattern of Iran-US behavior not only reflects signs of cooperation but in parallel with such cooperation, manifestations of conflict and disagreement can also be observed. That is why Iran-US relations must be analyzed in the context of asymmetric cooperation (while maintaining red lines and orbiting revolutionary discourse). The present study has used the method of "analytical and descriptive and using library resources" and the theoretical model of neoliberalism and neorealism.

The status-seeking of actors in the international arena is not necessarily based on a specific driver. What variables actors in foreign policy are most influenced by will play a decisive role in orienting it towards prestige is a disputed issue in international politics. Some other analysts point out that the status-seeking of world powers in the international system should be divided into large and small countries. In fact, according to researchers, the status-seeking of large powers is quite different from that of small powers. Russia as a big power in the Middle East could be regarded as status-seeking power in today's international system. Although the role of personal concerns can be traced to the direction of the country's foreign policy, other factors still dominate the country's foreign policy. Russia's foreign policy drives seem to be significantly similar to its domestic policy drives. Consolidating Russia's economy to maintain domestic economic growth, gain and maintain international prestige and prestige to define and pursue future interests, and maintain its security are among the most important drivers of its foreign policy. Russia's foreign policy is a relatively secure government foreign policy with serious security concerns, and it is also influenced by government foreign policy, which often uses the military option to achieve its goals, rather than relying on soft options. Russian foreign policy scholars place particular emphasis on the extension of Russia's domestic foreign policy. In other words, the role of domestic variables in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation is so significant and influential that without considering and examining these internal elements, a proper understanding of the foreign policy of this country cannot be done. According to some experts, the foreign policy of the Russian Federation does not reflect the ordinary interests of a state, but its most important feature is the influence of currents, groups, and competition between networks of power within the country. In addition, the role of cultural ideas in seeking prestige in Russian foreign policy cannot be ignored. The component of national culture has a significant role in shaping Russia's foreign policy so that its traces can be seen in all foreign policy actions of this country. By studying the strategic culture of this country, one can better see the relationship between the goals, motives, and international actions of this great actor and evaluate its behavioral patterns in managing international crises such as Ukraine and Syria. Some Domestic Foreign Policy Observers What was most evident in Putin's foreign policy during this period was the dominance of an identity-oriented approach in Russian foreign policy. From Putin's point of view, power and influence are strongly dependent on the question of national identity and the extent to which the citizens of a country consider themselves a nation and relate to their history, values, and traditions. Therefore, during this period, he made great efforts to restore Soviet power in the international arena; In other words, the focal point of Putin's foreign policy behavior during this period was based on the strengthening of national identity and nationalist ideas.In this sense, for the Russians, the concept of great power is psychological and emotional. The Russians believe that Russia has the right to be considered a great power, given its vast geography, vast resources, and history. Russia has always been a leader in history. The leader of international communism, the conductor of European concerts in the nineteenth century, and one of the two world superpowers in the twentieth century has always made Russia an identity of great power in the eyes of its people and politicians. It must be acknowledged, however, that Russia's ambition has relied heavily on Putin's particular foreign policy personality and approach.Status seeking as an analytical framework in foreign policy shows how Russia plays different roles in geopolitical crises. Influenced by Russia's geopolitical vision and historical identity, Russia's status-seeking has made it an influential actor in the Middle East's geopolitical crises. In this regard, the main issue of research is to understand the relationship between status-seeking in Russian foreign policy and its different performance in the Middle East geopolitical crises. The main question of this article is what the equation between Russian status-seeking is and Moscow's different performance in There have been two geopolitical crises in Syria and Yemen. In answer to this question, the research hypothesis is that the geopolitical crises in the Middle East affect Russia's status quo behavior to the extent that they affect both the components of Russia's historical identity and its geopolitical and geo-economic scope. The findings show that the Yemeni crisis, unlike Syria, lacked the necessary geopolitical potential for Russia to play the role of world power. In the face of the Syrian crisis, due to the interplay of regional and global geopolitical variables, as well as its historical connection to Russian identity and the Soviet empire, it was a good opportunity to advance Russia's strategy of prestige. The equation of Russian status-seeking and geopolitical crises in the Middle East has made Moscow reluctant to enter into patterns of friendship-hostility in the Middle East. In other words, in the Russian equation, strengthening or weakening the axis of resistance or compromise is not the main issue.

