نشریه مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی
پیاپی 30 (بهار و تابستان 1401)

Given China’s growing economic growth and the need to supply energy to industries, as well as access to the consumer market for domestic production, Xi Jinping in 2013 introduced the Silk Road Initiative as his country’s macro strategy. The Persian Gulf region is the “economic center of gravity” of the oil industry, with the world's largest oil fields, the lowest production and about two-thirds of the world’s proven energy reserves. With the continuation and deepening of China-West Asia relations in the field of energy supply, efforts have been made to expand and strengthen diplomatic relations with West Asian countries in the past. Given the growing debate and competition from regional and trans-regional actors for greater benefits in West Asia, China, with its growing economic growth and the need to provide energy for continued economic and trade power, through its macro-initiative strategy. The Silk Road has put the expansion of its presence and influence in West Asia on the agenda.Research Question: what goals does China pursue in West Asia through the Energy Silk Road Initiative?

China seeks to secure its energy through the implementation of the Silk Road Initiative through long-term contracts and investments with West Asian countries.Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are): Energy security is a multidimensional concept, and different stakeholders look at it from their own perspectives. Supply, demand, industry and the environment are considered different dimensions of energy security. Today, due to the challenges posed to the threat of energy security to the economic infrastructure of countries, many governments consider self-sufficiency in the field of energy to ensure the continuation of productive economic activities, is inevitable. China, as one of the leading countries in the field of economic growth and development, in order to maintain its economic position, which translates its position in the international system, and considering the emphasis on a multilateral approach in the international system and Replacing the existing order, energy security and non-disruption in its provision has been one of the main axes of foreign policy and inviolable principle in pursuit of national interests, so in this study, the discussion of energy security as one of the main areas of the Silk Road Initiative , Has been considered as a point of reference and a conceptual framework for explaining the goals of the Silk Road Initiative in the field of energy in West Asia.

Following the implementation of the Silk Road Initiative in 2013, China’s economic relationship with West Asia entered a more serious phase. indicating that West Asia currently has high priorities in China’s geostrategic sphere. In its cooperation with West Asian countries, China intends to focus on three areas: the first and most important area, the energy sector, the second area, facilitating investment in infrastructure and trade, and the third area, progress in nuclear energy, space satellite and New energy. China has various methods to ensure its energy security, such as huge investments in the exploration and extraction of oil and gas fields, strengthening of energy infrastructure to improve energy efficiency, participation in oil projects, it has used gas, electricity, renewable energy, nuclear energy, etc. in West Asia in the form of the Silk Road initiative. It should also be acknowledged that China’s growing influence in the West Asian region through strategies such as the Silk Road Initiative, despite its declared policy, is not just about economics, but also about pursuing political and security interests and providing the basis for expanding influence and hegemony. The periphery is at the heart of the plan.

Conflicts and political unrest in the West Asian region are causing panic and disruption in China’s energy supply channels. Its acquisition has shifted to Central Asia's energy resources. It should be noted that despite the fact that Beijing supplies most of its energy resources from West Asia, and continued investment to ensure China's energy security is one of its top foreign policy priorities in West Asia. However, the existing political and security challenges in these countries, the energy transfer route, the US influence in the region, etc. are considered as a threat to China’s energy security. Therefore, within the framework of the Silk Road initiative, Beijing has invested in oil and gas resources of Central Asian countries by concluding long-term contracts and investing in energy infrastructure, as a safety valve and alternative to West Asian energy to benefit. Exercising its economic influence in the region will pave the way for regional hegemony and challenge US unilateralism.

Despite being on the anti-Israel front, Russia has put the policy of strategic closeness with this actor on its agenda. Various micro and macro factors have been involved in Russia’s decision-making process regarding proximity to Israel in a typical and complex manner. These influencing factors on Russia's foreign policy have continued since the collapse of the Soviet Union, so that the current cooperation and interaction between Russia and Israel in regional and international developments has introduced Russia as a strategic partner in international forums.  Research Question: What role do micro and macro factors play in Russia's decision-making regarding its strategic approach to Israel? At the same time, its purpose is to give priority to the importance of the factors influencing Russia's behavior and foreign policy regarding Israel, especially during Putin's presidency. Research Hypothesis: The research hypothesis indicates that the strategic approach to Israel in foreign policy was caused by various factors in Russia's decision-making process. These factors have had different degrees of effectiveness at the micro and macro levels and have restructured the strategy of getting closer to Israel. During Putin's presidency, the role factor and then environmental variables have been more effective than other factors in this decision.

In this article, the authors have investigated the topic and hypothesis of the article with qualitative content analysis method based on inductive approach. In order to explain Russia's foreign policy towards Israel, while paying attention to the level of macro analysis, factors at the level of micro analysis should also be studied. Therefore, to explain Russia's foreign policy towards Israel, we have used James Rosena's theory to provide a more accurate and comprehensive explanation of foreign policy by combining two levels, macro and micro. Therefore, in the analysis of Russia's foreign policy towards Israel, four variable factors of the individual, role, government and society at the micro level and environmental variables at the macro level have been emphasized. Nevertheless, the factors affecting Russia's foreign policy at the micro and macro levels have evolved based on a causal sequence and have become a fixed pattern in Moscow's foreign policy. According to Rosena, these factors have had different effects on Russia's foreign policy. Therefore, each of these factors have played significant role in Russia's decision to adopt a strategic approach towards Israel.

The findings indicate that the individual factor including the norms, beliefs and perceptions of decision makers is an important principle. During Putin's presidency, the feeling of the same language has affected relations between Moscow and Tel Aviv. However, during the presidency of Yeltsin and Medvedev, Western tendencies have been more effective in Moscow's strategic approach to Tel Aviv. In James Rosena's theory, the role of decision makers in the government's foreign policy behavior is considered an effective factor. Russia's formal and informal laws emphasize the important role of president in directing the foreign policy. The President of Russia determines Russia's foreign policy by appointing the Minister of Foreign Affairs and his board as the main representative of the government. Putin has made the best use of his position and role for the strategic neighborhood with Israel and can give importance to his role in the formation of the strategic neighborhood policy with Israel according to national and international considerations. Therefore, the role factor has priority over other factors. Although the dimension of role has affected the relationships between the two actors during Yeltsin's presidency, but the role of president was less prioritized in Medvedev's period. Governmental structure as an important variable in James Rosena's theory has influenced foreign policy. Since the Russian political system is a combination of democracy and authoritarianism, many democratic institutions do not have a special place in Russian foreign policy. Therefore, Russia's foreign policy is formulated and implemented around the axis of the executive power in such a way that we observe the increased role of the executive power as a main and important variable in proximity to Israel across the diplomatic history. In addition, the role of the executive branch in the Kremlin's foreign policy has been significantly strengthened during Putin's presidency and other institutions establish diplomatic relations within the framework of the president's foreign policy. Social and non-governmental aspects are another variable that have been capable of affecting Russia's foreign behavior in such a way that the executive power and its relevant institutions in formulating and implementing foreign policy constantly interact with influential groups, such as the pro-Western moderate network, Jewish organizations, media, etc. and have affected the formation of the consensual nature of Russia's foreign policy against Israel. Based on environmental variables, Israel's role in solving Russia's disputes with the United States, cooperation in the fight against terrorism, developments in the Middle East and the Caucasus have led to the development of a neighborly approach in Russia's foreign policy.

With the election of Putin to the presidency, Russia's foreign policy has changed its direction to use Israel as a tool to gain advantage from the West and the United States in order to achieve its goals by exerting pressure on Israel in international and regional developments. Putin knows that Israel's need for Russia to guarantee its security in the developments in the Middle East, especially the Syrian crisis, may meet Moscow's foreign policy goals and priorities. So, in Putin's presidency, environmental variable is prioritized after the role factor. In a general view, all five factors have not only influenced Russia's foreign policy, but also interacted with each other.

