نشریه مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل
سال پنجم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1401)

Considering the evolution of the global political economy system, the concise understanding of the category Foreign policy of countries with oil-based economic systems is an important axis of the dual system. Despite numerous studies that have been conducted to understand the formation of foreign policy in this countries, it is very difficult to explain the foreign policy of these countries due to the multitude of effective factors. But it seems that Cox's views provide us with a suitable platform for understanding how foreign policy is formed in these countries. The present study raises the key question of what effect does the oil-based production system have on the foreign policy of oil-based governments? According to Cox’s opinions, it seems that the structure of oil-based production has a basic effect on the formation of foreign policy in these countries by establishing social relations of production and government configuration; In other words, the action of foreign policy in these countries is in the continuation of social relations of production and in order to reproduce the monopoly of oil exploitation. In this way, the purpose of this study is to investigate and understand the relationship between the oil-based production system and foreign policy. The findings of this study, emphasizing Cox's opinions and the fundamental exploratory method, show that the interests and tendencies of the dominant classes and social forces in the oil-based social relations have a basic effect on the action of foreign policy in countries with an oil-based economic system.

The world is currently witnessing an economic transition from great western powers to the emerging markets. New crises, particularly Covid 19, have challenged the massive progress and hegemony of the West centered on the United States and the European Union. While at the beginning of the millennium, the movement of the European Union towards economic and political union was considered an irresistible and irreversible process that it was placed in a more complicated situation with the outbreak of Covid-19 and the aggravation of other existing crises. In this article, these questions have been raised that in the perspective of 2050, which countries are the most important actors of the global political economy? And secondly, what is the position of the European Union among other actors of the global political economy? In other words, the main goal of this study is to identify the most important competitors of the Union in the perspective of 2050 by measuring the weight of other actors in the global political economy and to determine the position of the Union among these actors using software analysis. The present study tries to answer the two mentioned questions by holding an expert panel, and the Mactor structural analysis method (two methods of future research) and using the latest available sources. This study is well organized in such a way that first, a review was made on the theoretical framework of the paper, which is institutionalism, and then the most important actors of the future of the global political economy were examined. In the following, the analysis of the research data was done using Mactor software (one of the conventional methods in the la prospective school) and finally, a summary was presented.

Neoliberalism is a set of economic policies having undergone extensive changes in the domestic economic system of countries and the international economic system, and its most important components are: firm belief in a free and unlimited global free market and private property. The new economic policy in Iraq is being implemented in the political context imposed by the US occupation. This economic policy in Iraq is linked to the capitalist policy of the United States; Thus, all the characteristics of neoliberalism are evident in one model, that is military attack and occupation, the demarcation of the power-dependent political system, and the imposition and application of an economic model against us. These policies started with a shock and are continuing with a structural adjustment; In other words, these policies do not arise from social needs and necessities, rather they are the product of a sudden political change that happened through the occupation and not during the objective growth of society and internal forces or at the level of its production. This study does not claim that Iraq is a government with a neoliberal economy, but seeks to describe, analyze and criticize the detrimental consequences of the policies neoliberal economic model on the Iraqi government and society. The US-led global capitalist system integrated the US into an open market economy and global capitalism by creating a shock to Iraq. This action was not only in the direction of reform for Iraqi government, but since it was the outcome of a suddenly shocking act through the occupation of Iraq, It was shocking through the occupation of Iraq and it did not meet the needs of the economic, political and social development of Iraqi society, so it caused numerous political, economic and social challenges including unemployment, poverty, corruption and corruption, the growth of terrorism, the rise of domestic and foreign debts and, the disappearance of the domestic private sector, the disappearance of trade unions, the rise of class divisions, national dissatisfaction and relative prosperity, the outflow of the country's wealth through the creation of a false and opaque private sector, the stabilization of the rentier economy, the rise of costs in the public sector especially the employees.

The tourism is considered as one of the factors of achieving economic growth and development, but terrorist activities through damage to the infrastructure, and physical and human resources as well as indirect effects such as reducing the desire to foreign and domestic invest, increasing the cost of trade and weakening it, intensifying uncertainty, making space more secure and increasing military and security expenses, etc., lead to damage to the tourism industry of a country. The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of terrorist activities on tourism demand in selected West Asian countries during the period of 1990-2019 using panel data. The results showed that the effect of terrorist incidents on tourism demand is negative and significant. Meanwhile, the more terrorist casualties in a country, the lower the number of international tourists entering that country, because the societies in which psychological and life security of tourists are preserved, they will be more beneficial to tourists, and they will be the priority of their choice for travel.

