فصلنامه مطالعات آسیای مرکزی و قفقاز
پیاپی 117 (بهار 1401)

Afghanistan , as an  example of multi-ethnic , multi-racial, multi-lingual , multi-religious, multi-historic and multi-geographical  countries has witnessed Taliban’s 2nd governance  and the collapse of the government for the 6th times in the last 48 years. Given the arrogance created in Taliban, concerning the expulsion of the US from the Afghanistan soil, and the Taliban record of governance from 1996 to 2001, and given their current practices, the human rights in Afghanistan including the women’s conditions, health and education, Afghanistan is in an inappropriate situation. The parties involved in Afghanistan are still perpetrating gross violations of international human rights, such as war crimes and other gross infringements of human rights. The proponents of human rights, women rights activists, newspaper staff, health and humanitarian workers, and religious and ethnic minorities were among those targeted by the Taliban and non-governmental actors. During the Taliban takeover of the country, a wave of revenge killings engulfed the country. Thousands, mostly of Shia Hazeras, were forcefully expelled. The little progress made in improvement of women’s rights was reversed under the Taliban rule. The rights of gatherings and freedom of speech were severely restricted. Access to healthcare and international aids were halted. Therefore, the current research intends, while addressing the human rights conditions in Afghanistan under the 2nd Taliban rule, to examine the statements, regulations, and agendas declared by the US, and probe the US responsibility in present situation in Afghanistan.

The purpose of this research is examination and analysis of the UN performance in settling the Afghanistan crisis from 1979 to the end of 2021 which has been conducted using the descriptive method based on collecting data through looking into the archived sources of the UN and with the Descriptive-Analytical method. The paper intends to answer the question, How has the UN performance been in solving the Afghanistan crisis? The thesis of the research is indicating that, though the UN as one of the most influential international governmental institutions, has made great efforts to resolve the Afghanistan Crisis using  its main institutions like the Security Council, the General assembly and the General Secretary , and by implementing and executing the legal measures, under the resolutions 6 and 7 of the UN Charter , as well as political measures by the general secretary and his special envoy , and Institution-Building through supervising the execution of the resolutions and measures for settling the Afghanistan crisis , in resolving the crisis in Afghanistan it has not been completely successful. The findings of this research have been examined using the Michael Brecher rules and principles of the analytical model of the international crises, and are indicative of the fact that the UN, despite enjoying high levels of independence and legitimacy on the international level, has not had a successful performance in resolving the Afghanistan crisis, and has acted passively and non-strategically, due to its structural weakness and substantive dependence.

Expansion of NATO and the EU to the East created an atmosphere of strategic uncertainty in Western government relations with Russia, at the cost of intensification of security issue all over Central Eurasia and prompted Moscow into taking tough, and in some cases inconsistent with regional peace and stability, decisions. In these conditions, the convergence of the governments desiring change of global governance can alleviate the aggressive behavior towards the arrogance system and pursue the concept of change in the status quo in a more peaceful manner. The present paper explains this approach based on the impact of “Iran’s Special Ties with Russia in Strategic Spheres” on “Predictability of Moscow Behaviors and Alleviation of Security Challenge in Central Eurasia due to Change of Equation of Russia’s Foreign and Defense Policy from Offence to Defense.” Thus, the paper is seeking a proper answer for the question “What are the reasons and Channels of Iran’s impact on Russian change of approach from offence to defense, and therefore, alleviation of security issues in Central Eurasia?”  The primary answer of the paper to the question lies in “Natural Alliance of Iran and Russia”, and the main reason of Iran’s influence on the development in the Offence-Defense equation of Russia is the “common threats and concerns of Iran and Russia from the West and compatibility of the two countries’ interests in stopping western expansionism in the northern and Western borders”. The current paper is of the Analytical-Descriptive type and the method used is inferential and the findings of the paper which are mostly analyzed based on references to objective-historical evidence and logical reasoning are proof of the truth of the primary answers.