After the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan as a Muslim republic in the neighborhood of Iran, Tehran and Baku were expected to establish close and stable relations despite their historical, cultural and religious ties; but in fact, Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan experienced tense and turbulent relations and Baku established closer relations with Iran's enemies and rivals including Israel.Research Question:  "What strategy and behavior pattern does the Republic of Azerbaijan follow in the confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Israel?"Research Hypothesis: In confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Israel, the Republic of Azerbaijan follows the strategy and behavioral pattern of balancing the threat.

This study uses a combination of constructivist and threat balance theories. The qualitative method of systematic review has been used to examine the components of the question and the main tool for data collection in this research is library studies.

Although the Shiite religious commonality and the historical cultural commonality between the nations of Iran and Azerbaijan are very deep-rooted, the orientation of the foreign policy of the two countries in bilateral, regional and international relations has been formed by relying on other sources of identity. The Republic of Azerbaijan feels threatened by the Shiite religious unity and the Persian-Turkish dichotomy, and therefore tries to replace it with the conflicting political identity of Iran and the Israel by using a strategy of balancing the threat. The Israel regime, with its Jewish-Zionist identity has become a strategic partner of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Islamic Republic of Iran has been placed in an "other" position for Baku.By using the strategy of balancing threats at the domestic and regional level, the Republic of Azerbaijan has been able to adjust its behavioral pattern in the face of the confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Israel. Despite the fundamental confrontation between Iran and Israel, by establishing relations with Israel and expanding these relations and creating insecurity on Iran's borders, Baku is trying to force Tehran to interact with it and reconsider its relations with Armenia. In addition to Baku's sense of threat from Iran, other causes and motives are also involved in this relationship Such as: geostrategic considerations in relation to Tel Aviv and subsequently strategic considerations in relation to the West, military modernization of the Republic of Azerbaijan, economic interests in energy relations and also the issue of the liberation of Karabagh.At the geopolitical level, introducing Iran as a common enemy is the most important element of the alliance between Baku and Tel Aviv. In other words, one of the factors influencing the joint and complementary strategic views of Baku and Tel Aviv is the role of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the peripheral strategy of the Israeli regime. Based on this peripheral strategy, Israel is trying to bring the threat of its presence closer to Iran's borders by expanding relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan. In fact, using the constructivist theory, it can be said why the political-religious and ethnic identity of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Islamic Republic of Iran has become one of the most important sources of strengthening Baku-Tel Aviv relations.

In general, the strategic relations between Baku and Tel Aviv cannot be fully explained without considering the Iranian component. By using the strategy of balancing threats - at the domestic and regional level - the Republic of Azerbaijan has been able to adjust its behavioral pattern in the face of the confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Israel. The identity conflict between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Islamic Republic of Iran has created different approaches to security which has affected any desire for close relations between the two nations. Unlike Iran's prominent Shiite political identity, the Republic of Azerbaijan seeks its security in joining the rival identity of Tehran that is Israel. The relationship with the Israeli regime also guarantees Baku's multiple goals in terms of security approaches. In fact, the behavioral pattern of the Republic of Azerbaijan has turned the Iranian-Azeri identity conflict or in other words, the Iranian Shiite revolution against Azerbaijan's secular system, into Iran-Israel conflict.

There are significant historical similarities between Iran and Russia, so it is very useful to study Russia's experiences, especially to use it in policy-making process in Iran. Therefore, this article as a case study, focuses on the study of Russia's science and technology policy and the position of entrepreneurial universities in this country.Research Question: The main question of this research focuses on the Russia’s science and technology policies and its achievements, which are expressed in the following sub-questions: What are the developments of Russia’s science and technology policy in different periods of its history? How is the quality of science, technology and entrepreneurship in Russian companies and universities? What are the initiatives taken to build the institutional infrastructure for the development of cooperation between the main actors of science and technology in Russia? And finally, what lessons Russia’s experience have for formulating the science, technology, and entrepreneurship policies? Research Hypothesis: It seems that despite some efforts to establish an innovation system and design a systematic relationship between the triple institutions of science and technology in Russia, these institutions are divergent and therefore the system of innovation and entrepreneurship in this country does not work properly. 

In order to promote research methodologically, the Triple Helix model was selected as the theoretical framework of the research. In the structure of this model, accordingly, the mutual and simultaneous relations of the triple variables (e g the Russian government, universities and companies) have been analyzed in the research process. From this point of view, the research considered as a “Structural Equation Modeling” which is an appropriate method to explaining the structural relationships between multiple variables in policy making and interdisciplinary studies. In terms of research method, this research follows the qualitative research method and the type of case study has been selected from different types of research studies. 

the article consists of two main sections: in the first section, the history of science and technology is studied in three periods of Russian history: The Tsarist Russia, the Soviet Union and the Modern Russia. The second section is focused on the study of the interactions between the three institutions of science and technology in Russia, i.e. the government, companies and universities. In this context, the following topics have been studied: Government policy-making initiatives to strengthen the triple helix mechanisms; the attitude of Russian companies towards Research & Development and cooperation with universities and other outside scientific research centers; and Finally, the process of transition to entrepreneurial university in Russia has been studied in framework of the triple helix model. Research Findings show that in a historical perspective from the time of Tsarist Russia up to the present, the government as the main driver of innovation in this country, has failed to establish systematic cooperation between companies and Universities. Therefore, companies and scientific centers continue to operate under the government control. Historically, the evolution of science and technology policy in Russia has been influenced by the military requirements. Until the end of the nineteenth century, Russia’s main scientific institutes focused on basic research. During this period, there were no links between industry and scientific centers and universities. From the nineteenth century onwards, the government took some initiatives to solve the problem. However, these initiatives failed to establish a systematic interaction between the triple actors. Thus, a production system and a relatively strong research system continued to develop separately. During the past decade, the government has implemented new initiatives to develop systematic cooperation between the triple actors. So, Russia has taken some steps to create entrepreneurial universities which are the driving force of the triple helix system. Tomsk State University, which is the core of the electronic and informational technology innovation cluster in the region, is an example to the successful entrepreneurial universities in Russia.

However, the generation of entrepreneurial universities in Russia is still in its infancy and therefore has not yet entered the advanced stage of systematic cooperation between the three actors of innovation and entrepreneurship system. In the process of this transition, the triple helix system can be upgraded to a higher level of multiple helix system. Generally, in order to bridge Science and Technology, there are two major strategies to follow: first, changing basic institutions, stimulating market competition, and creating conditions for entrepreneurship and innovation; second, gradual improvement of current legislation, policies and practices. Regardless of which strategy to choose, it is important for the government to be consequential. This refers to the development, implementation and evaluation of science and technology policies and evidence-based decision-making. For example, during the last decade, some strategic policy documents to innovation has been approved in Russia, while the consistency among them are very low. The government’s announced support for innovative businesses faces common administrative barriers. These problems are also being targeted by the government through the ongoing administrative reform, but the improvements are still very modest. The results of Russia's initiatives to bridge science and technology have some policy-making lessons especially for Iran. Among them, the most important lesson is that supporting the entrepreneurial universities through creating regional entrepreneurship clusters with the centrality of selected universities can greatly contribute to transition of science.