Europe is an important commercial and economic partner of the Republic of China. Manufacturing and industrial cooperation is expanding between the Republic of China and European countries. The Economic-Industrial Document of the Republic of China, namely Made in China 2025, is an industrial program for the Chinese government signed by the Xinjiang government in 2015, and according to the schedule, the Chinese government must turn into a world power in high-tech industries and a knowledge-based country within ten years. China's actions in the direction of this document, which are led by the market and the government, made the country more connected to the global supply chain. Despite the independence of Chinese government in advancing the goals of the document, it has been pointed out the flexibility and reduction of restrictions on investments and activities of foreign companies. According to the goals of the document, China needs the experiences of European industries and opens its doors to European investors and industrialists. China has been focused on European markets and has held negotiations with the officials of these countries. With descriptive-explanatory method, it has been answered the question that what effect has the trade and economic policies of the Republic of China in the China-Industrial-Economic Document 2025 had on the trade-economic policies of Europe in 2015-2020? At the answer of this, it is assumed that the China-Made 2025 document paves the way for the establishment of multilateral mechanisms, the establishment of rules and procedures for cooperation in various fields of production and industry between China and Europe, and has created a network of mutual dependencies between them.

In 1399, a document was signed between Iran and China, which is known in public literature as the 25-year Iran-China agreement, and organized cooperation between the two countries for a period of 25 years in various fields including "political", "executive", "humanitarian and cultural", "judicial”, “security” and “defense", "regional” and international". This study seeks to answer the question of how the 25-year Iran-China agreement can be evaluated in the light of China's foreign policy developments. The hypothesis of the present study, which was examined by descriptive-analytic method, was that with the end of the Cold War, the foreign policy of China orientations changed from "non-alignment" to "partnership agreement" and the 25-year Iran-China agreement can be evaluated in this Approach. Addressing this issue is important in terms of examining the 25-year Iran-China agreement from a Chinese foreign policy perspective. This study will show how the Chinese implement their strategies in the form of a coordinated and planned policy. Experimental findings showed that since 1993, the number of Chinese partners in the form of a partnership agreement has been on the rise, with Beijing now partnering with more than 78 countries. It means that participatory diplomacy has become an important tool in China's foreign policy in recent years. Of course, the pattern of strategic partnership of China varies from country to country, depending on its position in the foreign policy of this country. Theoretical findings of this study also showed that the orientation of the foreign policy of this country is not fixed and changes in different conditions under the influence of the requirements of national interests.

Different countries play a multi-dimensional role in the foreign policy strategies of regional and global players by taking advantage of their different geographical features. Syria is not an exception to this rule and due to its various geographical, economic, cultural and political specialties, it has a multi-dimensional position in the sphere of foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran has played. Despite the fact that Syria's strategic position in the axis of resistance has affected other dimensions of the importance of this country; however, Syria has high geo-cultural and geo-economic capacities, which can turn into active and multi-faceted activism in Iran's foreign policy strategies in the future if given serious attention. This study seeks to answer the question, what are the most important geo-economic opportunities of Iran in the post-civil war environment of Syria using a descriptive-analytic method and using various library sources. The findings indicated that Syria has various geo-economic capacities such as the location in the Iran-Iraq-Syria-Europe energy corridor (Persin Pipe), the Persian Gulf-Mediterranean land corridor, and also a suitable environment for Iran investment in the oil and mining sectors, with paying attention to Syria's need for extensive reconstruction after the civil war. In fact, Syria can be considered as Iran geo-economic complement in the field of energy export as well as access to European bases.

One of the most important issues that today is emphasized in the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran is self-reliance. Numerous factors have motivated the Islamic Republic of Iran to pay attention to and emphasize self-reliance, including the experience of imposed war and international sanctions. However, it remains to be seen what the effect of the implementation of this strategy on national security is, because for a long time, the issue of national security has always been the most important concern of past and present governments and has been expanded and taken under the influence of various factors. Accordingly, the leading question of this study is what effect does the idea of self-reliance have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis is that the underlying factors of self-reliance such as national cohesion, major geo-political position of the country, historical-civilizational background, will of political independence, mutual trust of people and rulers, and also the effective and constructive relationship with regional and international players on the realization idea of self-reliance and national security will be effective too. Also, the method used in this research is descriptive-analytic method using survey method. The statistical population was selected from the academic elite and researchers, and then the collected data were analyzed by SPSS l. Finally, the data were analyzed by descriptive-analytic method with reference to the Copenhagen theoretical ideology. The findings showed the existence of a meaningful relationship between contextual variables and national security.

