مجله مطالعات باستان شناسی
سال چهاردهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 29، بهار 1401)

With substantial increase in socio-political complexity during the second half of the fourth millennium BC and emergance of a need to record the economic transactions, the Proto Elamite writing system on the Iranian plateau and the proto Cuneiform in Mesopotamia was emerged. As a result of the political, climatic and cultural conditions prevailing the Iranian Plateau, the Proto Elamite writing system was used by various communities on the Iranian plateau in late 4th millennium B.C. It seems that there were probably different tribes with diversed cultures and languages, among which, they were able to take advantage of the identical sign list to register names in their language. In Proto Elamite writing system, there also have different numbers and signs for objects, property and the signs with phonetic values are combined togather, making string of signs with single meaning and separation of such chain of signs requires full knowledge of this writing system. The purpose of this article is to introduce and examine the signs integrated in phonetic values, which are probably integrated among the ideogram signs. The ideogram signs  may have been read with phonemes in the past, but there were never exclusively related to phonetic signs. The method of study is as follows: after classifying the groups of similar texts that were probably written by the same scribe or a group of Proto Elamite clay tablets sealed by a same image, the same structural similarities and phonetic differences have been studied. On the other hand, according to the similar position of the ideological signs before and after phonetic values, an attempt has been made to separate the chain of phonetic values. As a result, the pre-name signs probably have the gender value or social status of the owner of the name, and the sign after the name conveys the use of the verb and in small number of the texts, it conveys the meaning of a household or tribe

One of the fundamental features of the ancient states associated with power was ideology, and Neo-Assyria and the Achaemenid empires were no exception to this rule. If we look at the written and visual documents and evidence of the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and the Achaemenid, ideology has been at the heart of these two empires. How did they treat the subject people? How was their cooperation and participation with these empires? What was the connection between kings and their god or gods to justify their actions? How did the royal inscriptions and images describe the characteristics of a mighty and powerful king? What were the characteristics of hegemony and the view of domination over the whole world and nations in their views and in what methods was it done? These are the questions that this research seeks to answer to determine the ideological commonalities and differences between these two empires in their royal contexts and whether their ideological strategies and methods have been fundamentally different concerning the verbal and visual violence of the Assyrians? To achieve its goals, this research has examined the inscriptions and images (reliefs, steles, seals) of the royal contexts of these two periods. Concerning the strategies, methods, and concepts studied in this research, such as the mighty and powerful king, universal hegemony, connection between king and god (gods), participation of subject people in advancing the goals of the two empires, large construction projects and building of magnificent monuments, etc. There is not much difference in the royal ideology of the two Neo- Assyria and Achaemenid . Of course, the explicit and barely verbal and visual violence of the Assyrian should not be ignored in their royal reliefs and inscriptions, however, in the written and visual evidence of the Achaemenids, especially in the Persepolis, this violence is not explicitly seen, that is an important feature of the worldview and ideology of the Achaemenid monarchy

As it appears from historical texts, the favourable bioclimatic conditions of the Natanz region and its location in the communication network of Iran’s central plateau, have provided the ground for the formation of numerous settlements, as well as diverse and yet valuable architectural works. Presence of pre-Islamic ancient sites (Such as Arisman ancient site, fire temple, castle, karezes) and also monuments from the Islamic era in Natanz (Such as Juma Mosque, Sheikh Abdul Samad Complex and collections of public, commercial and residential monuments), have turned this city into one of the most valuable ancient settlements in the country; highlighting the importance of the region from prehistoric up to the present century. According to published sources, Natanz's socio-political developments in early-Islamic centuries were influenced by the changes that occurred in the cities of Isfahan and Kashan. Also, the brilliant effects of the historical monuments of Kashan and Isfahan cities have caused the neglect of the monuments of the city of Natanz by tourists and historians of different periods. Neglect that has also affected archaeological, urban, architectural and historical research. The authors have tried to determine the evolution of the city of Natanz, relying on the written sources, in order to identify the factors and events that have influenced the formation and development of this city. Results of the present study revealed that the construction history of this city can be traced back to the Sasanian Empire. Moreover, it became clear that Natanz’s location on the communication network of Iran’s central plateau and It has been one of the centers of caravans crossing and trade and the Central Plateau of Iran, and also its geographical location, environmental conditions and the special defensive function of the natanz city Its importance in different historical periods, especially the Ilkhanid and Safavid periods it has figured

The archaeological site of Tol-e Qaleh Seyfabad, with an area of approximately 160 hectares, is one of the important sites of the Sasanian period, which was formed about 500m west of Parishan Lake, in the southwest of Kazerun city, on the natural hill so-called Tol-e Pahan. Due to the building of the Kazerun-Shiraz gas pipeline between 1984 and 1986, the middle part of this site was severely destroyed. Archaeological excavation, as well as ground surveys, show that the exposed building/fort in Tol-e Qaleh Seyfabad has a quadrangular structure, each side of which is probably between 75 and 80 m long, and there were probably four towers in its four corners. The low thickness of the external wall, the type, and quality of construction materials used in it, as well as the dimensions of the interior spaces/units, may indicate that the building was not very high. The spaces adjacent to the northwestern principal wall are generally small and are used for storing and processing agricultural products.In the four corners of the Nakhlak fort located in the intermediate region of Naein and Anarak, the towers are similar to Tol-e Qaleh Seyfabad’s tower, although it has a different plan. In addition, other defensive buildings such as Fulayj fort in Oman, Gorgan Wall fortifications, and Abu Sharifa fort in Mesopotamia are among the defensive structures that are similar to the Tol-e Qaleh Seyfabad building in terms of plans and towers. Archaeological excavation, as well as ground surveys, show that the exposed building/fort in Tol-e Qaleh Seyfabad has a quadrangular structure, each side of which is probably between 75 and 80 m long, and there were probably four towers in its four corners. The low thickness of the external wall, the type, and quality of construction materials used in it, as well as the dimensions of the interior spaces/units, may indicate that the building was not very high. The spaces adjacent to the northwestern principal wall are generally small and are used for storing and processing agricultural products.