Regionalism has been introduced as a conventional model of interaction in international relations and it is also a different model of exercising power in international arena which is based on values such as cooperation, unity and peace. Regionalism has undergone a transformation since the Cold War. The classical model of regionalism was the European model and some developing countries tried to copy the European regionalism model and implement it in their regions. But the European regionalism model was based on the goals and needs of European countries and was not suitable for other regions so developing countries have designed and implemented new models of regionalism. Modern regionalism does not have the elements of the European-oriented model. Organizations such as NAFTA, ASEAN and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization are examples of new and different models of regionalism that have broken the monopoly of the European model of regionalism and have launched their own model of regionalism. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is one of the important regional organizations that offers a new model of regionalism, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is also a member. In this article, we examined the interaction pattern of the members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the mechanisms of convergence and the challenges and perspectives of the regionalism of this organization.Research Question: The main question of this research is what is the regionalism model of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization? What are the interactive patterns and mechanisms for convergence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization?Research Hypothesis: Considering that in this research we have used the systematic exploration strategy and historical review technique, we have not presented a hypothesis for this research because the main question of this article is about the regionalism model of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the answer to this question is related to the issues objectives and existing mechanisms in the structure of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Therefore, the answer to such a question requires examining the structure of this organization, documents, reports and historical events related to the convergence of this organization, so in this research we did not pay attention to the hypothesis or its possible answer.

To answer the main question in this research, the systematic exploration strategy and historical review technique have been used. In this strategy, the author does not provide any hypothesis for the main question and instead of checking the validity of the hypothesis, he directly refers to the evidence. Documents, reports, historical events, books and articles are the sources that are examined to answer the main question. Therefore, based on the historical study technique, we examined a historical period from 2001 until now, that is, since the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization until now and we examined the sources available in this historical period and we were able to identify the patterns of internal interaction, the mechanism to identify the convergences, challenges and perspectives of the regionalism of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

The findings show that since the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, two different models of regionalism have been formed in this organization. The first model was common since the establishment of the organization until 2017, we call this model "guided", in fact, the structure of this regionalism model was "2 + 4". Two countries, Russia and China, were leading four other Central Asian countries towards regionalism. Russia and China provided financial support to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and provided practical ideas and plans to strengthen regionalism. But after the two nuclear countries India and Pakistan joined this organization in 2017, the second model of regionalism began. In fact, the "guided" model was changed to the "pervasive" model. In this model, the "2 + 4" pattern has been changed and different branches have been created in the organization. The leadership role of Russia and China has decreased and each country is trying to independently use the regionalism capacities of this organization. Based on this pervasive model, Iran's permanent membership has been accepted and Turkey's permanent membership is also being considered. With the increase in the number of members and the diversity of their interests, the fields of activity of the organization have expanded and various mechanisms have been launched to strengthen convergence. These mechanisms work in different fields including security, economic and cultural. These mechanisms are the most important factors for the deepening of convergence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization because they provide the conditions for mutual trust between the member countries of the organization and facilitate cooperation and participation.

The conclusion of this research is that the concept of convergence has been continuously enriched and developed since the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Convergence mechanisms have become more efficient and advanced and various fields of cooperation have expanded, so the possibility of cooperation in this organization has been facilitated and the motivation for the effective participation of the Shanghai Organization in global governance has increased. The organization now has the capacity to act as a driving force for the reconstruction of the new world order, but it should not be forgotten that the organization lacks a "strong collective identity", and there are many internal conflicts among members. The different religions, languages, cultures and histories of each of the member countries prevent the formation of a common identity and the conflicts between India and China, India and Pakistan, as well as Russia and China are so deep that we cannot easily ignore them. Therefore, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization does not have a sufficient condition (strong collective identity) to achieve complete convergence, but in general, the organization has been able to maintain mutual trust among members with agreements and annual meetings of the heads of member states and joint projects. Therefore, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has the necessary condition (mutual trust) for regionalism.

The look to east is the result of oscillating role of internal decision makers influenced by the international structure in Iran’s foreign policy. With Ahmadinejad’s victory, a need to reconsider prioritizations in foreign policy was felt and the topic “look to east” was highlighted in scientific and executive circles pointing out that the existing capacity in foreign policy had not been exploited properly. Thus, a move toward the east and forming a strategic alliance with China was known as one of the capacities which would lead to a more powerful status for Iran. At that period, efforts were made to enhance the place of China in foreign policy. With Rouhani’s election victory, attempts were aimed at focusing on interaction with the West one more time, just like when Executives of Construction Party and Popular Party of Reforms were in power. Since the middle of Rouhani’s government, however, particularly due to the United States withdrawing JCPOA and applying maximum pressure policy, revisions to the foreign policy were made once again and the preference of proactive relationship with China was taken into consideration.During the last 40 years, Iran has been passing a trend full of tension with the West and in the last two decades, regional players have taken a trend of convergence with the West against Iran. Such contradiction is caused Iran to consider a look east approach in order to get rid of isolation in its foreign policy, reduce the impact of sanctions, and increase multilateralism. Ahmadinejad’s coming to power coincided the deadlock in nuclear negotiation with the EU and when the EU proposals were considered by the Iranian authority in opposition to the negotiations in Khatami’s period between the two sides, problems emerged. These factors justify the look to east in foreign policy both in affirmative and negative terms. From negative point of view, these principles are against the structure of the international system and USA approaches. China in spite, did not follow a trend based on convergence with Iran due to the pressure of that same structure. In Rouhani’s time, with the suspension of sanctions and signing JCPOA, the ground was ready for modifying the role of international system structure in Iran’s foreign policy and the trend of approaching the west began. With USA withdrawing JCPOA, maximum pressure policy and reinforcing regional unions against Iran, Rouhani’s government, also affected by the pressure from international system structure, followed a China-centered look east policy. Iran is facing problems regarding its foreign policy which considers international system structure undesirable. This issue became more obvious with the increase of various sanctions during Ahmadinejad and Rouhani’s time including post JCPOA in a way that governments considered finding ways of escaping from pressure of the structure for example by means of shifting foreign relations to some countries or deepening relations with others. Iran-China relation in these governments is affected by these structural situations dominating Iran which is the topic of present study.Research Question: which factors have influenced the place of China in Iran’s look east policy for internal decision makers and international system structure during Ahmadinejad and Rouhani presidency?Research Hypothesis: it is hypothesized that Iran-China relation in both presidents’ periods has been heavily influenced by the international system structure, and the place of China in look east policy has been highlighted more in Rouhani’s period compared to Ahmadinejad’s. In addition, that same structure has in fact turned the attention of internal decision makers toward China.

The present study makes use of compare and contrast methodology. In this article, neoclassical realism has been selected as the theoretical framework and will be explained subsequently.

This article addresses the following factors as giving “look east policy” priority in Ahmadinejad’s period: increasing tension between Iran an Persian Gulf Arabs, counter hegemony balancing, increased deterrence and economic requirements, fighting against international system structure. Furthermore, Iran-China relation during Ahmadinejad’s period in political, economic and military areas has been addressed. Political, economic and military relations of Iran and China in this period was influenced by Iran’s nuclear issue and Western sanctions against Iran. The level of relations reveal that it was Iran who most of the time had the tendency to develop relations with China while China mostly followed political considerations of the western powers. In the following, Rouhani’s foreign policy has been investigated in short and factors leading look east policy out of the focus of foreign policy have been addressed namely, criticizing the relations with east in Ahmadinejad’s government, enhancing the relations with Arab countries in the region, revisioning the relations with west, solving the nuclear issue and desecuritization of Iran which led the look east policy out of the priority of foreign policy in Rouhani’s period. Then, the relation of Iran and China in political, economic and military areas during Rouhani’s presidency has been addressed. The level and quality of the relation of Iran and China was better than that in Ahmadinejad’s period due to the signing of JCPOA.

in fact, our look to east in the last four governments were mostly influenced by structural pressures giving direction to the foreign policy. Thus, our interactions particularly in relation to powers of the east have always had a tactical aspect rather than strategic. As a result, we lacked a pragmatic foreign policy based on internal capabilities and international limitations. Regarding the logic of the look to east and the type of Iran’s relation with China and Russia in last 16 years, it seems that look east policy for Iran at least in this period of time has not been a principal and strategic approach. 16 years of experience has shown that the portion of pressure of international system structure was heavier than the approaches of the governments of this time and such development of relations was not so much dependent on internal factors compared to structural factors.

