نشریه تاریخ نامه ایران بعد از اسلام
پیاپی 30 (بهار 1401)

One of the important issues to understand the financial situation of the Qajar period is the budget deficit trend. In this regard, no documented and independent materials have been presented so far, and this research, by collecting documents and presenting statistics, deals with the budget deficit process and identifies and examines the government's solutions to overcome it. The method of preparing and compiling the research is documentary using library resources and the type of research is explanatory-analytical. This article, while examining the amount of changes and fluctuations in the budget deficit of the Qajar period, will answer the question of what were the causes of the budget deficit?, what were the government's strategies to overcome it?, and was there a significant positive or negative change in the budget deficit with the Constitutional Revolution? The findings of the study indicate that the government in the late Mohammad Shah and in the middle of Mozaffari's government had a budget deficit, due to the issuance of financial documents, numerous loans and increased expenses of courtiers and the military. Even after the Constitutional Revolution, the budget deficit became larger and more persistent. The main reason for the post-constitutional deficit was the size of the bureaucracy, numerous borrowings, the closure of parliament, financial indiscipline, and the occupation of foreign troops, some of which led to a budget adjustment in the late Qajar period.

After the Moghan Council, the concerned eyes of the society were looking forward to the next action, which perhaps after all these tensions and battles, now relying on the monarchy to strengthen internal sovereignty and create political, and economic security and give itself and society a chance to find themselves.  Nader also faced dozens of difficult internal and regional problems that he had to deal with, but he unbelievably prepared a difficult trip to India, which, given the structure of the young Afshari government, made the military campaign against India seem simple and esoteric. He found it risky and challenging, and seriously damaged the foundations of his rule. The main issue of the present study is to examine the role, impact and consequences of Nader's invasion of India during his rule. It also investigates how and why that attack affected many aspects of his rule and affected its decline and dissolution. Why Nader's invasion of India hastened the collapse of his rule? This study uses library resources and implements a descriptive and and explanatory approach. The results reveals that Nader's invasion of India had far-reaching consequences for him, and that his demise and fall had a profound effect on his relations with his family, commanders, troops, and peasant.

The Aqquyunlu and the Timurids had always good relations with each other before the emergence of Hassan Beig. The proclamation of the obedience of Qara Osman Beig to Amir Teymur led to friendly relations between the two governments. The Aqquyunlus acted mostly as subordinates of the Timurids and as their military arm in the Anatolian region. But with Hassan beig at the helm of Aqquyunlu's government, new relations emerged between the two states, and bilateral cooperation shifted from interaction to military confrontation. The main issue of this study is to examine why the nature of the relationship between the two governments of Timurid and Aqquyunlu changed during the reign of Hassan beig Turkman. What issues were effective in changing the friendly relations between the rule of the Aghquyunlus and the Timurids and the beginning of hostile relations during the reign of Hassan Beig? This research is an analytical and descriptive one using library resources. Findings show that the emergence of powerful rulers in the two governments, change in the foreign policy goals of the Aqquyunlu government and the disappearance of the Qaraqoyunlu government have played effective roles in changing relations between the two governments.

In the early 16th century, Portugal was able to dominate important parts of the Orient, including the Persian Gulf. These first colonizers were the undisputed rulers of the East for almost a century, but gradually in the early seventeenth century (AH) their domination faced major obstacles and international conditions changed to their detriment. The occupied territories of Portugal one after another came out from their hand and eventually led to their expulsion in the Persian Gulf. This article seeks to find an answer to the question: What were the internal and external factors of the decline of the Portuguese in the Persian Gulf? This research has used a descriptive-analytical approach using library resources to find the causes of this decline. Findings indicate that two groups of factors led to the weakness and decline of the Portuguese. The first category can be considered as the external factors that occurred outside the Persian Gulf region like Europe and its effects led to the weakening of Portuguese domination in the colonies, including the Persian Gulf. Among these factors were the small population of Portugal, the occupation of Portugal by Spain, the rise of other powerful European countries like Britain and the Netherlands to the East and the Ottoman entry into the Persian Gulf issues. The second category must be considered as the internal factors, such as the irrational policies of the Portuguese in the Persian Gulf, including hitting the region's trade and economy, religious bigotry and anti-Islamic actions that led to the reaction of regional governments and popular uprisings against them.

In the Qajar era, for the first time, interpretations and words entered the political and social literature of Iran, which on the one hand was a sign of our familiarity with the West and on the other hand caused a change in the interpretations and concepts of the past. The use of these interpretations and combinations by influential intellectuals and clerics in the constitution was more apparent. The most important word and interpretation of this period or an intellectual challenge was the relationship between "Sharia" and "law" which was transmitted to the society by the intellectuals and thinkers in their writings and newspapers of that period. The clergies also used these new concepts in their thoughts. By studying the works and books of Thiqat al-Islam Tabrizi about the principles of his belief, new ideas and modern thoughts, the relationship between the status of Sharia and law has been examined. In his opinion, this concept of law is not in contradiction with the basic foundations of Shari'a and religious principles, and in fact, it is in line with it and approved by the principles of religion. The methodology of this research is analytical-explanatory.

The application of semiotic approaches in the study of the themes of coins, considering the written-visual feature of the visual elements of coins, can reveal their hidden and implicit meanings than other artistic texts. Relying on semiotic approaches (especially its poststructuralist concepts), this study has considered the themes in the visual elements of the Ilkhanids coins and in this way has used the theory of legitimacy of power of David Bettham. The main question of the research is “what is the interaction and semantic relations of the codes of the Ilkhanid coins?”; and “how are the symbolic systems manifested in them?” The data was collected using library resources and implementing an analytical-historical approach. The results reveal that using this method involves broader paradigms and leads to a better understanding of connotations in coin themes. The meanings of visual elements in coins of Hulagu Khan reign until the middle of Abaqa Khan rule indicate the Khans' efforts to gain the first level of legitimacy and the elements in coins near the end of Abaqa Khan rule to Gaykhatu Khan indicate the Khans’ failure to promote their justification goals and lack of common beliefs (the second level of legitimacy) by minting coins with Christian, Jewish (Star of David) and even Shiite themes. After Ghazan Khan until the extinction of the Ilkhanate dynasty, the coexistence of Islamic, Uyghur and Iranian codes in the coin themes occurs simultaneously with the third level of legitimacy in the society. In this period, the symbols of the main pillars of power (political, religious and economic) coexist harmonically in the coin themes and are a reflection of the power network. In this period, the meanings of coins had become a kind of semiosis through the expansion of intertextual connections with other areas.

Political historiography is one of the general features of the Safavid historiography, which has its main reliance on the political and military events and has paid less attention to the social, economic, cultural and artistic affairs. Despite this dominant approach in the political historiography, with the effective support of the Safavids for art and the interest of some political historians in the art of calligraphy, who were among the court secretaries, scribes and calligraphers, the importance and volume of recorded materials on calligraphy was in the first place compared to other arts. Also, under the influence of the political historiography, Golestan-Honar was written as the first serious historiography in Iranian art, which shows the value and superiority of the calligraphy from the perspective of political developments and the center of the Safavid court over other arts. In this descriptive-analytical research, the historiography of the art of calligraphy is examined in the political historiography of the Safavid era. The findings indicate that the status of the great calligraphers, the history and various items of calligraphy and special attention to Nastaliq pen, the classification of calligraphers and their migrations are reflected in the political historiography of this period.