Prehistoric funeral ceremony helps the researcher for reconstructing of the different parts of ancient societies, since it has a great connection to various aspects of social and economic parts of human life. Shahr-i Sokhta is one of the important Bronze Age sites in southeast and east of Iranian plateau and the excavations on the necropolis has revealed great quantitative amounts of archaeological material from early to late 3rd and early 2nd millennium B.C. By now, more than 1000 graves were excavated by Italian and Iranian mission at the greatest Bronze Age necropolis of Iran. In the present research, by using SPSS application, R- Pearson, F- test and the other kinds of statistical tests have been done for data analysis of the materials excavated on the graveyard of Shahr-i Sokhta. The different aspects of Socio- Economic implications of this society considered by statistical analysis of the graves material of Shahr i Sokhta that excavated from 1997 to 2003 and 214 burials with related dating is taken to account. Therefore, By SPSS application, R- Pearson, F- test and the other kinds of statistical tests have been done for data analysis of the materials. Based on the results, in Shahr-i Sokhta from period I to IV, some changes take place on the grave structures, the number of goods, the number of prestige goods and finally the numerical values of the graves as dependent factors of the research. Interpretation of the results shows that some changes in the socio – economic conditions and class stratification taken place by divide wealth as well as the changes on beliefs of the ritual ceremonies from early 3rd to early 2nd millennium B.C. Interpretation of the results shows the meaningful relationship between chronology and number and quality of goods in the grave from period I to period IV

Archaeological data and textual sources provide information on Zoroastrian burial customs in Iran that could read and investigate in their context. One of these burial customs is burying the body into the towers of silence. This ritual practice canonized in Zoroastrian religious texts such as Vidēvdāt and documented in historical sources and archaeological findings. Beside Central Asia one what comparable to the first generation of towers of silence this funeral practice reported from Sasanid to the Late Islamic period. Although all of these burial structures mentioned as the towers of silence (Dakhma), there are plenty of architectural structures, from the beginning to the Late Islamic period; from the platforms of xwaršēd nigerišn to roofed towers of silence; from rooms of ossuary to central well (sarāda) of towers of silence. This paper has tried to thanks to archaeological findings and historical sources recommend some relative dating on towers of silence. Besides, the formal evolution of these burial structures has investigated from the Sasanid to the Late Islamic period. Hence, there are some questions to answer. 1) How are the continuation and evolution of the architectural structure of towers of silence from the Sasanid to the Late Islamic period? 2) Which elements caused the evolution of the architectural structure of towers of silence? 3) Is it possible to find a relative dating about the date of construction of these burial structures based on the evolution of the architecture of towers of silence? For the answer to these questions, a descriptive-analytical method has used. Field and library studies and comparative studies are the most important methods of this illustration. This study will show towers of silence follow four different architecture methods. The quality of roof covering, the way of exposure, the divide of burial spaces, location of a central well, how to enter to xwaršēd nigerišn places, details of architectural structure and creation of some buildings related to burial are the most important towers of silence diversities factors. There is some reason for these diversities: 1) emigration of Zoroastrian communities to Yazd 2) cultural relation between Iran and India Zoroastrian communities, 3) Maneckji Limji Hataria activities in Iran

Sasanians created more than thirty rock reliefs during their reign, most of which are loacated in their homeland of Pars. The study of Sasanian monumental rock reliefs has a long tradition and these fascinating monuments have been subject of scrutiny from many different perspectives. Nevertheless, one major issue still remains relatively unattended: how did these reliefs appear to ancient viewers? This broad question can be considered from at least two different angles: firstly, the relationship between the reliefs and their built and natural environment and secondly the original appearance of the reliefs, which now appear as grey rocky surfaces to us, when they were created and during their time of splendor. While the issue of polychromy in the Achaemenid rock art and architecture has been subject of intensive studies, apart from few brief references, this subject has not attracted much attention among scholars of Sasanian art and archaeology. Were these monuments decorated with color in their original form? If so, what colors were most commonly used? Can we reconstruct the colorful appearance of these reliefs? While empirical evidence of coloring has not been thoroughly documented on Sasanian reliefs yet, examination of several literary evidence as well as application of polychromy in other forms of Sasanian art, such as wall paintings, textiles, mosaics and stucco decorations can provide valuable indirect data on the subject and elucidate the Sasanian palette. Based on a such variety of evidence, as well as the long tradition of polychromy in ancient Iran at least from the Neo-Elamite period up to the Qajar era, it seems fairly rational that Sasanian rock reliefs were indeed colorful images standing out against their rocky background. Considering the close relation between three domains of wall painting, stucco decorating and rock reliefs, colorful appearance of Sasanian rock reliefs can be reasonably reconstructed