The South Caucasus refers to the region south of the Great Caucasus Mountains and includes the three countries of Georgia, Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. The region is considered by foreign actors, including the European Union, as a single subgroup of regions. International interventions in the South Caucasus began after the collapse of the Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the European Union paid attention to the surviving countries of the Soviet Union in the Baltic region immediately after independence, but ignored Georgia, Armenia, and the Republic of Azerbaijan, which survived the collapse of the Soviet Union in the South Caucasus A few years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the European Union has gradually shifted its role from one observer to the South Caucasus to an actor with well-defined interests in the region. The reason for this change of approach was the increasing importance of the South Caucasus region for the European Union. The South Caucasus is important to the EU in several ways: the geopolitical position of the region, the existence of energy resources including oil and gas that the EU needs to diversify its energy sources, and the transit position of the region to connect north, south and east and the West that is important to the European Union. The Caucasus region is also important for the EU in terms of security. The European Union is particularly concerned about stability in the South Caucasus due to the geographical proximity of the Caucasus to its borders. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania to the European Union, the EU is bordered by the North and South Caucasus by sea. Also, in case of Turkey's membership in the European Union, this union will be the immediate neighbor of the South Caucasus. Accordingly, security in the South Caucasus has become increasingly important in the overall security of the European Union. Stability in the South Caucasus region, which borders the European Union, also has positive benefits for the EU, as it provides access to the Caspian Sea and beyond, including its energy resources. The existence of unresolved conflicts in the South Caucasus region is another factor in the region's importance to the EU. The EU is interested in managing and assisting in resolving security issues in the Caucasus, as crises in the region could have different consequences for Europe. For example, one of the immediate consequences of insecurity in the Caucasus will be the humanitarian crisis and the influx of refugees from the resurgence of conflict in the region towards Europe.Research Question: This paper examines the question of what regulatory mechanisms the European Union has used in regulating its relations with the countries of the South Caucasus, and how these mechanisms have evolved.Research Hypothesis: The hypothesis of this paper was that the European Union has regulated its relations with the countries of the Caucasus on the basis of the requirements of normative power and, in parallel, has designed and implemented regulatory mechanisms.

The theoretical framework of this paper is normative power theory. Europe has longer-term concerns about instability in the Caucasus, such as the rise of extremism and the spread of organized crime. In such a situation, the European Union has also adopted a normative approach in relations with the countries of the South Caucasus, given that it has established normative power as its international hallmark and based it on its foreign policy. The EU's reliance on normative power has set it apart from other actors in the South Caucasus. In fact, pursuing a normative approach to a kind of foreign Europeanization policy means extending the norms, standards and values of the European Union beyond its political borders. Through a normative approach, the European Union pursues goals such as strengthening human rights, democratization, the rule of law and strengthening good governance within the framework of its normative power in the target countries. The instruments of this policy are support for institutionalization, trade liberalization, economic reform, cohesion in legislation, and assistance in resolving disputes. The bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, the European Neighborhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership, and other special cooperation and assistance programs have been concluded within this framework.

The findings show that the regulatory mechanisms of EU-South Caucasus relations are influenced by the complexities of regional relations and different strategic approaches of the countries of the region for relations with the EU, as well as the acceptance of the principle of differentiation and principled pragmatism in EU foreign policy and moved from holistic multilateralism based on the normative approach towards differentiated bilateralism based on realism. Within this framework, the mechanism includes concluding partnership and bilateral cooperation agreements, establishing a neighborhood policy, appointing an EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus, the Black Sea Cooperation Initiative, the Eastern Partnership program and new bilateral agreements over a period of about 30 years.

The evolution of the EU's approach to the South Caucasus shows that Brussels is gradually has withdrawn form its normative ambitions in its relations with the countries of this region and with taking into account the objective facts, has taken a flexible approach to examining the various interests and aspirations of the South Caucasus countries. As a result, the process of regulating the mechanisms governing the EU's relations with the countries of the South Caucasus has shifted from pervasive multilateralism to differentiated bilateralism.

In the discussion of types of identity, national identity can be introduced as one of its types. The importance of the concept of national identity compared to other collective identities lies in its great impact on different spheres of life in every social system. Therefore, National identity is the most pervasive and at the same time the most legitimate level of identity in all social systems. Various factors, including education, are influential in the formation and development of this identity. Among these, textbooks used in the educational system of countries are significant because the content of textbooks is one of the main sources which can have a serious impact on strengthening or weakening national identity.Research Question: In this regard, the current research seeks to answer the question, what is the quality of different aspects of national identity in the textbooks of Iran and Afghanistan?

By examining the three-year secondary school books of the two countries, 17 common books in both educational systems were selected as a statistical sample. Then the six dimensions of national identity were identified and coded in all these books (1703 pages of Iranian textbooks) and (1452 pages of Afghan textbooks).Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are): As an applied research, the current research intends to analyze the data by applying the content analysis method and measuring the frequency of the mentioned indicators in the text; in this way, first, the indicators proposed in the text and images of each lesson of the textbook were examined and then we will analyze the results of the findings. The face validity of the indicators was also done based on the agreement of the professors. Therefore, the analysis unit of "word" and "symbol" is defined and the data is checked based on "book". After collecting the required data, by entering the data into the computer and in the Excel environment, it is processed and its results are displayed in the form of tables that show the frequency and also the percentage of each of the relevant indicators. It should be noted that the library method was used to collect information in the subject and background literature. The textbooks of Dari history, language and literature, Islamic or religious education, the electronic version of which were extracted from the two websites of the Iranian textbook database and the website of the Ministry of Education of Afghanistan. The amount of resources examined in this research is based on the final edition of 2016. In this sense, the sampling was purposeful.

 In relation to secondary school textbooks in the educational system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the results indicate that the emphasis on different aspects of national identity in the content of secondary Persian literature books is not balanced and has significant differences in such a way that the emphasis on four of the nine dimensions examined in this research, which includes the components of the flag, national anthem, native clothes and historical places is insignificant compared to other components. Also, the level of emphasis and attention to the mentioned dimensions in the history textbook has been similarly seen as inconsistencies and imbalances in the content of the mentioned books. In the second and third year books, only the dimensions related to the official calendar and indigenous art are emphasized and other dimensions of national identity are neglected. Finally, in the books of religion and life of three years of high school, there is basically no news of attention and emphasis on these dimensions and only a small percentage is dedicated to the dimension of national elites and celebrities.In connection with high school textbooks in the education system of Afghanistan; the results show that the emphasis on various dimensions of national identity in the content of high school Dari language and literature textbooks has a significant imbalance and this time according to the official calendar, flag and national anthem, other dimensions of national identity have been neglected. This imbalance is repeated in the history books of the high school of this country and it is observed that other dimensions have been clearly neglected only by emphasizing the dimensions related to the elites and celebrities and historical places.

In terms of comparison, the level of attention of the two countries to the nine dimensions of national identity can be explained as follows: Based on the analysis of the data obtained from the nine dimensions of national identity in Iran's secondary school books, the amount of attention and emphasis on these dimensions in Afghan books has been more than that of its neighbor. But the interesting thing is that the dimensions of the flag and the national anthem, which are actually the first steps of the young generation to get to know their national identity, have been given considerable attention in the high school textbooks of Afghanistan while in the high school books of Iran this issue has been severely neglected.What is clear is that in the comparison of other countries of the world, in both countries under study, the quantity and quality of attention to the dimensions of national identity is low and it should be analyzed with double precision and then promoted in the educational policy of identity issues. One of the important steps in this field can be the balanced distribution of identity categories in the content of textbooks, a point that has been neglected so far. In this process, the dimensions should be distributed in such a way that the Iranian-Islamic content of the identity of the two countries is taken into consideration and quantitatively and qualitatively solve the identity needs of the young generation, especially in the period of adolescence which is considered the period of identity search.