The present age can be considered the age of corridors in the world.  The present century is called the century of corridors because of the importance of the movement of goods and the means of communication that can overshadow the geoeconomics of different regions.  For this reason, in geo-economics, the routes that can form the land and sea communication route between countries, regions, and even continents are of great importance. The Middle East region has always been considered an important region in this regard; because for a long time, the world has been the communication route from east to west and vice versa. The vastness and geopolitical position of the Middle East has always led to the passage of various important trade routes through this region.  This feature can be seen in the periods of formation of ancient civilizations and the efforts of various civilizations in this region to dominate important highways. Among the most important roads that passed through this region, we can mention the Silk Road, which is as old as the life of the civilizations in this region. For this reason, the importance of this region can’t be considered solely dependent on the provision of world hydrocarbon resources by countries in the region; rather, the role of this region and its gateways in the transit routes of the world can be an important element in the importance of this region in the eyes of other world powers.  In recent years, the transit importance of the Middle East region has increased due to changes in the political, security, and economic structure of the world and regional order.  Especially since the world economic structure has undergone serious changes with the significant and growing growth of India and China as two Asian powers. India, along with China, is considered one of the most important economic powers in the world.The Arab-Mediterranean Corridor is one of the most important projects between the crossings through the Persian Gulf region and the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The corridor starts at the port of  Mumbai in  India and crosses the  Oman  Sea via some parts of the  Saudi  Arabian Peninsula to the port of  Haifa in the eastern  Mediterranean,  ending at  Europe by sea. To this end, India, to be able to supply its various goods to different parts of the world, has directly designed and implemented transit projects around it.  In particular, in the meantime, India has been economically engaged with a rival such as China and has drawn strategic and diverse polls so that its economic interests do not interfere with a great power like China.  One of these important steps in the strategic documents of the Government of India is the passage called the Arab-Mediterranean Corridor with the Indo-European Corridor. The initial route starts from the west coast of India and originates from the port of Bombay and reaches the ports of the United Arab Emirates by sea, where it connects by land to Saudi Arabia and finally by rail from Saudi Arabia to Jordan and the regime.  It connects to Zion and ends at the port of Haifa on the east coast of the Mediterranean. It is noteworthy that this route eventually reaches Greece and Rupa by sea. In the meantime, this trade route can be the most important and economical route from India to other parts of the world. from this route, India will be directly connected to Europe and its market.It seems that the completion of this roadmap, which requires the provision of political, security, and economic grounds among the countries involved, could have consequences, and these consequences could overshadow the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. To this end, the authors of the present study sought to answer the question of how the consequences of the Arab-Mediterranean Corridor project will affect the security and economic interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. Using the descriptive-explanatory method, the authors have reached the hypothesis that  "the consequences of completing the Arab-Mediterranean project can be summarized in the geopolitical change of the region, strengthening the formation of an economic-political crescent by the Hebrew-Arab axis and strengthening relations between countries along this corridor. As a result, the completion of the Arab-Mediterranean corridor will change the geopolitics of the region and reduce the strategic importance of Iran's southern borders to the Strait of Hormuz, and these issues will create economic and security threats to the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region."

One of the best ways to achieve political stability in multicultural societies is by consensus democracy known as the "division of power." In this type of democracy, by using the four principles of the parliamentary coalition, autonomy, veto right, and proportional representation, it is tried to create political stability in the country and facilitate the circulation of elites in decision-making by sharing different strata and groups in power. Iraq and Lebanon are multicultural societies with ethnic, linguistic, religious, and cultural diversity. The Lebanese population consists of three major groups: Shiites, Sunnis, and Maronite Christians, and Iraq includes three major groups: Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds. For more than half a century now, in Lebanon, and for nearly two decades, in Iraq, an agreed-upon consensus democracy has been implemented within the framework of their constitution. The mosaic texture of both and the creation of a relatively heterogeneous and heterogeneous society have led to the manifestation of political power based on this democracy and in the form of the pillars of the political system divided between them. Now, considering the shortcomings of the government process - nation-building and non-institutionalization of civil and participatory political culture and the lack or weakness of the party system and NGOs of the two countries, the question of the article focuses on the application of this democracy based on cultural-social diversity and compare their opportunities and challenges. In response, the hypothesis is formulated that consensus democracy is an option that is institutionally-politically capable of achieving relative security and stability by preparing the necessary platform for the participation of multiple ethnic, religious, and linguistic groups. The tribal context and the traditional sectarian tendencies of these countries and the continuation of social divisions are among the effective challenges in the fragility of this democracy. In this article, using both the institutional approach and the comparative method in examining the subject, this result was obtained.Given the multiculturalism of the two countries and the diversity of social divisions in them, consensus democracy is a good option for