Following the emergence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an influential regional organization in the expanse of Eurasia in the early 21st century, Tehran has aptly recognized this mechanism for spread of multilaterism, creation of a Eurasian order, and the connection of the country’s economy with the nonwestern capital and technology markets. On the other side, it has been for long that the Shanghai leaders have come to this conclusion that introducing new governments, both as permanent members and supervising members and participation in the talks, broadens not only the borders of the organization, but also helps alleviate criticisms concerning the limited scope of activities of the organization and increase its effectiveness. As a result, the founding members agreed to Iran full membership process at the 21st session of the organization, after Iran’s 15 years of waiting. The present paper intends to answer the key question below: What does Tehran full member mean, among the current geopolitical changes in Eurasia? And what role can Tehran play in completing the organization in integrating Eurasia?  Based on the Constructivism Theory and Social Construct of regions, the findings of this research show, using the qualitative method and Inter-minded Horizon , that in a long term look , the Shanghai Organization  provides a significant mechanism for achieving some goals of foreign policy , especially for the “Look to East” policy of Tehran.  Full membership, also facilitates active participation of Tehran in shaping the security and economic status of the region. Tehran, in its turn , can play a major role in formulating and completing the Shanghai Organization, because Iran’s regional interests arise from the country’s goals in creating a Eurasian Society and preventing the region from becoming a hotbed of terrorism and extremism;  using the country’s geo-economic capacities for creating a bridge between Asia and Europe, as well as Iran’s position as a hub of trade and connecting roads in the region , is compliant with the Shanghai Organization’s goals.

The collapse of the former Soviet Union, drew the Caspian Sea region out from a pure and calm strategic region and created numerous geopolitical opportunities and challenges for Iran and Russia. This fundamental development caused change in the surrounding Caspian Sea’s political borders and impacted on the legal status of the sea. Iran and Russia’s policies and approaches towards the Caspian Sea legal status fundamentally altered, as well. At the same time, with the emergence of differences of opinions and views among the coastal countries on the legal status and the way to exploit the Caspian Sea resources, there was created a fertile bed for presence and interference of big and extra-regional countries in the Caspian Sea. Under such circumstances, Iran/Russia policy alignment for managing the legal status developments of the Caspian Sea and preventing it from becoming a new hotbed of tensions , as well as, nearing together the opinions and positions of the other coastal countries has been crucial. The pivotal and main question of the present article is what impact Iran and Russia policies toward the legal status of the Caspian Sea can have on the expansion of penta-lateral cooperation among the Caspian Sea coastal countries. In the present paper this question is put to test whether Iran/Russia policies towards the Caspian Sea legal system- apart from the negative historical mindsets between the two countries- due to reasons like geographical continuity, regional requirements, joint destiny and the Caspian Sea vulnerability resulting from presence of the big powers, and concerns about emergence of instability and insecurity in the Caspian Sea, have been more convergent and led to strengthening of cooperation and conclusion of various documents of penta-lateral cooperation among the coastal countries. The present paper is of the Analytical-Descriptive type and the method used is inferential and the data has been analyzed using library and Internet sources.

The New Silk Road as the most ambitious macro-project in the current time is the sign and symbol of China’s power projection beyond its borders. Two lanes of the six lanes of the land belt of the New Silk Road go through the Russian territory. Also, Europe will be the main terminal of the land and sea routes of this grand project. Furthermore, China’s relations with Russia and Europe will involve potential tensions with huge consequences for the balance of power and global economy. From this perspective, the main issue is some sort of divergence and convergence of these three big powers along the Silk Road’s Eurasian land route. What are the divergence and convergence factors in China’s relations with Russia and Europe along the New Silk Road? The thesis is premised on the fact that the Polar Silk Road lays the ground for convergence, and the one going through Central Asia diverges Moscow and Beijing, and on the other side, China’s projects in the Balkans cause convergence in East Europe, while bringing divergence of relations with Central and Western Europe powers. This writing shows in detail the branches and the consequences of the Icy (Polar) Silk Road. Also, it enumerates the challenges and opportunities between China and Russia, especially in Central Asia; then, it shows China’s policy-line for infiltrating into East Europe and the Balkans. The paper explores the extent and expanse of China’s tense relations with West Europe countries. The theoretical framework of the paper is progressive based on a tri-faceted and tri-spherical reading of geopolitics. Such a framework of connection of these three structures with geographical factors shows that the roots and consequences of this macro-project can be traced back to the spheres of Geopolitics, Geo-culture,   and Geo-economy as well as to the three “International”, “Regional”, and “Internal” levels.