Central Asia is geopolitically landlocked, demographically sparsely populated, economically underdeveloped and politically unimportant, but it has often been the subject of great powers competition. In the 19th century, this region was considered the center of the “Great Game” and in the 20th century, it was one of the points of friction between the Eastern and Western blocs. Today, US, China, Russia and India are the four main competing powers in Central Asia which are trying to dominate the region in order to reach the hegemonic position at the regional and international levels. Therefore, it seems that the competition of great powers is among the most effective factors in the international order in different regions, including Central Asia. Among the above-mentioned four great powers, it seems that the role of China and India needs to be investigated more than others because they play an increasing role in the order of this region and have been studied and researched less than Russia and the United States. China and India are usually seen as two emerging powers that sometimes face each other in terms of global power balance, regional rivalries, issues related to hard power and even economic issues. Among the regions where China and India seem to compete is Central Asia. The growing interests of these two states in Central Asia have disrupted the traditional “Great Game” in the heart of Asia. Although India still cannot compete with China’s strong influence in Central Asia, over time it has strengthened its positions in this region. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to address how the regional order of Central Asia is in the light of India-China rivalry.Research Question: The question raised here is what role India and China have played in maintaining regional order in Central Asia. The answer to this question is especially important because the competition between these two states in Central Asia is expanding and both are great power candidates in the near future.Research Hypothesis: Here, relying on the model of “Great Power Management”, it can be assumed that China and India have helped to maintain order in the region in the first step by managing their mutual competition in general and in the second step by curbing their regional conflicts in Central Asia.

The hypothesis has been tested using the combined method. On the one hand, by using the comparative method, the practice of China and India in order building in Central Asia is studied and On the other hand, the role of a factor (great powers) in a specific phenomenon (Central Asian regional order) is investigated with the functional explanatory method. In this article, the theory of the English school of IR and especially its emphasis on the role of great powers in the international order is applied. According to the English School of International Relations, one of the institutions that play a role in maintaining international order is “Great Power Management”. The role of great powers in ensuring international order is due to the inequality of governments in accessing power, but its performance also requires the recognition and approval of others.

In order to maintain regional order, great powers should focus on managing their bilateral relations in the first step. In this case, we have especially witnessed that China and India have moved in this direction by supporting and maintaining the balance of power at the level of international system. Since the sphere of influence of great powers goes beyond their surrounding areas, therefore, any change in the balance of power in international system also affects their bilateral relations. Therefore, maintaining the balance of power in international system is one of the factors affecting their mutual relations. Bilateral relations between China and India is no exception to this rule. The second step that great powers must take to maintain regional order is related to their behavior in the disputed region. One of the prominent strategies of great powers in managing regional order and preventing conflicts with other powers is to use their local superiority to control conflicts that can turn into crises if they escalate. According to this view, after the Cold War, China has achieved a significant position in Central Asia and in many cases has used its local priority to prevent the spread of existing crises. On the other hand, India has respected China’s spheres of influence and has avoided a strong reaction due to its delayed influence in Central Asia.

The regional order of Central Asia is largely influenced by the approaches and behaviors of the major powers operating there. Although India and China are not “great powers” in the strict sense, but according to their plans, efforts and vision, they can be included among the current main players and great power candidates in the international system. These two countries have played a prominent role in the regional order of Central Asia. In order to maintain regional order, major powers should focus on managing their bilateral relations in the first step. In this context, it has been especially observed that China and India have sought to support and maintain the balance of power in the international system. Moreover, New Delhi and Beijing have not allowed the crisis in their bilateral relations to get out of control and create widespread and uncontrollable tensions. The third strategy in this field refers to the joint action of India and China in Central Asia, which has been carried out in the form of joint institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Therefore, these two powers have played a significant role in the regional order of Central Asia.

This article seeks to compare the opportunities and challenges of economic projects of China and Russia in Central Asia for Iran. Considering the importance of the current research, it can be said that the analysis of the threats and opportunities of the presence of Russia and China in Central Asia is important for Iran from this point of view, which helps policy makers in the political and security fields to draw the appropriate security environment in the region based on current and future developments as well as the relationship between the presence of these two powers in the region with its regional threats and opportunities within the framework of the national interests of Iran and Central Asia. In line with the necessity of this research, it can be said that the increasing presence of China and Russia in the region while intensifying the competition, can become a serious competitor for Iran in the field of energy transit, transportation of goods and economic programs, etc. which itself can pose a big challenge for national interests of Iran.Research Question: What are the threats and opportunities for Iran in implementing the China-Russian economic projects in Central Asia?Research Hypothesis: Due to the qualitative, exploratory and constructive nature of the article, we refrain from presenting hypothesis.

Based the content analysis method and thematic matrix type with indirect observation (text analysis), the research data has been collected in the form of targeted sampling from existing documents (traditional and virtual, including books, websites, articles and research). Then, through thematic coding, the research data were coded and basic themes were organized and comprehensive opportunities and threats of Russian and Chinese economic projects in Central Asia were identified and finally, it was compared and analyzed in terms of opportunities and challenges as well as commonalities and differences. In the validation method, the qualitative findings of the research are evaluated and controlled by auditing relevant experts and specialists and applying their opinions regarding the qualitative findings of the research and forming a focused group consisting of 6 experts (in the fields of regional studies and international relations).

The common features of the economic programs of Russia and China in Central Asia for Iran in terms of opportunities are as follows: On the one hand, the geopolitical importance of Iran is discussed and on the other, the issue of expanding Iran's relations with the countries involved in these economic projects is considered. In addition, the difference between the economic plans of Russia and China in Central Asia for Iran can also be discussed from this point of view: in terms of challenge, negative political and economic consequences for Iran caused by the implementation of Russian economic plans on the one hand and the formation of tension and disruption of the balance of interests between the countries involved in China’s economic plan can also be raised from the other side.

The obtained results show that Iran's opportunities in Russia's energy transfer plans in Central Asia include the use of Russia's capacity by Iran to deal with regional and extra-regional threats in the field of energy because Iran can take advantage of Russia's opposition to Turkey’s presence in the region and transfer its energy resources and even sell its oil and gas through Russia. The threat of Russia's energy transit plans in Central Asia for Iran has led to tension between Iran and Russia over energy transfer in Central Asia because Russia and Iran have not reached an agreement on the issue of energy transfer in Central Asia and at the same time the Russian Federation intends to Iran remove Iran from the cycle of energy transmission in Central Asia.In addition, increasing Iran’s relationship with the Eurasian region will make the sanctions ineffective. The threat of the economic plan of the Eurasian Union in Central Asia for Iran will be the possible negative political and economic consequences due to its membership; The threats of the economic plan of the Eurasian Union in Central Asia for Iran will equal to having negative political and economic consequences due to its membership because they will lead to various security and legal crises for Iran. At the same time, the Eurasian Union does not have the necessary competitive advantage over other countries, especially China and India. Being overly optimistic about this plan due to China's geopolitical ambitions will not have pleasant consequences for Iran, Russia and the countries of the region. The similarities between the two economic plans of Russia in Central Asia for Iran include the expansion of Iran's relations with Russia and the countries involved in the economic plans. The difference between Russia's economic plans in Central Asia for Iran is the emergence of conflict and tension between Iran and Russia with the implementation of the energy transit routes and also having negative trans-regional political and economic consequences for Iran with the implementation of the Eurasia plan.