the political participation of various groups in the decisions of the two countries and has been able to focus on Parliament created relative but fragile stability. The traditional and tribal culture of the two countries, the problem of national identity, cultural barriers to civil society and non-governmental organizations, and the shortcomings of the nation-state-building process have made it difficult to realize the theme of this kind of democracy in practice.It is in the form of a modern dish but with traditional and undemocratic content. In other words, the shape and form of the political system derived from democracy are an agreement commensurate with the multiplicity and cultural diversity in these two countries. However, its content and theme are challenged and conflicted due to the low level of awareness and intellectual maturity of the society and the lack of political pluralism, and it does not have sufficient strength and consistency to create national security and social solidarity.And that is why both the smooth and peaceful transfer of power and the sustainable development and human security in these two countries face serious obstacles and problems, and from time to time we see violent behavior and turmoil or severe political crisis in which national sovereignty and endangers their independence and territorial integrity.The way out of this vulnerable and insecure situation is to train awareness and responsible citizens who have the ability to work together and work in groups and are tolerance and tolerant of opposing ideas, as well as political activism in a peaceful atmosphere away from monotony and self-centeredness. Clarification of economic and political relations, the institutionalization of governing norms and regulations, and the realization of civil institutions and non-governmental organizations are other requirements that can strengthen the foundations of consensus democracy in these countries by eliminating the roots of corruption and discrimination and facilitating citizens' political participation. Non-intervention of foreign powers is another important factor that can provide political independence and national sovereignty, the field of self-confidence of social forces and their interaction in these two countries, and their further role in the dynamics of political and social changes.

Population geopolitics is one of the most important elements influencing power and national security in international relations. This issue, however, is less important today than in the past, with the increasing importance of knowledge and technology and the limitation of the elements of hard power, but it is certainly still considered one of the influential factors in domestic and foreign policy in world politics. In the meantime, this issue has undoubtedly been one of the key constant concerns of the Zionist regime since its inception. This issue has become doubly important due to the closed nature of Judaism and the limited number of Jews in the world, and on the other hand, because this regime has established its presence and consistency based on the existence of a purely Jewish population. In addition, the regime's continued occupation of the Palestinian territories and the challenges posed by the immigration crisis, as well as the emergence of new issues within the borders of occupied Palestine, have added to the Zionist regime's special focus on population and its constant change. In this context, the main question of the present article is how the demographic geopolitics of the Zionist regime has affected the national security of this regime? The findings of this descriptive-analytical study show that the demographic geopolitics of the Zionist regime has created both opportunities and challenges for the regime. Although the opportunities are more qualitative, the quantitative dimensions, distribution pattern, and demographic composition in this regime has reduced its national security. Thus, the crisis of an incomplete nation-state is the root of many crises in the Middle East. This issue has a very special and more acute situation in the Zionist regime due to the geopolitical nature of its population. Nevertheless, the geopolitics of the Zionist regime's population poses both opportunities and challenges to its national security. This issue can be studied in four dimensions: quantitative, qualitative, distribution pattern, as well as demographic structures.Quantitatively, the Zionist regime is facing a demographic challenge due to its emphasis on the purely Jewish nature of the Zionist regime and the limited number of Jews in the world. Influenced by the importance of population size as an important factor in the stability of nation-states, as well as the special circumstances of the Zionist regime's ongoing constant war with its neighbors and the challenges posed by Jewish immigration, it poses challenges to its national security. Nevertheless, the quality of the Zionist population can be considered a positive factor in the geopolitics of the Zionist population. In particular, this regime, by having an educated population and being a pioneer in the field of science and technology, has been able to solve many of its geopolitical problems, including water shortages, uncultivable lands, etc., and with its scientific diplomacy, the conditions for overcoming isolation. Created its geopolitical region and weight gain. In the pattern of distribution as the third population dimension, in the Zionist regime, due to the desert situation, half of the land and many dangers from neighbors, the population and main industries are concentrated in the Mediterranean coastal plain, which is one of the vulnerabilities of this regime. The demographic structure of the Zionist regime, as the fourth geopolitical dimension of the population, shows that the Zionist regime can be considered a deeply divided society along ethnic-national lines. In such a way that there are three main gaps - the inter-ethnic divide between Arabs and Jews; Intra-ethnic divisions among Jews and divisions between religious and secular - practically fragile Zionist regime's internal security, making it prone to unrest and civil war. Accordingly, the demographic variables of the Zionist regime have created both opportunities and challenges for the regime, although the opportunities are more qualitative, the quantitative dimensions, distribution pattern, and demographic composition of the regime have reduced its national security. Under these circumstances, the demographic geopolitics of the Zionist regime in the future due to demographic changes (increasing Arab population to Jews and increasing religious population to secular as well as increasing class distance between different Jewish races and consequently increasing reverse migration) negative role It will lead to more in the national security of the Zionist regime.