The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of negative emotions (anger, fear, contempt and disgust) on customer’s purchasing intention of Products of Hostile Country, considering the moderating role of products quality. In this study, structural equation modelling methods and smart PLS 2 and SPSS 25 software were applied. The statistical population of this study were Iranian owners of iPhones, from which 384 people were chosen as the sample group using simple sampling method and their attitude were collected through a questionnaire. The results indicated that the negative emotions of anger, contempt and disgust have significant effect on purchase intention of iPhone brand products in Iran, but fear doesn’t have a significant effect on purchasing intention of customers. Furthermore, the results showed products quality has a moderating role on the relationship between anger and purchasing intention. The quality variable does not show moderating effect between other independent and dependent variables. The findings were discussed in strategy settings of international forms and policy making of countries that are willing to limit the economic presence of countries with hostile attitudes in their market, with the help of the differences in the nature of the above-mentioned negative emotions and attribution theory.

An important issue on which the political and economic experts and the public have recently focused is the failure of privatization and failure to transfer governmental property to the private sector (the public) and extensive transfer of national property to the sector so-called quasi-government. A review on the privatization process in Iran, after 30 years, indicates that after years of struggling to cut the government's hand in the economics, not only people own no large corporations, but the government is also excluded from running them and a powerful sector, i.e. quasi-government has been formed along with the public and private sectors. Using theoretical-analytic method and according to the theory of "violence and social order" by Douglas North, John Joseph Wallis, and Barry Winga, which is based on the conscious distribution of rent among elites in a restricted order, the present study aims at finding an answer to this question what caused diversion of privatization and transfer of government property that is considered national capital to the quasi-government sector (public non-governmental and military institutions). In this sense, it can be said that in the restricted order, the dominant coalition to control social order and prevent the dissatisfaction of the core members of power have to grant political and economic privileges (rent) to these members. In this context, the transfer of property to sectors that are neither public nor private in Iran is based on this trend.

Climate change, population growth, industrial development and inappropriate use of existing water resources have been resulted in water crisis and the resulting security challenges has been turned into one of the most important issues in the international community. In such a situation, focusing on the condition of border rivers is of increasingly importance, and it has led to increased hydro political disputes and conflicts between countries. Owing to the fact of having common border rivers, Iran is no exception to this rule. Hence, it has started planning for management and more utilization of water resources of its border rivers. One of these programs is a project called "Western Tropical System". The aim of the present study is to identify threats and damages caused by the reduction of water entering the territory of Iraq after the implementation of this project using the concept of extended security in the Copenhagen School. The main question of this study is how water management of rivers in western border called the tropical system project affect the economic, political and security relations between Iran and Iraq. In this research, descriptive-analytic method has been used and the data were collected with the use of field observation, interviews, documents and the internet. The main hypothesis of the research is that "the management of border rivers water and the implementation of large water projects in the western part of the country will cause political and security tensions and disrupt economic interactions between Iran and Iraq." The evidence suggests that the implementation of this project will lead to sustainable development and security and will avoid the migration of the residents of the border areas. However, to prevent possible economic and political security threats due to the reduction of water entering to Iraq, as well as the inter basin transfer, the necessary equipment should be provided by the diplomatic apparatus and other relevant institutions and organizations. In this regard, some recommendations have been presented.

The status of economy is decisive in the positioning of countries in the regional and global power and wealth system. Promoting economic power and achieving national and local balanced progress are considered as the first function of the state in the global political economy. Solving the needs of the national political economy and local sustainable development management in the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially in the conditions of international sanctions, requires the adoption of new political strategies and approaches. The application of the development capacity of cities activity in their surrounding geography is one of the priorities of national development policy at the local governance and specifically urban management policy. The role-playing mechanism of the city in the globalization context is the application of urban diplomacy. The discourse arising from the attention to the city and the necessity of adapting the national and local planning system to the requirements of the appropriate activity of the cities in the surrounding areas are still neglected in the development policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Kermanshah is the most important population center in the west of the Iran with a decisive geo-political, geo-economics and geo-cultural weight in the region. However, the equal development process of this province has found a problematic situation. This study tries to find an answer about what the way out of the development bottlenecks of Kermanshah province in the framework of the political economy approach is. The hypothesis of this study is that the application of the political economy approach to the management of urban sustainable development involves the prioritization of urban development issues, branding and improving the image of the city and activation of urban diplomacy for connecting the political economy of the city to its surrounding geography, and providing for the participation of the city in the processes of Production, trade, money, finance, tourism and communication of the region at domestic and foreign level. The method of this research is descriptive-analytic and the data were collected from written sources and theoretical-practical texts, land use reports of Kermanshah province, field observations and live experience of the authors. A theoretical and empirical finding of this research indicates that the absence of a political economic approach to the development, has delayed designing and formulation of the sustainable economic development policy of Kermanshah province, achieving a strategic consensus around the identity of the political economy of that and not to adopt efficient mechanisms of interaction with national and regional power and wealth circles. The result of the aforementioned discontinuity is the accumulation of problems affecting the equal development of the province.