The gradual emergence of China was an important fact in the first decades of the 21st century and increased the likelihood of a change of power in the future. Naturally, it has had important international, regional and national consequences for other great powers, as well as Russia. Russia's response to the Chinese uprising is more significant given its proximity. These are the important questions for this article, how can one explain Russia's pattern of attitude towards Chinese power?The hypothesis is that although Russia sees the Chinese uprising as a threat to the future, it has to deal with it because of the security problems with the West and has pursued a multiple policy in the face of the possibility of a change of power in the international system. Russia has also welcomed the rise of China to balance Western threats but it is trying to reduce China's potential danger in the future by reaching out to the West and concluding a proper agreement. To test this hypothesis, we try to analyze the issue of China's rise and Russia's reaction by analyzing the qualitative content of existing data and documents. The main achievement of this article is that it shows us more clearly the future state of international politics, its effects on the great powers, as well as the regional atmosphere of Iran and especially the logic of the behavior of Eastern powers and the future perspective of the new Iranian president.The issue of power transfer in the international system, especially in recent years, has become an important topic in the analysis of international politics. The emergence of non-Western powers and the formation of institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS and substantive changes in the international system have led to the complexity and multi-polarity, multi-level and networking of the international system and have presented opportunities and challenges for Russian and other international actors. On the one hand, Russia's position has been fragile due to the problems caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the threats in its strategic environment, the attempt to return to part of its former position and the conflict with the newly independent states. In addition, China's slow emergence in the economic sphere has been a reality in the first decades of the 21st century and has created opportunities for a transition in power in the coming decades. This is an issue that will pose significant challenges for the United States and the great powers, as well as Russia.Research Question: What the authors of this article are looking for is Russia's response to the major power shifts in its neighborhood and the question of how Russia will react to the Chinese uprising, and in fact, how can the Kremlin's pattern of behavior be explained?Research Hypothesis: The authors of the article have hypothesized that despite China's threat from Russia's perspective, further cooperation with China is inevitable due to its current problems with the West, such as deployment of missile shields, NATO expansion and interference in its internal affairs. Moscow, therefore, has pursued a multifaceted policy toward the possibility of shifting power in the international system and in order to balance Western threats, is now welcoming the rise of China. At the same time, in an effort to build good relations with the West and reach an appropriate agreement, these measures will reduce China's potential dangers in the future.

To examine the hypothesis of the article, we have tried to analyze the variables of the hypothesis and the relationships between them by analyzing the qualitative content of data and documents available in websites of research centers, libraries and the views of international policy experts.We have used the "power shift theory" to test the article hypothesis. Of course, we have tried to take a thoughtful look at an analytical model to examine Russia's reactions to China's growing power.  To test the paper hypothesis, we choose the power transfer theory and the analytical model of the reaction of other great powers, then we come to three modes, which are:First, accepting the new situation and accompanying the emerging power.Second, not accepting the status quo and trying to achieve a new status quo;Third, unstable behaviors, acceptance and then protest and attempts to rebuild power.

To begin the discussion, we first present the background of the research, then the theoretical foundations of the transfer of power and the reaction of governments, and in the next section we discuss the emergence of China and the possibility of transfer of power to achieve a result. In the following, we will discuss China’s impact on Russia's security and regional environment, and then Russia's policies and actions towards China. Finally, by concluding our discussions, we show the future perspective.

We conclude that the Russia has been sensitive to China's gradual rise for a variety of reasons and is exposed to its effects. Based on the findings of this article, it became clear that given Russia's international position, geostrategic regional proximity, China's growing role in the Central Asian region, as well as long borders, the gradual impact is strong. China is vital to Russia. Finally, as long as Russia is unable to obtain security guarantees for its national and regional security environment from the West, it will have to abandon its favorable balancing policy between China and the West and work strategically with China to balance the West. Of course, this will not be a good strategy for Russia and does not correspond to the realistic and pragmatic logic of the political culture of the Russian governments.

The Second Karabakh War resulted in a significant shift in the regional balance of power, as Russia and Turkey increased their influence to shape the changing geopolitics of the South Caucasus. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Iran’s policy in the South Caucasus has been based on preventing a full-scale war and maintaining the status quo in the region especially in the context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, Tehran has never presented an initiative to mitigate geopolitical disputes or promote economic integration in the South Caucasus. At the theoretical level, the idea of regionalism in Iran’s foreign policy has usually been discussed from three perspectives: security-geopolitical, geo-economic and identity-civilizational. At the practical level, the main challenge for Iranian regionalism over the past four decades has been to create a balance between these divergent approaches. In a general view, the second war in Nagorno-Karabakh actually required the renewal of major geostrategic structures in the South Caucasus. While regional stakeholders such as Turkey and Russia aspired for a greater role through their operational-diplomatic initiatives, Tehran's passive response to regional geopolitical change made it clear that Iran had no strategic vision to shape these developments. As a result of the weak engagement, Iran is sidelined in emerging geopolitics of the South Caucasus in strategic terms.Research Question: The purpose of this article is to explain the reasons for the lack of regionalism in Iran's foreign policy in the South Caucasus. The main question is; what factors are at play in explaining Iran’s regionalism in the South Caucasus? How can we understand the reasons behind Iran's lack of regionalism in the South Caucasus in a systematic way?Research Hypothesis: This paper presents two interrelated arguments by providing a multi-level explanation. First, the Systemic pressures and lack of strategic vision of regionalism in foreign policy have isolated Iran in its neighboring regions. Second, the relative dominance of the security-geopolitical approach and at the same time, the centrality of the Arab Middle East to Iran’s regional policy, has increasingly marginalized other neighboring regions especially the South Caucasus.

In order to explain the main idea of the research, this article uses the analytical method of inductive-deductive reasoning. An Inductive- deductive mixed reasoning has been used in this article and it is tried to take advantage of the collected data in order to achieve a proper pattern for analyzing the status and implications of Iran’s regionalism in the South Caucuses.  In the prism of latest developments in theoretical literature of Regionalism, this article frames its main contribution by highlighting this main theoretical argument; Contrary to Western-oriented approaches, today the concept and requirements of regionalism are significantly different with regions and regionalism taking a quasi-autonomous role in shaping regional policies and in addressing different issues and areas with the rise of new actors and alliances in the regions. 

In the aftermath of the 2020 Karabakh war, emerging geopolitical realities convinced Iran to start rearranging its foreign policy in the South Caucasus and abandon its traditional policy of neutrality. Although the regionalism projects proposed by others could be a favorable ground for Tehran to strengthen cooperation with all stakeholders in the region, the major trend of Iran's foreign policy towards regionalism in the South Caucasus is not yet visible on the horizon.  In the meantime, while Iran has a rather open view toward the regionalist projects presented by Russia and Turkey, it views Western proposals as potential drivers of divergence rather than convergence aimed, among other things, at isolating Iran in its neighboring regions. Although the collapse of the Soviet Union had provided a significant space for regional powers to play an active role in the South Caucasus, Iran's engagement in this region and its relations with its neighbors have been limited. Except for Armenia, which has real political reasons in maintaining the balance in the conflict with Azerbaijan over Karabakh, Iran has not had close relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan and Georgia. In a general look, Iran's foreign policy in the South Caucasus has been mostly passive and a security-oriented approach. Over the last decades, Western powers, the US in particular, have made an increasing effort to securitize Iran’s regional behavior in the South Caucasus. By adopting the “everything without Iran policy”, the United States has sought to weaken Iran's role in transit corridors, energy transits and even cultural initiatives. Under the influence of the West's comprehensive Iranophobia policy, in order to weaken Iran’s strategic connections with its neighbors, a security and aggressive image of Iran's foreign policy has been portrayed in the eyes of its Caucasian neighbors especially Azerbaijan and Georgia.

Given the transition in the international system and the importance of regions in the structure of global governance, the development of cooperation with neighbors and active regionalism in the neighboring regions, especially the South Caucasus, is gradually becoming a strategic necessity in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Despite this, Iran is facing many international and domestic challenges in pursuing an active regionalism. Although the Raeisi administration seeks to develop the neighborhood policy and redefine the role and strategic position of Iran in the surrounding regions, it seems that at least in the foreseeable future, Tehran is incapable of designing and implementing an active regionalist approach in the South Caucasus independently.