There is great importance to use economic diplomacy in foreign policy; especially in those countries, in addition to having a great potential economic, have other commonalities such as cultural and historical commonalities. The field of international relations is heavily influenced by cultural and identity factors. Therefore, gaining reputation and influence in a country or the region are among the important goals of states in diplomacy, which is commensurate with their position, each country’s cultural opportunities, and capacities are pursued in a variety of ways and mechanisms.Turkey has good potential for cooperation with the Central Asian Republics in the economic field due to its cultural history with the countries and having a high level of economic development in the region. One of the Principles of Turkey’s foreign policy during the AK Party era (2002-2020) is having close relations with the Central Asian countries. For Turkey, it is important to strengthen economic diplomacy with countries in the region because of having a shared culture with them.The main question is “How is the economic diplomacy of Turkey during the AKP era in the Central Asia region?” and the sub-question is “What are the factors of economic diplomacy of Turkey in the Central Asia region during the AKP era?”Six indicators of economic diplomacy that are part of the foreign policy of the developmental government are presented as trade growth based on export development strategy, attracting foreign investment and foreign contracting policy, free and preferential trade agreements, harmonious relations with all, positive interaction with international economic institutions and creating a positive image which are briefly explained below:Increasing foreign trade: There is a positive correlation between an efficient foreign policy, a strong economy, and a strong foreign trade. Some, such as Gershon Feder, argue that the impact of exports on GDP is not limited to GDP growthAttract foreign investment and expand contracting: Overseas investment and export of foreign engineering and contracting technical services, in addition to laying the groundwork for the soft power of the exporting country, will also lead to long-term interdependence and the creation of national wealth. Newly industrialized countries not only attract foreign investment but also strengthen a country’s foreign trade by transferring capital abroad and contracting abroad. This leads to the creation of new markets and the exercise of soft power in the target countries.Free and preferential trade agreements: Agreements between countries that are not necessarily in a geographical area and include actions taken by governments to facilitate trade through free trade agreements or customs unions. Efforts to achieve systematic conditions for the national development strategy are made through bargaining and international trade negotiations through free and preferential trade agreements.Harmonious relationship with everyone: The foreign policy of a country like a businessman can communicate with all potential customers and the strategy of a successful actor is to attract more capital apart from personal interest. This strategy seeks positive interaction with all potential markets and related governments.Positive interaction with international economic institutions: A government must use the resources and guidelines of international business and financial institutions in line with its business and economic vision. Apart from decision-making independence and political power, constructive interaction with these institutions is very effective.Positive image: The classification of countries into two categories, positive and negative, is examined under the heading of image or mentality in international relations. Each image contains cognitive information from another country in these areas: culture, capability (military, economic), security, democracy, and so on. Depending on the type of image presented by the actors, they and others interact with it. These images are usually formed in the minds of individuals and leaders for a long time, and in the face of situations, people use only pre-made images and words to make decisions. This index does not fall into the category of formal economic diplomacy, but indirectly has a positive effect on target markets and practically plays the role of informal economic diplomacy.The hypothesis to answer the two questions is: “Turkey's economic diplomacy in Central Asia during the AKP era has worked efficiently and effectively.  The Economic Diplomacy of Turkey in the region during the AKP era can be explained through 6 factors of economic diplomacy in the Foreign Policy of the Developmentalist Government, which are: trade growth based on export development strategy, foreign investment attraction and foreign contracting policy, free and preferential trade agreements, harmonious relationship with all, Positive Interaction with International Economic Institutions and creating a positive image. Turkey’s economic diplomacy in the Central Asian region has been pursued seriously in the region and has used its cultural and economic potential at a good level in the region during the AK Party.This article, analyzed the level of this relationship is analyzed by analyzing the data on Turkey’s economic diplomacy in the Central Asia region, especially with the focus on the 6 factors. Methodology Type in this thesis is Descriptive-Analytical and the data Gathering Methods are Library methods and Internet Resources. This thesis is based on an explanatory research methodology. The Methods of Data Analysis are Quantitative-Qualitative.