Power (geopolitical) rivalries in the foreign policy of countries have long had a major impact on the formation of relations between them. Among these, geopolitical foundations are one of the most important variables influencing the formation of foreign policy. The proximity of the Islamic Republic of Iran to various geopolitical and geostrategic regions is one of the most important opportunities related to foreign policy. In order to achieve national goals and interests in its foreign policy, Iran must consider the geopolitical foundations of its geopolitical position and geostrategy, especially in relation to its neighbors. Meanwhile, Turkey, as one of Iran's most important neighbors and actors in the Eurasian region, in order to achieve national goals and interests in its foreign policy, is forced to communicate in various fields and this necessitates the study of relations between the two countries. The present research is applied in terms of the type of research and is qualitative in terms of method which is the type of record-keeping method used. The findings of the research show that in accordance with the policies adopted by both countries in this region, the Islamic Republic of Iran in terms of geopolitical components which includes economic, security, cultural components and such in order to achieve maximum national interests has chosen relations with Turkey from interactive to competitive.The Eurasian region has a special place in the policies of regional and supra-regional powers due to its special geopolitical, geo-economic and geostrategic position. In the meantime, the two countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey, due to being located in this region, have always tried to take steps towards their national goals by adopting different policies and thereby secure their national interests. Both countries are trying to expand their influence in the region, given the capabilities and limitations of their foreign policy. On the other hand, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the opening of new borders, not only did the military threat against Iran diminish, but it also created a variety of new opportunities for Iran. In addition to common religion, Iran has historical, ethnic and cultural ties with most of the republics of Central Asia and the Caucasus, as well as with some of these countries. Also in terms of geopolitical issues, first, none of these republics has direct access to open waters, and secondly, the Central Asian region is located as a barrier between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation. Therefore, the I. R. Iran must formulate its foreign policy strategy in such a way that by utilizing its geopolitical infrastructure, it can achieve its national interests with Turkey in the Eurasian region. Since every research revolves around one or more key questions due to its research focus, the research questions are:Research Question: What are the effects of the geopolitical foundations of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran on relations with Turkey in Eurasia?Research Hypothesis: In response to the research question, we can say that geopolitical foundations (regional competition, economic, ideological, political and security issues) have dual and contradictory effects on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation to Turkey; as it formulates the geopolitical relations between the two countries in an interactive-competitive way.

The present research is qualitative in terms of method. Documentary and library methods have been used to collect reliable and first-hand data. In this way, by identifying the most reliable sources related to the research topic, the files were taken and then analyzed in a logical order. Therefore, the paper has used comparative methods, analysis using library, and documentary data.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey are the main regional actors that play a prominent role in several geographical areas separately in terms of geopolitical weight and identity. Iran and Turkey, using their Iranian-Turkish identity, have sought to influence strategic regions by linking their principles and values to regional issues, in particular the leadership of ideological movements and non-governmental actors. In fact, these two actors are pursuing their national interests in connection with regional policies. Accordingly, instability has become a major feature of bilateral relations. However, ideological differences, geopolitical concerns and regional rivalry between the two countries have sometimes turned into crises. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the limitation of new possibilities and opportunities arising from the developments in Central Asia and the Caucasus, as well as the policies of the West, especially the United States, against Iran's influence in the southern part of the Soviet Union, led to the emergence of new governments.

As discussed earlier, as we move away from the emergence of these new nations in Central Asia and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the governments of Iran and Turkey are aware of the dangers of over-competition especially in the economic and energy sectors (Oil and gas) and also by discovering areas of joint cooperation, including security issues that both countries faced, they have tried to reduce the scope of competition and their relationship towards cooperation or at least a mixture of cooperation and competition. Of course, it should be emphasized that geopolitically, the two countries, despite having sometimes-conflicting interests are forced to cooperate with each other and as the course of relations between the two shows, the two countries cannot have long-term strained relations. In short, the rivalry between Iran and Turkey in Eurasia is not a worrying issue for Iran, especially given the turmoil in the surrounding countries. The Caucasus is more geopolitically important, but Russia’s influence and activities in that region overshadow the sense of rivalry between Iran and Turkey. The same is true of Central Asia. In both regions, Russia remains the main power and its political influence is much greater than that of Iran and Turkey.

Economic and trade relations between Russia and Finland have been transforming under the influence of global and regional trends. Russia has always emphasized its interest in enhancing mutually beneficial cooperation with Finland based on investments, technology transfer, industrial cooperation and increasing the share of non-resource non-energy goods in turnover. There is an interest in bringing high-tech and high-quality Finnish industrial products and providing them an opportunity to participate in large-scale public industrial projects. Russia is at the same time a substantial threat and opportunity in Finnish foreign policy. Finland's foreign policy towards Russia is based on two pillars: defense (the need for military deterrence) and economic (the need for broad relations). The main focus of the article is on this second pillar. In fact, so established and sacred was this pillar of foreign policy that the term ‘Finlandisation’ arose, many decades ago, as a description of when a country is induced to favour, or refrain from opposing, the interests of a more powerful country, despite not being politically allied to it. History and geography are two critical factors that have made Finland and Russia inherent economic partners. Finland's management of relations with Russia is a unique example that has set an example for many countries worldwide. The economic integration between Finland and Russia has occurred almost by itself without any tremendous public effort. However, determination in policy-making can help integrate Finland and Russia's economies even further. The complicated relations with Russia can be seen as Finland's historical dilemma: neighboring Russia but now a part of the West, Finland's room for maneuver is not self-evident and requires constant management.Research Question: All things considered, it begs the question in this regard, it begs the question how have economic factors affected the direction of Finland's foreign policy towards Russia? Examining the order of this process is also essential.Research Hypothesis: This article hypothesizes that energy, along with trade in goods and services, are the most important economic variables that have led to the pursuit of resilience and normative strategies, resulting in mutual vulnerability in Finnish-Russian interactions.

The paper uses the theory of asymmetric interdependence based on Keohen and Nye vulnerabilities. Accordingly, the economy is sensitive to the extent that it is exposed to costs inflicted from the outside before policies are introduced to change the situation; it is vulnerable to the extent that it is exposed to costs inflicted from the outside after policies have been applied. If outside costs can be imposed on a country in the form of higher prices for a commodity that is important to its economy, for instance, oil, then that country is sensitive. Suppose the country has some means to change this situation, either by switching its source of imports using trade sanctions in some way by military force. Then it is not vulnerable. If prices of these commodities go up and the country can do nothing about it, it is both sensitive and vulnerable. This distinction can be beneficial when dealing with economic interdependence. Descriptive statistics are brief descriptive coefficients that summarize a given data set, which can represent the entire population or a sample of a population. The research method is a combination of descriptive statistics and field research. Descriptive statistics are broken down into measures of central tendency and measures of variability (spread). Descriptive statistics, in short, help describe and understand the features of a specific data set by giving short summaries about the sample and measures of the data.

Russia offer significant opportunities for the Finnish business sector. Finland's trade has overgrown in the 2000s, and Russia is becoming Finland's most important trade partner.

The study's findings suggest that Russia is using energy to advance its policies towards Finland with a geo-economics approach. Finland is also vulnerable in trade in goods, but it has the upper hand in services. The sum of these two constants has led to interdependence in the relationship between them. Besides Finnish Russian trade's development, the business between the two affects more. Among the other cities in the development corridor, Finnish knowledge and competitiveness help Northern Europe's economic development. A recession outcome would need an escalation in war and/or more severe deterioration in energy and raw material markets. Nonetheless, growth will decline and inflation will spike.

Energy security is a high priority for Germany as an industrialized country and any disruption in this issue will severely damage the country's economic strength and security. Russia's conflicts with Eastern European states, the European Union and NATO since the collapse of the Soviet Union have made it clear to Germany that energy security is fragile given the high potential for conflict between the two sides. Therefore, in response to the concern that in case of any disruption in the transmission of Russian natural gas by the countries of Ukraine, Belarus and Poland to the countries of the European Union, how to supply the energy needed by the members of this union caused the German government to sign the Nord Stream 2 project with Russia despite serious opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States. This project is supposed to transfer Russian gas through the Baltic Sea from the port city of Ust-Luga to the port city of Greifswald in Germany through two pipelines for a distance of more than 1200 km. The capacity of these pipelines is about 55 billion cubic meters of gas per year. This pipeline, along with the Nord Stream 1 pipeline alone, can supply 110 billion cubic meters of gas needed by Europe, which constitutes a large part of Europe's gas imports from Russia. The Nord Stream 2 project, which was halted and ultimately sanctioned due to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, was supposed to transport Russian gas directly to Germany without any intermediaries but due to the impact it could have on the security and interests of some members of the European Union and the United States, it caused us to see conflicts of interest between some European Union countries with Germany and Russia, Germany and the United States, and between Russia and the United States.Research Question: What is the reason for the support of Germany and Russia, as well as the opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States to the Nord Stream 2 project?Research Hypothesis: The research hypothesis is based on the different effects that the Nord Stream 2 project can have on the interests and security of Germany, Russia, some members of the European Union and the United States which has caused the support of Germany, Russia and also the opposition of some members of the European Union and the United States to the Nord Stream 2 project.

To answer the research question and test the hypothesis, the authors have used the qualitative method of multiple case studies to analyze the impact of the Nord Stream 2 project on the national security and interests of Germany, Russia, the United States and some members of the European Union. The data collection was also done in a library method and documents were collected as one of the methods of information collection and they were monitored using multiple case studies. In this way, at first the data was collected by referring to the sources related to the topic using note-taking tools and then the collected data was analyzed with a descriptive-analytical approach in the conceptual framework of Neo-realism theory and in this way, it has been tried to test the research hypothesis and answer the research question.

The results obtained from this article indicate that ensuring Germany's energy security in light of Russia's conflicts with the countries of the Eastern European region, the European Union and NATO, promoting Germany's centrality in the field of energy and converting it into a political and economic center of energy in the European Union, Stabilizing Germany's position and political and economic influence in Russia and eliminating fluctuations in the final gas transit price is one of the main reasons for Germany's support for this project. Diversification of energy transfer policy from Russia to Europe due to the high capacity of non-transit energy transfer from third countries to Germany, gain enormous revenues from gas exports in light of Russia's dependence on oil and gas revenues and the Provide Russia with a powerful tool to counter the anti-Russian policies of Eastern European countries, as well as the United States and Western institutions are the main reasons of Russian’s support for the Nord Stream 2project.On the other hand, the European Union's greater dependence on Russian energy, concern about Russia's instrumental use of this project, deprivation of income from gas transit, ignoring the essential role of Poland and Ukraine in transferring Russian gas to Europe and removing their leverage over Russia, the impact of this project on the US sanctions and goals against Russia and the economic interests of this country in the European energy market is the main reason why some members of the European Union, especially Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the United States, oppose the Nord Stream 2 project.

In this article, using the propositions of the neorealist approach, we examined the interests of Germany, Russia, the European Union, and the United States in relation to the Nord Stream 2 project and the reasons for their support and opposition to this project. According to Neo-realist statements, due to the anarchic structure of the international system, governments seek to increase their power in various ways to achieve their national interests. At the top of national interests is survival and security and any strategy that can achieve this in the best way will be the priority of countries' foreign policy. Therefore, according to the results of this article, countries such as Germany, Russia, some members of the European Union and the United States have a realistic view of the Nord Stream 2 project and considering the effects that this project can have on the security and national interests of these countries, Germany and Russia have supported this project and some members of the European Union and the United States have opposed it.

The concept of strategic culture has been used in the field of international relations, foreign policy and national security. There are several definitions of strategic culture but there is still no agreement on a definition that is universally accepted by researchers and policy makers. However, in most definitions, it is agreed that strategic culture is the product of a country's geography, history and shared narratives that shape its dominant worldview and guide its response to challenges and threats.Strategic culture has emerged as an alternative perspective in international relations due to the inability of realism and neorealism theories to explain the behavior of governments during the Cold War. In its development, there are three generations of strategic culture thinkers that have different understanding of this concept. In the first generation, strategic culture is a perspective to analyze how a state behaves in the face of threats. In the second generation, strategic decisions are based on the attitudes and beliefs of leaders whereas the third generation, strategic decisions are based on the system of symbols that develop in a state. The perspective of strategic culture believes that internal factors such as geopolitical situation, historical experiences, political culture and ideology determine the performance of a government and response to challenges. Although it is closely related to the military aspect, the perspective of strategic culture explains the government's behavior in response to the new nature of threats that have arisen because of globalization, including terrorism and cultural conflicts. The purpose of this article is to analyze the strategic culture of Iran and Russia and its effect on the relations between the two countries.Russia's strategic culture comes from the intersection of political, military and economic culture. It is rooted in the geographic and spiritual parameters of Russian history. Geopolitics, authoritarianism, pragmatism and global responsibility are sources of Russia's strategic culture. Political behavior and military strategy of Iran is shaped by its strategic culture which is influenced by that country’s religious and political ideology, geography, historical roots and international / regional environment. Specifically, Shi’ism is an important component in Iran’s foreign policy decisions. Historical experiences dating back to centuries ago left a legacy of a deep sense of strategic isolation and foreigners had repeatedly invaded insecurity for Iranians, as their land. The final strategic goals of Iran are to maintain national sovereignty, achieve long-term cultural, political, economic and military development and strengthening its role and influence as a regional and global power considering Iran's size, capabilities and historical experience.Research Question: What effect has strategic culture had on bilateral and regional relations between Iran and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union?Research Hypothesis: The strategic culture has prevented the creation of a model of stable interaction and strategic relations between Iran and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

This article examines Iran-Russia relations in the framework of theoretical foundations of strategic culture with Qualitative method and in-depth analytical approach.

A key element of Russia's strategic culture is its long history of war and troubled relations with the West. The revivals of Eurasianism, near abroad policy and increasing its military power have been a response to its perceived vulnerability in the world and towards the West in particular. Strategic ambiguity, deterrence and pragmatism are the basis of Iran's actions in the framework of strategic culture. Geopolitics, pragmatism, historical experiences and deterrence against the West are common components of the strategic culture of Iran and Russia. In order to understand the strategic culture of the two countries, military and foreign policy doctrines, as well as the attitude of their leaders and officials should be taken into consideration. Analyzing the relations between Iran and Russia in the framework of strategic culture provides the possibility of pathology of relations and formulation of a comprehensive strategy and regulation of neighborhood policy to ensure national interests and security.

According to the strategic culture components of Iran and Russia, the two countries have different perceptions of strategic relations. Relations between Iran and Russia have been described as a rapprochement based on cautious partnership. Contrary to Iran’s strategic culture, Russia's strategic culture is aggressive in nature. The threat of the West has provided the basis for the rapprochement of the positions of Iran and Russia, but the anti-American positions do not create a basis for the cooperation of the two countries. According to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, establishing strategic relations with Iran creates a challenge for Russia's interests in the Middle East. Russia's priority is relations with countries that take advantage of their geopolitical position and political and military capacity to interact with the West. Therefore, Iran and Russia consider each other as temporary allies in order to achieve their goals, interests and repel threats. Realism and separation of interests is a prerequisite for creating a model of sustainable interaction between the two countries.